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Mother Jones

Get Ready For OpenAI’s ‘The Social Network’ Movie Moment

“Countries will fall. Industries are gonna collapse,” Andrew Garfield, the actor playing OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, says in the teaser trailer for Artificial. “And we get to be the ones to shepherd people into this new world.”

The film’s set against the backdrop of the five days in November 2023 after Altman was ousted and then reinstated as CEO. The drama of that week is now the stuff of legend: text messages between Altman and then-interim CEO Mira Murati, later released in court documents, show him desperately pleading for the board to reinstate him. Even more extensive reporting from the time turned up dozens of Atlman’s former co-workers, all of whom describe him as someone with an implacable drive for more power. Will Artificial have any sympathy for him? Or will he be a monstrous villain undeserving of such consideration?

The trailer doesn’t do much to dispel this notion. In it, Garfield gets out of a Batmobile-looking car and walks into a futuristic blue-light room stacked with automatic guns encased in glass shelves. The question for audiences isn’t subtle: can and should Altman be trusted with a tool as powerful as artificial intelligence?

The movie’s marketed as a thriller, which makes sense because OpenAI has undeniably done things worthy of the genre. This week, the Intercept reported that the Pentagon asked the company, which signed a $200-million agreement with OpenAI back in February, to design automated tools that would rarely deny their requests.

Then on Monday, OpenAI announced that it had solved a 200-year-old math problem, and on Tuesday, said it only took its AI agents 88 hours to complete and provided its full solution to the public. That would be a monumental achievement, evidence of AI’s efficiency over human intelligence. But mathematician Tristan Buckmaster said on Monday night the company actually rushed to solve the equation after learning about his and his colleague’s, Levent Alpöge, an Anthropic employee, progress on the problem using Anthropic and OpenAI tools. It wasn’t about the good of humanity. It was about competition.

On Tuesday, OpenAI said it heard rumors last week that two complex, long-unsolved math problems had been solved—one of which was the problem Buckmaster and Alpöge were working on. “Inspired by these rumors,” the company said it tried to use one of its internal models to solve it and said it did not realize until later that Alpöge was an Anthropic employee.

The movie, scheduled to release on December 25, also has drama of its own: Amazon dropped the project in June, following its partnership with OpenAI, which integrates the company’s models into Amazon Web Services.

Garfield notably portrayed Facebook co-founder Eduardo Saverin in The Social Network, a 2010 film about Mark Zuckerberg’s time in college. That film seemed to sympathize with Zuckerberg as a tragic figure leading a company that hadn’t yet leaked tens of millions of users’ personal data, failed to stop its platform from being used to “foment division and incite offline violence” in the ongoing genocide of the Rohingya people in Myanmar, or become a hotbed of dangerous AI slop.

Public sentiment has turned so squarely against companies that profit from social media that even West Wing creator Aaron Sorkin—who also wrote the screenplay for the 2010 film—has returned to the action with another dramatic rendering of Zuckerberg due out in October and aptly named The Social Reckoning.

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Mother Jones

A Teachers Union and Microsoft Just Made An AI Safety Deal. But Compliance Remains an Open Question.

On Wednesday morning, in a Manhattan press room containing about 50 reporters and union members, one of the largest teachers’ unions in the US announced an agreement with Microsoft that, among other things, prohibits the tech company from tracking student use of its AI tools and applying student and teacher data to train AI models.

The guidelineslisted in the American Federation of Teachers’ deal with Microsoft apply to any school district “that desires the same principles” when forming their own customer agreements with the company and purchasing its AI products.

The union also gives Microsoft—and any other tech company that signs on (AFT President Randi Weingarten mentioned ongoing conversations with OpenAI and Anthropic during Wednesday’s announcement)—a 180-day deadline to delete records of AI data use from students and school districts on itsactive systems following a request.

Microsoft agreed not to use student and teacher data to train its AI — but there are exceptions. The guidelines point out “narrow safety and security” situations, including letting the company use “the minimum amount” of school user data to detect, prevent, investigate, or remediate harm to users or security threats to its AI products and retain it “for as long as reasonably necessary.”

The contract also lists “contractual remedies” for school districts that sign on, such as the ability to pause or discontinue Microsoft’s deployment of its AI systems if the company commits any material breaches of its agreement obligations.

The current guidelines do not present explicit, quantifiable rules for what is considered remediation by a “reasonable” time—it’s something that both Microsoft and the customer will “engage in good faith” to come up with.

When I askedMicrosoft Vice Chair and President Brad Smith about specific guidelines on how an accountability process will work if Microsoft fails to comply with remediation on Wednesday, he largely dodged the question, saying that Microsoft has to publish reports that provide transparency to the AFT and school districts and have tight deadlines for fixes.

“Obviously, this [remediation process] becomes part of our broader contract with each school district, and all of those [existing] contracts already have built-in remedies,” Smith told Mother Jones. “I think that there’s just an unprecedented amount of transparency associated with the commitments that are in this agreement.”

When I asked again about specific steps that will be taken if Microsoft fails to comply, Smith said they are “connected back into the provisions that we have in our contract with each school district. Those can vary.”

“Mostly, what I find is that what people want when something goes wrong is just to go fix it. People don’t want to end up with more time with lawyers,” he continued. “That’s always an option if somebody wants to take action, but let’s just fix problems when they arise.”

While accountability applies to how each school district will work with Microsoft in the near future, the company seemingly not holding discussions now raises questions about the feasibility of contract enforceability.

Microsoft, and other companies like Google, have a history of promoting their AI products to schools and educators, and a healthy skepticism is needed when relying in part on tech companies to police AI and previous failures of implementing educational technology.

Weingarten and Michael Mulgrew, president of the United Federation of Teachers representing New York City public school educators and others, who were also taking questions immediately following the announcement, did not respond to the question.

The contract comes a week after New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced a one-year moratorium on AI use for elementary and middle school students in the city’s public schools, and the Los Angeles Unified School District announced restrictions to generative AI platforms for all students for the 2026-27 school year.

The AFT’s contract with Microsoft contains the sentence “When in doubt, protect the student.” on the bottom of each of the 31 pages. But exactly how any of these policies around AI use in schools will actually work remains unclear.

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Mother Jones

“We’re the Outliers Here”: UK-Led Sanctions on Israeli Settlements Isolate the US

On September 8, the British government banned the import of goods from Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Eleven other nations—Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Sweden—signed a joint statement with the UK, saying they too plan to introduce sanctions prohibiting trade in goods with the settlements.

“The Government of Israel must immediately halt the expansion of settlements and civilian administrative powers, ensure accountability for settler violence, and investigate allegations against Israeli forces,” the foreign ministers of the twelve countries wrote.

Since 2023, according to a Human Rights Watch report, Israeli settlers have fully or partially displaced 107 different West Bank communities. With Israeli military backup, settlers frequently attack and kill Palestinians. In July of 2024, the United Nations’ top court declared that settlements in the West Bank—housing over 500,000 Jewish Israelis, buoyed by religious fervor and generous government tax breaks—are illegal under international law. Nonetheless, West Bank settlers are subsidized by millions of dollars from US nonprofit organizations, and are rarely, if ever, condemned by the US government.

US officials quickly spoke out against the British sanctions. “Obviously we’re not going to do what the UK did,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio said.

US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee threatened pushback. “If the Brits go and put some kind of boycott and sanctions on them, the repercussions are going to be significant,” Huckabee told the BBC. Rep. Randy Fine (R-Fl.) said the sanctions could impact British trade with the state of Florida, which currently has a law on the books banning any company that boycotts Israel from doing business in the state.

“Florida has made it clear. Any company—or nation—that boycotts Israel is boycotted by Florida,” Fine wrote on social media. This might harm Florida more than it does the UK, though. Great Britain is the single largest foreign investor in the state, which would lose out on billions of dollars if Florida were to boycott UK companies over Israel.

As the British government considers forcing British companies to boycott portions of Israel, it should be aware that a Florida law that I passed as a member of the Legislature would ban any British company forced to comply from doing business with any state or local government in…

— Congressman Randy Fine (@RepFine) September 7, 2026

“ Why are we ruining our relationship with the United Kingdom over Israeli settlements?” asked Matt Duss of the Center for International Policy, who was previously a foreign policy advisor to Bernie Sanders. “This is something I think that most Americans just find ridiculous.”

Six Democratic legislators have commended the United Kingdom’s choice to ban trade in settlement products. Greg Casar (D-Tx.), chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, said in a social media post that “the US must do the same.”

“A very key part of sustaining Israeli impunity is the fact that it’s backed by the United States and the United States is the one that punishes people for imposing consequences on Israel.”

Joaquin Castro (D-Tx.) also applauded the move as a “step in the right direction,” standing against “an ugly land grab carried out through violence and terrorism.”

“Any American President serious about achieving peace should do the same,” Castro added. Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Rep. Jonathan L. Jackson (D-Il.), Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Il.) and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) also threw their support behind the sanctions. Some analysts want to see the US join in on sanctioning Israel—and even go further.

“When Democrats take power in the next Congress, and when hopefully Democrats take back the White House, I want to see people talking about what further, more expansive, and even more serious measures they’re willing to take,” said Duss.

That could include sanctioning any banks that finance mortgages in West Bank settlements, Duss said. “A very key part of sustaining Israeli impunity is the fact that it’s backed by the United States, and the United States is the one that punishes people for imposing consequences on Israel,” he added. “Banning trade with illegal settlements is something we should have done decades ago.”

“It tells the US and Israel that we’re outliers here,” Duss said. “I think the question will be, how many of America’s historic alliances are we willing to undermine and destroy on behalf of this extremist Israeli settlement project?

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Mother Jones

The Impossible Struggle to Demine Gaza

When an Israeli quadcopter drone dropped an explosive that didn’t immediately detonate, Walaa thought her family was safe. The 30-year-old mother of five and her family were sheltering in Gaza City after fleeing the Israeli army’s bombardment of their home in Beit Hanoun.

Without warning, the object exploded, killing Walaa’s husband, children, and six other relatives. Walaa was the only survivor. She suffered severe injuries and permanent physical disfigurements, and spent the next five months receiving treatment at Al-Quds Hospital in the Tel al-Hawa region of Gaza City—treatment which was hindered by the hospital’s shortage of medical resources.

That’s according to an August report from the United Nations Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which called the threat of explosive hazards in Gaza “ever present,” almost a year after a ceasefire agreement was signed.

“After what happened, I was afraid of everything on the ground,” Walaa said later, during an explosive ordnance risk education session by the United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS). “Any piece of metal, any strange object—I did not know what could kill me and what could not.”

Clearing unexploded bombs from Gaza will take decades—once the work is allowed to begin.

Walaa’s story is tragically common. As of August, OCHA estimates that at least 274 people have been killed and 1,134 have been injured in 580 explosive object-related accidents across the Gaza Strip: 10 people per week on average since the war began—and even that figure is a likely undercount, Anna Simonson, a UNMAS program officer, said in an emailed statement.

90 percent of those who are injured by explosives are civilians, mainly children, according to UNMAS Director Kazumi Ogawa. About half of Gaza’s population is under 18—and children are much more likely than adults to see a weapon and mistake it for a toy.

Shortly after the 2025 ceasefire, the aid group Humanity & Inclusion told Reuters it would “likely take between 20 to 30 years” to clear Gaza of unexploded bombs. But international demining teams still don’t have authorization to enter Gaza and remove the explosives. Under the current ceasefire deal, Israel’s “refusal to let Gaza recover until Hamas fully disarms” also prohibits entities like UNMAS and other responders from safely defusing and removing unexploded rockets, artillery shells, grenades, and other munitions.

“Presently, mine action partners do not have permission to move or dispose of these hazards or to conduct the full spectrum of explosive ordnance disposal activities,” the OCHA update said. “Specialized equipment required for such operations remains subject to authorization and cannot be imported at this stage.” The Israel Defense Forces did not respond to a request for comment.

Instead of cleaning up unexploded bombs in Gaza, demining teams are limited to identifying hazards and teaching residents how to identify those hazards themselves. According to OCHA, humanitarian groups have identified 1,052 explosive ordnance items in Gaza since October 2023.

The funding that demining teams in places like Ukraine rely on is harder to come by in Gaza, according to Iain Overton of the London-based Action on Armed Violence research group. The US, for example, spends millions of dollars each year on defusing and removing unexploded bombs and landmines globally—but tends to send that money to countries like Cambodia or Laos. The US spent over $20 billion providing military aid to Israel between 2023 and 2025, but is not subsidizing the removal of unexploded bombs.

“Will big donors like the US be willing to put their hands in their pockets and risk being accused of being party to the destruction?” Overton asked. “Giving large amounts of munitions to Israel, and having to then go in later to clear up those munitions—that’s a difficult framing.”

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Mother Jones

Trump’s Mysterious $45,000 Cash Gift to Natalie Harp

The national gossip over Natalie Harp, President Donald Trump’s most devoted aide and “human printer,” has now reached the natural stage to which most stories closely associated with the president land: a glaring, potentially illegal ethics violation.

According to financial disclosures released by the Trump administration, Trump gave Harp and two other White House staffers, Margo Martin and Chamberlain Harris, $45,000 as “Cash Gift for Holidays,” a highly unusual practice that appears to violate federal law prohibiting outside sources from offering supplemental income to federal employees.

“The President has a longstanding practice of giving Christmas gifts to people in his orbit, including at times employees and aides, both in government and in his time in the private sector,” the White House said in a statement posted to social media. “The gifts at issue here have nothing to do with any of these individuals’ official government duties, and therefore are entirely permissible under relevant legal and ethical standards.”

Trump indeed has a habit of dropping random wads of cash onto unsuspecting beneficiaries, from DoorDash drivers delivering his McDonald’s to undocumented workers at his golf resorts. It’s the kind of showy generosity that has a helluva lot more to do with the instant satisfaction the benefactor gets from looking like the big guy in the room than any actual magnanimity.

But if gifting $45,000 to Harp feels like something else entirely, that’s because Harp is eerily, if not freakishly, close to the president. And we all know this now after MAGA freaked out over a small line Sen. Jon Ossoff tucked into a recent campaign speech:

“While [Trump] fruitlessly drains our munitions and oil reserves, the president sleeps through his meetings. He golfs and trades stocks. See, he doesn’t want to do the job. He wants to build his ballroom and travel with Natalie on their apparently defenseless flying palace gifted by the emir of Qatar.”

The subtext—that Harp’s near-constant presence around the president is the stuff of cult-like devotion—only works, of course, because of the slew of anecdotes demonstrating exactly that: a fierce, unrelenting love for Donald Trump. That includes Harp crediting him with saving her life after a cancer diagnosis, living in the locker room of his Bedminster golf course just to be closer to Trump, and stuffing herself into the trunk of an SUV to accompany the president after initially being denied a normal human seat.

Which is to say, all behavior that not even $45,000 could get this writer to replicate, ever.

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Mother Jones

Data Centers Now Facing Backlash Over Contaminated Wastewater

This story was originally published by The Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

When officials in Wyoming conducted a routine test on the water that was being discharged from a massive under-construction Meta data center, it was a shock to find it contained a rare and potentially hazardous bacterium.

While the wastewater flushed into sewers in Cheyenne, Wyoming, was never destined for the public drinking supply, the presence of Cupriavidus gilardii bacterium in 801,000 gallons of water ejected by a contractor for the data center earlier this year was still unnerving.

Concerned that residents could be exposed to the bacteria if they inhaled evaporating droplets of the water used for irrigation, Cheyenne officials took until July before deciding to stop taking wastewater from Meta’s contractor, Goat Systems—a decision that is now being appealed.

“It was a big surprise,” said Frank Strong, water resources manager at the city’s board of public utilities, about the discovery. “Out of a sense of caution we’ve shut it down until we can find out more information.”

Meta, which is behind the $800 million, 960-acre artificial intelligence (AI) data center campus, said independent testing by its contractor found no evidence of the bacterium and questioned the validity of the city’s own tests.

“Meta is committed to being a good neighbor in Cheyenne, which includes helping protect local water resources,” said a company spokesman. “We appreciate the board of public utilities’ detailed release of information, which confirms the board found no impact to the public or environment.”

However, the bacteria-laden water in Wyoming is just the latest in a series of alarms raised across the US about data centers and water—not just how much of it they are sucking up, but also what’s in the water when it is funneled back into rivers, streams, and public water systems.

“These facilities are spreading across the country like a cancer…AI data centers are very, very good at greenwashing.”

In Virginia, authorities have brought enforcement actions against several data centers for wastewater and wetland permit violations; in West Virginia stormwater runoff from an incomplete datacenter has twice flooded surrounding houses; all while locals and activists have campaigned against the discharge of heated water from an upcoming data center into Lake Seneca, in New York.

The Waterkeeper Alliance, a network of environmental organizations, said 55 of its affiliated groups across the US were working on data center-related issues, with 80 percent of these campaigns centered on concerns that pollutants may be leaching into the environment via discharged water.

Some of this backlash is now set to play out in the courts. In Georgia, Flint Riverkeeper has said it will sue the QTS datacenter in Fayetteville for allegedly ejecting “massive amounts of dirt [and] massive concentrations of metals” into the Flint River over the past two years.

“Data centers are a critical concern for Waterkeeper groups around the globe, in part due to their wastewater concerns,” said a Waterkeeper Alliance spokeswoman. “Data centers have been documented as sources of a wide range of toxic pollutants, including PFAS, heavy metals and antibiotic-resistant bacteria.”

Data centers require large amounts of water for their construction and operation, including for cooling the power-hungry computers at their heart, although the industry points out its water use is a fraction of that of other thirsty sectors, such as agriculture. A mid-sized data center can consume about 300,000 gallons of water a day.

After water is used for cooling or, such as at the Meta facility in Cheyenne, for cleaning debris from pipes in “fill and flush” operations, liquid is ejected back for reuse under terms set by pretreatment permits issued by counties or local wastewater utilities.

This water, released to prevent buildup of minerals and scaling in pipes, can contain heavy metals or PFAS, the “forever chemicals” that are linked to an array of health problems when ingested. These PFAS can be found in the “closed loop” cooling systems that the data center industry lauds for using less water.

“We need to know what is in this wastewater but there is a void of information.”

When used as a coolant, water can come back out hotter than when it was taken, which has alarmed critics of a controversial gas-fired facility that is pivoting from powering crypto mining to AI and draws water from Lake Seneca. The water, opponents point out, can be discharged at a temperature of 108 F into the lake.

“It’s going into a trout stream, where trout are stressed at temperatures of 70 F or higher, and that hot water is also a contributing factor to harmful algal blooms, which is a toxin to both humans and animals,” said Yvonne Taylor, vice-president of Seneca Lake Guardian and president of the National Coalition Against Cryptomining.

“If there are algal blooms,” she said, “people can’t even run their water, because once this stuff gets into their systems it’s very difficult to remove. So you can’t even shower, or you don’t even want to flush your toilet. You definitely don’t want to give your pets water from this.”

Vulcan Infrastructure and Power, which is behind the revamped facility, has previously stressed it has complied with all relevant environmental laws. The company was approached for further comment. New York has issued a temporary moratorium on huge, hyperscale data centers and Taylor claimed there was swelling support across the US for a national pause.

“These facilities are spreading across the country like a cancer,” she said. “AI data centers are very, very good at greenwashing and trying to paint a picture that sounds like everything is going to be nothing but unicorns and rainbows, when in fact what we’re finding out is just the opposite.”

Finding out what is in wastewater from industrial facilities can be challenging, however. An environmental group has sued the city of Racine, Wisconsin, to force more details on the water use of a $3.3 billion Microsoft data center while the city of The Dalles in Oregon sued its local newspaper, the Oregonian, in 2021 to block the public release of water data related to a Google data center before subsequently dropping the case.

“We need to know what is in this wastewater but there is a void of information,” said Chris Manganiello, water policy director at Chattahoochee Riverkeeper in Georgia, where a rash of new datacenters are set to draw water from the Chattahoochee. “I would like there to not be more PFAS going into the river but there is this level of anxiety because we don’t know what’s there.”

Alarm about wastewater is part of a broader backlash against data centers that has rattled some Republicans, even those previously enthusiastic about building AI infrastructure, who have scrambled to recast them as a political liability and vow some scrutiny of their development.

In Wyoming, Harriet Hageman, a Republican congresswoman and devoted ally of Donald Trump, wrote to Mark Zuckerberg, Meta’s chief executive, to demand answers to the bacterial contamination. “Water is a precious resource in our state, so it is of immense concern to learn the system marketed to reduce a data center’s water consumption caused this contamination,” Hageman said.

Trump himself, however, has been unmoved by the sharp public turn against AI data centers, calling them a “golden goose” that creates jobs and wealth. His administration has sought to make it harder for the public to learn about and comment on what datacenters are doing, such as their water use.

“The only reason that communities throughout the USA should not want datacenters is if they want to end up being backwards and poor,” the president posted on Truth Social last week. “If they want to be successful and rich, with far lower taxes and jobs all over the place, let Data Reign.”

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Mother Jones

The Revolutionary Roots That Inspired Tupac Shakur

Last month, Duane “Keffe D” Davis was found guilty of first-degree murder in the death of rapper Tupac Shakur. The verdict came 30 years after Tupac was killed in a drive-by shooting in Las Vegas that for decades remained cloaked in conspiracy theory and mystery.

It’s impossible to overstate rapper Tupac’s influence on music and culture in the 1990s. One of the era’s bestselling musical artists, he helped define West Coast hip-hop through vulnerable, introspective lyrics and Black power politics. His death in 1996 at just 25 years old sparked conspiracy theories and left his fans wondering what might’ve been.

By his own admission, sports writer Jeff Pearlman is not the rapper’s likeliest biographer. Pearlman typically profiles athletes like Barry Bonds or Brett Favre. But as he waited for what he called “the big, fat biography” of Tupac, his impatience and long-standing fascination with the rapper got the best of him. So he set out to write it himself.

“Tupac Shakur…was profoundly smart and in many ways incredibly enlightened, and there’s no reason he shouldn’t have his 12th Academy Award now,” Pearlman tells More To The Story host Al Letson, adding that both Tupac’s music and movies still resonate because they were a compelling combination of hip-hop and Black Panther.

On this week’s episode, Pearlman talks about his book Only God Can Judge Me: The Many Lives of Tupac Shakur; discusses how Tupac’s Black Panther mother, Afeni Shakur, shaped her son; and examines the nuance and mystery that surrounded Tupac’s life and death for decades.

This episode first aired in June 2026.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

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Mother Jones

Watch Trump Falsely Suggest He Was Pulled from Ground Zero on 9/11

Where was Donald Trump on 9/11? Getting pulled from Ground Zero by firefighters, he seemed to claim on Tuesday.

Nup.

“We thought it was coming down on top of us, and two firemen, big strong guys… they grabbed me under the arms, said, ‘got to get out of here!’ and they literally lifted me up… and they started running with me,” the president said in a rambling speech at a memorial ceremony near the White House on Tuesday morning.

Trump claimed first responders pulled from Ground Zero on 9/11 despite previously saying he watched the attack from his apartment window miles away.Sam Van Pykeren

But calling into a local television station a few hours after the attacks in 2001, the real estate developer recounted watching an explosion out of his Trump Tower window more than four miles from the Twin Towers. True to form, he found a way to make the moment about himself, adding that his building, 40 Wall Street, was now the tallest in downtown Manhattan.

The president has landed himself in several 9/11-related controversies in the last 25 years. During the 2016 presidential race, he ignored pleas to help 9/11 first responders pass the reauthorization of the law that set up a health care fund for the police, firefighters, and other rescue workers. In 2015, he falsely said “thousands and thousands” of Muslims in Jersey City cheered the destruction of the Twin Towers. And after the attacks, he “ignored the federal definition of a small business” to collect economic recovery aid meant to go to small businesses for his building at 40 Wall Street.

This year, Trump will be the only living president not in attendance at the Ground Zero memorial ceremony in New York City for the 25th anniversary of the attacks, in part because the ceremony’s organizers wouldn’t let him deliver a speech, according to a New York Times report. Trump responded by saying the story was made up and calling Times reporter Maggie Haberman, one of the four reporters bylined on the story, “Maggot.”

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Gloria Steinem, a Dangerous Woman

A version of the below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

What made Gloria Steinem so dangerous was that she was sassy, charismatic, fierce, funny, and attractive. She blew apart the right-wing trope that feminists were ugly, humorless, bitter man-haters. That’s been a major component of the conservative assault on women’s rights. In 1988, Rush Limbaugh included on his list of “undeniable truths” the assertion that “feminism was established so as to allow unattractive women easier access to the mainstream of society.” In 1992, Pat Robertson, the Christian right leader, derided the “feminist agenda” as “a socialist, anti-family political movement that encourages women to leave their husbands, kill their children, practice witchcraft, destroy capitalism, and become lesbians.” Twenty-nine years later, this sentiment was hiding not too deeply in JD Vance’s comment that the United States was run by “a bunch of childless cat ladies who are miserable at their own lives and the choices that they’ve made and so they want to make the rest of the country miserable, too.”

She was vibrant, glamorous, and so damn smart. A skilled writer and activist, she brought wit and strategic savvy to the women’s movement.

Yet no one could accuse Gloria, the pioneering feminist who died this week at the age of 92, of eschewing fun…and sex. She was vibrant, glamorous, and so damn smart. A skilled writer and activist, she brought wit and strategic savvy to the women’s movement. I knew her through her work with Voters for Choice, a political action committee, and the Women’s Media Center, which she founded with actor Jane Fonda and poet Robin Morgan in 2005 to increase the visibility of women in the media. Every encounter I had with her sparkled with energy. She had plenty of juice that she generously shared nonstop with those around her.

Not surprisingly, she knew everyone and was an enthusiastic networker. Once I was backstage at a Madonna concert in Madison Square Garden, where Voters for Choice was holding a fundraising reception. Gloria was there. As was Pete Townshend of The Who. At one point, Gloria and Townshend engaged in a deep conversation that went on for a while. Afterward, I asked her what they had been discussing so intensely. She told me that they had been friends for years because Townshend and his bandmates had helped finance the first shelter in England for women escaping domestic violence. “C’mon,” she said. “Let me introduce you and make a connection.”

In the past few days, there have been many accolades for Gloria. In a statement, Fonda noted:

Gloria, in her graceful, kind, and deeply intelligent way, changed the world we live in. For decades, she trudged through every airport in the country, in sandals and a trench, carrying her own suitcase, packed with a few black clothes, hair curlers, and steam iron, in order to speak to women—at conferences, town halls, consciousness raising groups. No group was too small to deserve Gloria’s time. This is how she built the new women’s movement. And for a good part of those trips, she insisted she be joined by her friends Dorothy Pitman Hughes and, later, Florynce Kennedy, two prominent Black activists who helped show that this women’s movement addressed race as well as gender.

She had a clever, often funny way to say just what was needed to surface feelings and ideas about where we belonged, what our inchoate yearnings meant, whether power was a word that women could and should embrace for ourselves, and how different power looked when held in men’s hands alone.

She helped so many of us find our voices and the courage to stand up for ourselves and for other women…I believe that she lives on in the changed lives of many women who don’t consider themselves feminists or part of the women’s movement. I’ve met many such women who because of what Gloria said or wrote gained the courage to leave bad marriages, start their own businesses, persuade husbands to help with household chores.

Julie Burton, the president and CEO of the Women’s Media Center, recalled:

Gloria once wrote a letter to Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun, author of the Roe v. Wade decision, thanking him for saving more women’s lives than anyone in US history. We could say the same about Gloria’s impact on women’s lives, because for decades she was at the forefront of the struggle for political and social equality and justice for women. She used her voice and writing to raise visibility for women and the issues of our time. We came to take it for granted that she would always be where she was most needed—at the podium, on TV, on the plane, on the phone, or at the computer—to make the ideal of social justice a reality. Her phrases have become mottoes of our time.

“What would happen, for instance,” she once wrote in Ms. magazine, “if suddenly, magically, men could menstruate and women could not?”

I remember the first time Gloria wowed me. She was describing what I would call the Gloria Steinem role-reversal principle. This is a thought experiment: In any given situation or controversy, flip the genders of those involved and see what changes. Her most famous example of this was an essay titled “If Men Could Menstruate” that she wrote in 1978 for Ms. magazine, which she co-founded. Here’s a taste:

What would happen, for instance, if suddenly, magically, men could menstruate and women could not?

The answer is clear—menstruation would become an enviable, boast-worthy, masculine event:

Men would brag about how long and how much.

Boys would mark the onset of menses, that longed-for proof of manhood, with religious ritual and stag parties.

Congress would fund a National Institute of Dysmenorrhea to help stamp out monthly discomforts.

Sanitary supplies would be federally funded and free. (Of course, some men would still pay for the prestige of commercial brands such as John Wayne Tampons, Muhammad Ali’s Rope-a-dope Pads, Joe Namath Jock Shields—“For Those Light Bachelor Days,” and Robert “Baretta” Blake Maxi-Pads.)

It goes on from there.

Gloria would apply this switcheroo—which could also involve swapping race or political party—to news stories to determine if the coverage might be advancing or covering up a double standard. It’s a valuable device that I often call to mind. (Imagine if a female president fell asleep in the Oval Office.)

Looking back at some of her work and writings, I came across an interview with Gloria that appeared in Mother Jones 31 years ago, when she turned 61. She offered her take on the effort to divide feminism into opposing camps. (She was opposed to that.) And she contemplated her decades as an activist. The piece included this exchange:

At age 61, you’re still declaring yourself a radical and an activist. What are you up against as you grow older?

If we want a world in which you can tell jokes and get massages and have sex and dress however you fucking well please, then we have to create a form of activism that reflects that, and have fun while we’re doing it.

In my case, and in the case of some other women, it takes a lot of years even to question your conditioning. There’s such a deep part of our conditioning that is to make nice. That has an upside, it makes me a peacemaker. But a major problem I see is that we are into this kind of inner-outer division, so that activism is perceived as an activity in which you kill yourself and burn out.

There’s that joke, you know, that death is nature’s way of telling you to slow down. Well, burnout is a way of telling you that your form of activism was perhaps not very full circle. If we want a world in which you can tell jokes and get massages and have sex and dress however you fucking well please, then we have to create a form of activism that reflects that, and have fun while we’re doing it.

Actually the women’s movement has been pretty good at that, but we constantly get sucked back towards the culture in order to prove Seriousness. So we have to be conscious of the fact that as Gandhi said, and Martin Luther King said, and Emma Goldman said, and everybody else in the world who has had this experience has concluded, it isn’t that the end justifies the means, it’s that the means are the ends. And if we can do that, you see, it makes for joy, and mind-expansion, and friendships, and jokes in the process. And that means we can go on forever.

Gloria couldn’t go on forever, of course. We can hope her spirit does.

When she turned 85, I was invited by the WMC to participate in an online tribute to her. I wrote:

For years, what I most relished about Gloria (and envied her for) was her remarkable ability to deftly and elegantly reveal and dissect the destructive power imbalances of American life. Yet now as a father, I treasure Gloria for inspiring my two daughters and for showing them—and so many others across multiple generations—how one can be a great human being, a kickass woman, and a warrior for social justice over an entire lifetime. There’s no higher praise: She has taught us all.

So many people will miss her dearly. And so many more will live better lives because of her without ever realizing what she did for them.

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Mother Jones

Dems Ask for Probe Into Trump Team’s Handling of Anniversary Data

This summer, the Trump administration celebrated the country’s 250th anniversary with a series of splashy events that it insisted were nonpartisan. Tens of thousands of Americans signed up online to grab free tickets for gatherings like the Great American State Fair, the July 4 fireworks show in Washington, and the Patriot Games in Ohio. When they registered to attend those festivities, online forms requested their phone numbers, email address, and ZIP codes.

But few attendees likely realized that they were handing over their personal information to a private vendor that also works for Trump-linked political organizations. Campaign Nucleus—one of several firms owned by former Trump campaign official Brad Parscale—provided the forms used to register for high-profile semiquincentennial events this year.

Campaign Nucleus is one of various vendors with close ties to Trump’s campaign apparatus that was hired by Freedom 250, the group set up last year to help Trump control planning for the anniversary. Rushing to stage the kinds of high-profile events Trump wanted, the operatives running Freedom 250, who are themselves veterans of Trump campaigns, doled out large contracts to fellow MAGA insiders for event planning, public relations, and digital support. As Mother Jones has detailed, much of this was on American taxpayers’ dime.

Citing the cozy ties between annivesarry planners and GOP campaign efforts, House Democrats in a letter Tuesday asked the Government Accountability Office—the investigative arm of Congress—to examine whether pro-Trump political operatives have used data generated from the anniversary events to help Republicans in the upcoming election.

“President Trump and his allies are in a position to use information on American voters, harvested with taxpayer money and government resources, in an attempt to tip the scales in the upcoming midterm elections,” Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) and Rep. Joseph Morelle (D.-N.Y.), the top Democrats on the House Natural Resources and House Adminstration committees, respectively, wrote in a letter Tuesday asking the GAO to investigate.

USA Today reported in July that Americans seeking tickets to the Great American State Fair had to fill out forms that required them to submit their emails and phone numbers. Registrants also encountered a link to 45.donaldjtrump.com, a site that solicited donations to the pro-Trump political action committee Never Surrender.

Freedom250 has said this link was included in error. But the Democrats’ letter said the committee found that an account used to sign up for the fair continued to receive emails seeking donations for Never Surrender for weeks.

Huffman and Morelle said these solicitations represent “a stunning misuse of Freedom 250 resources.” Freedom 250 has received at least $86 million in federal funds intended for nonpartisan anniversary celebrations.

The emails mean “that either Freedom 250 is so closely tied to the Trump campaign that it is using the campaign PAC’s email for its own regular business purposes, or that Freedom 250’s mailing list has already been shared with the Trump campaign and the campaign is utilizing it for outreach,” the Democrats argued. “In either scenario, it is clear that Freedom 250 and the Trump campaign are co-mingling their activities and using Freedom 250’s collected data to point registrants to a campaign PAC’s website.”

“A national contact list assembled at taxpayer expense, enriched with geolocation and behavioral data and scored for persuadability, is an asset of extraordinary value to a party heading into a midterm election,” the lawmakers said.

Freedom 250 is a limited liability company set up under the National Park Foundation, a nonprofit that is itself run by the Interior Department. This unusual structure has so far enabled the group to mostly avoid congressional scrutiny, including over its data policies. “It is unclear what safeguards exist to prevent data collected by Freedom 250 from migrating to Freedom 250’s political allies,” the lawmakers wrote.

Parscale’s companies did not respond to inquiries from Mother Jones about how they handle personal information provided by Americans who signed up for Freedom 250 events. A Freedom 250 spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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Mother Jones

It’s a Bad Time To Be an American Worker

It’s the day after Labor Day, and it’s not a great day to be a worker. New data released this month by the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that the share of economic growth that translates to worker compensation is now at the lowest level ever recorded. Now, 52.8 percent of that wealth goes into workers’ pocketbooks. For comparison, that number—known to economists as the “labor share”—was at about 65 percent immediately following World War II, when the government began collecting data.

“Since approximately the start of this century, the S&P 500 stock index has gained about 600 percent,” as Rob Wile recently reported for NBC News. “Over the same period, inflation-adjusted worker earnings have climbed just 12.5 percent.” Corporate profits are at a record high. Many Americans, meanwhile, are doing things like buying groceries on credit and taking out “buy now, pay later” loans to afford electricity or rent.

There are a few different factors that might be blamed for this situation: corporate consolidation, tariff-related price-gouging, and the capital-intensive, labor-light AI boom among them. But this trend—GDP goes up, but workers take home a slimmer share of that money—has been building for fifty years, long before AI or the Trump presidency.

“I think it’s really disturbing news for workers,” Joseph McCartin, professor of labor history at Georgetown University, told Talking Points Memo back in May, when the labor share hit 54.1 percent. That was, at the time, the lowest level on record. In the intervening months, the labor share has plunged yet again. “It shows that even while the economy is growing, workers are getting a smaller and smaller share of the economic pie.”

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Mother Jones

Study: Almost Half the World’s Farmers Are Poisoned by Pesticides Each Year

This story was originally published by The Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Almost half of the world’s farmers are poisoned by pesticides every single year, a study has found.

Using publicly available data from 2006-2023, the study, which was commissioned by Pesticide Action Network, found there to be an estimated 402 million to 433 million cases of unintentional acute pesticide poisoning of farmers and farm workers every year.

Based on a worldwide farming population of 934 million, this means approximately 46 percent of farmers are being poisoned every year. The greatest estimated number of poisonings was in southern Asia, followed by Southeast Asia and East Africa.

The overall highest national incidence of poisoning was in Burkina Faso in West Africa, where nearly 84 percent of farmers and farm workers were reported to have experienced poisoning.

The study, published in the journal Frontiers in Public Health this past Wednesday, also found that an estimated 11,000 deaths occur every year due to pesticide poisoning, with nearly 60 percent of these in India.

The director general of Parkinson’s Europe said there was also “overwhelming evidence” to suggest that Parkinson’s was an environmentally driven disease.

Jayakumar Chelaton, the executive director of Pesticide Action Network India, said the research exposed a “crisis that can no longer be ignored.”

The authors of the study are calling for “immediate action,” including the implementation of a UN recommendation to phase out highly hazardous pesticides.

The study states that despite global efforts to highlight the dangers, pesticide use has continued to grow steadily, with 3.8 million metric tons used in 2023, a doubling since 1990.

Dr Sheila Willis, the head of international programmes at Pesticide Action Network UK, said: “Now that the scale of suffering has been revealed, farmers must be supported to access safer alternatives to protect their health and that of their families.”

The study did not consider the impact of pesticide exposure on the estimated 84 million children working in agriculture and did not look at the long-term health impacts, with acute pesticide poisoning defined in the study as any illness or health effect experienced a short time after exposure.

Génon Jensen, the executive director of the Health and Environment Alliance, said: “We are extremely concerned about the devastating health impacts from pesticide poisonings—both the acute impacts mentioned in this study but also chronic exposures that farm workers and communities suffer.”

Hélène Nicora, the director general of Parkinson’s Europe, said there was also “overwhelming evidence” to suggest that Parkinson’s was an environmentally driven disease, with growing evidence linking pesticide exposure to the development of Parkinson’s.

Parkinson’s disease is a progressive disorder in which parts of the brain become damaged over time, affecting movement and balance. The global burden of the disease is rising, with France, Germany and Italy all recognizing it as an occupational disease for farmers.

Farmers and farm workers are mainly exposed to pesticides during preparation and application, as well as when touching treated crops and contaminated equipment or clothing.

Speaking at a webinar organized by Friends of the Earth Europe earlier this year, Rendert Algra said he believed his Parkinson’s disease was linked to the pesticides he had used when working at his family farm in the Netherlands. “Being the eldest son, I did all the spraying of pesticides in our fields for several years in a row,” he said.

Despite being the most robust study to date, the report highlights that available information on pesticide poisoning is inadequate, with the authors calling for standardised surveillance and reporting protocols so that pesticide-related poisonings become reliable and comparable.

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Mother Jones

John Fetterman Accuses “Disgruntled Staffers” of Spreading “Lies”

Sen. John Fetterman responded angrily this weekend to a recent _Wall Street Journa_l report, which quoted former staffers and the senator’s own alleged text messages to demonstrate his waning interest in performing basic job duties. The Pennsylvania Democrat, per the report, declined to meet with constituents, balked at attending a funeral for three slain police officers shot in York County, and asked why he had to keep meeting with representatives from the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia.

In an exclusive response to CNN, Fetterman called the reports about his attitude the work of “disgruntled staffers,” adding, “Per usual — lies, half-truths, innuendos, smears and anonymous.” An anonymous Twitter account claiming to represent former staffers was also created on Friday, promising that the WSJ story was, in the Twitter account’s words, “just the tip of the iceberg.”

Fetterman, a first-term senator, has become, as one ex-staffer told Mother Jones last year, “Trump’s favorite Democrat.” He’s sided with Republicans on a myriad of issues, including voting against limiting Trump’s attack on Iran and taking a hard-line approach to immigration. He has rejected calls to shut down ICE and instead favors what he describes as “commonsense reforms.” (This despite the fact that his own wife, Gisele Barreto Fetterman, was herself previously undocumented.) He’s also a strident backer of the Israeli government at a time when many Democrats are no longer defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and the West Bank; the WSJ report charged that he’s spent time courting conservative media and the pro-Israel advocates at the expense of many other constituencies.

Much of the discussion about Fetterman has centered around how much his decision-making has been impacted by a stroke he suffered in 2022 while on the campaign trail. A May 2025 story in New York magazine reported on what staffers said was an alarming series of personality changes over time. His former chief of staff Adam Jentleson wrote in a 2024 memo quoted by the magazine that Fetterman was, in his words, “on a bad trajectory,” and outlined apparent impacts on his approach to work and policy: “Conspiratorial thinking; megalomania (for example, he claims to be the most knowledgeable source on Israel and Gaza around but his sources are just what he reads in the news — he declines most briefings and never reads memos); high highs and low lows; long, rambling, repetitive and self centered monologues; lying in ways that are painfully, awkwardly obvious to everyone in the room.”

Fetterman has rejected reports from former staffers that he’s not fit to serve. In his response to CNN this weekend, he called the WSJ report “the third hit piece from disgruntled staffers” targeting him and claimed the cited text messages were “stripped of any context and circumstances.” He said that while he hadn’t attend the police officers’ funeral, he did express his condolences on Twitter, had flowers sent, and, in June, “privately attended a Tunnel to Towers fundraiser in York for the families.” In response to the allegation that he expressed distaste about meeting with the children’s hospital representatives, he said he had met with them “virtually and in person,” pointing to a photo he posted on Twitter flashing a thumbs-up in their presence. Staffers had reportedly told him the meetings were necessary because hospital officials were “worried about Medicaid cuts,” to which Fetterman reportedly responded, “Well I’m not.” In his CNN response, Fetterman said that comment had been “a dumb joke, and for that, I sincerely apologize.”

The new anonymous Twitter account—calling itself Former Fetterman Staffers—is, according to The New York Times,“authentic” and “a group effort.” The bio for the account describes it as a group of former staffers who are “disgusted with what he’s become” and are “here to share our stories & make sure Pennsylvanians know exactly who he is.” The account said it would share its first “drop” on September 14th, the day the Senate reconvenes for its next session.

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Mother Jones

Trump Wants to Make Sure Every Voter Knows the Midterms Are a Referendum on Trump

Republican politicians are heading to Texas next week—some of them, anyway. At Donald Trump’s behest, the party is holding a special midterm convention in Dallas to celebrate what the president calls “our Tremendous Victories and Success.” On Saturday, he once again hyped the event, writing on Truth Social: “The Greatest RALLY of them all! I’ll be speaking on night one, and hanging around for an earlier closing, and lots of music, on night two!!! See you in Dallas.”

In other words, despite his record-low approval ratings, Trump has determined that the midterms must be about him and a referendum on his second presidency—even as GOP lawmakers have made it clear that they desperately do not want that to be the case.

Trump’s poll numbers have sagged as the midterms approach, due in large part to the unpopularity of the war in Iran and the cost of consumer goods; that’s true even among Republican voters. And that’s presumably why many GOP lawmakers and candidates would rather not hold a big party celebrating the success of the administration and tying themselves to it just before voters head to the polls. But, as the New York Times recently noted, they also “cannot afford to snub” Trump, or, as a person identified as a “top Republican campaign official” told Axios, “We have no choice. We’re stuck on the boat with him whether we like it or not.”

For his part, as is his wont, Trump seems convinced that having a rally where he’s a keynote speaker will solve everything. While many Republican candidates are reportedly skipping the Dallas convention, plenty will be attending. On Saturday, the Republican National Committee released a list of speakers for the Dallas event, heavily featuring Trump’s own family and current cabinet, including Vice President JD Vance, Donald Trump Jr., HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., House Speaker Mike Johnson, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, and Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, among others. In the release, the RNC also articulated what’s meant to be a unifying message for the proceedings, declaring, “Republicans represent the mainstream, practical values of everyday Americans, while the modern Democrat Party has embraced a fringe, extremely liberal ideological agenda that harms Americans.”

Even one attendee struck a rather non-psyched note on the matter. On Sunday, CNN’s Dana Bash asked Rep. Mike Lawler—a New York Republican facing a competitive reelection battle—about his decision to speak at Trump’s convention and align himself “so closely with the president.”

“It’s not a function of alignment” with Trump, Lawler responded, but rather “a function of doing the job. In order to get anything done, you have to be able to reach across the aisle, and also work within your own party.”

GOP Rep. Lawler on why he’s speaking at Trump’s midterms convention: “Part of what I will be highlighting in my remarks is the ability to not only agree when we must, but disagree and deliver for my district and stand up for the people that I was elected to represent.” pic.twitter.com/GtAHF9Xa0s

— State of the Union (@CNNSOTU) September 6, 2026

A ringing endorsement, to be sure. As the Dallas Morning News noted, there will be one prominent absence among Trump’s inner circle: Melania Trump is not expected to attend.

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Mother Jones

Wind Power Has Benefitted North Dakota. So Why Have Residents Soured on It?

This story was originally published by Canary Media and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

George Wolff offered a cautious greeting through the window of my rented F-150. He was fresh from tending livestock, which explained the dried mud on his forehead and shirt. His boots and jeans were soiled with barnyard muck, his ballcap tipped back to cool his brow.

It was a warm, breezy May day in Wishek, North Dakota, with wind speeds hovering around 20 miles per hour, gusting to the low 30s. Angus cattle foraged on a hillside pasture behind Wolff’s barns. Two John Deere tractors sat idle off the driveway. Planting season was over, but a dry spring had slowed the arrival of this year’s wheat, corn, and soybeans.

“What can I do for you?” asked Wolff, a fourth-generation farmer. The answer was about a half mile behind him, rising above his land like an enormous pinwheel.

That 3-megawatt turbine, one of two on Wolff’s 3,500-acre property, is part of Badger Wind Farm. The 92-turbine, 250-MW project was brought online in January by the Danish energy giant Ørsted and is the newest such installation in North Dakota, which ranks ninth in the US for producing wind energy.

Badger Wind Farm is the largest economic development project in the history of Wishek, an 850-person city about 90 miles southeast of Bismarck in McIntosh County. In exchange for hosting turbines on their property, Wolff and other local farmers and landowners receive lease payments from Ørsted—and the county will see an influx of tax revenues based on the project’s annual generation.

Wind turbines in a field with clouds in the background.

Wind turbines stand over fields in McIntosh County.Erica Dischino

But for many in Wishek, early optimism about the economic benefits has given way to regret and resentment, according to Larry Wald, a lifelong resident and the city’s former mayor and council member. “We used to live in open country, right?” Wald said. ​“Now, these towers are the first thing you see when you come into Wishek and the last thing you see on your way out.”

This notion—that the costs of wind power outweigh the benefits—is not unique to Wishek or McIntosh County. Large swaths of rural America are reevaluating their relationships with commercial-scale clean energy. While states such as California and Iowa are retooling their energy economies around carbon-free power, others are tapping the brakes as renewable energy development faces withering attacks from conservatives.

In North Dakota, many have soured on wind power after embracing it for most of the last 20 years as part of the state’s ​“all of the above” energy policy. Once a common thing, newly completed projects like Wishek’s Badger Wind Farm have become rare.

Anchoring a Wishek park is a 9-foot-tall concrete statue of Barney the Badger, the town mascot, with a bright blue varsity sweater emblazoned with the letter ​“W.” The statue helps explain Badger Wind Farm’s name, and is but one example of the kind of small-town charm that suffuses Wishek.

Lila Raile, another lifelong resident, is among those who feel that charm is at risk because of the wind turbines. Her recently built ​“dream home,” atop a low hill about a mile west of Wishek’s town center, is surrounded by turbines—a backdrop she never imagined just a few years ago.

A man and woman stand in front of a house with a large field and wind turbines in the background.

Lila Raile and her husband, Lloyd, stand in their home’s backyard, which now includes a prominent view of wind turbines.Erica Dischino

“Welcome to my nightmare,” Raile said in an email before my visit to her home, which used to offer views of rolling farmland.

Raile said the installation has fundamentally changed the agricultural character of Wishek, where farming has sustained generations of her own family. She blames Ørsted for what she characterized as a dollar-waving appeal to landowners.

But she also blames county and state elected officials for leaving the community to fend for itself against a multinational energy company. ​“They claim to protect rural communities from these outside energy companies, but people around here don’t feel protected at all,” she said.

Wald said much of the local ire is directed at absentee landowners who signed leases with Ørsted. Many of them inherited land, he said, but have no personal connection to Wishek.

“When [Ørsted] came looking for land leases, it was like light in their eyes,” Wald said of the nonresident property owners. ​“They were going to get their $10,000 per lease, or whatever it is, and never have to look at these towers.”

A man in a blue polo shirt and baseball cap stands in an open doorway.

Larry Wald, a lifelong Wishek resident, former mayor, and volunteer firefighter, at the new firehouse in Wishek. The firehouse was constructed partially with funds from a direct goodwill donation from Ørsted.Erica Dischino

Ørsted declined a formal site visit or an interview.

Even Wolff, whose two turbines sit at the eastern edge of the wind farm and are not visible from the town center, says county officials could have mitigated the Badger project’s visual impacts through more robust planning and zoning.

“I understand why there’s a lot of strong feelings about the turbines,” he said. ​“They should have stayed further away from some of the nonparticipating residences, particularly the ones close to town.”

The wind turbines are here. “You have to change your mindset…You can’t light them on fire, you can’t kick them over. “

Wishek had no siting authority over the Badger turbines. It did, however, receive $150,000 in direct goodwill donations from Ørsted, according to the city auditor. The money went toward constructing a new firehouse and public swimming pool and making repairs to the community center.

“Ørsted was very much like, ​‘Let us know what you need help with…because we want to have a good relationship with the city,” said Brenda Dohn, the former Wishek mayor who led the city through the project’s planning and construction phases. ​“They wanted to make sure there was some payback to the community.”

In McIntosh County, ​“wind generation taxes” from Badger Wind Farm will yield roughly $1.3 million in tax revenue each year, according to estimates from the county auditor’s office. Those dollars will go to roads and bridges, schools, hospitals, senior care facilities, and fire and ambulatory services for the county of roughly 2,500 people. Statewide, wind energy has generated a total of more than $10 billion in economic activity, according to industry estimates.

Nevertheless, in April—a few months after Badger Wind Farm went online—McIntosh County adopted a one-year moratorium on new wind projects, citing concerns about how another Ørsted project, proposed for the south part of the county, would impact nonparticipant property owners. Badger is the second wind farm in the county; the Merricourt wind farm went online in 2020.

Dohn, who stepped down after clashing with Wishek council members over a proposed data center at the edge of town, said she hopes the community can mend its strained social fabric now that Badger Wind Farm is operating.

“It’s here. You have to change your mindset,” she said. ​“You may not like what’s happened, but OK, now what? You can’t light them on fire, you can’t kick them over. So how do we move forward from this?”

A woman lifts the shades of a window to reveal a view of a field and wind turbine.

Lila Raile at the window of her home in Wishek.Erica Dischino

North Dakota got its first large-scale wind farm in 2003, when NextEra Energy Resources completed its North Dakota Wind I and II installations in LaMoure County, about 50 miles east of Wishek.

In the years that followed, the state pursued an energy policy inclusive of coal, oil, natural gas, and carbon-free energy sources like wind. The boom times continued from there. Developers were attracted to North Dakota for its wide-open, windswept land and proximity to Minnesota, which needs clean energy to meet its decarbonization goals.

“We had such an escalation in numbers with new wind farms coming online, and so much interest in the state, that we basically saw a new industry [established] within just a few years,” said Tom Oakland, energy research and development manager at the North Dakota Department of Commerce.

But now, North Dakota lawmakers and public officials, including many who once touted that all-of-the-above policy, are asking whether the state has reached its carrying capacity for wind turbines.

North Dakota saw 38 wind farms come online between 2005 and 2020—but only four, including Badger, have been completed in the years since.

The pipeline is not exactly robust. The state Public Service Commission is currently considering just one other project: the 67-turbine Homestead Wind Farm, proposed for Williams County. On August 12, the commission approved the nearly $800 million Longspur wind project proposed by Minnesota Power for north of Bismarck—the first approval since Badger and only one so far this year.

The commission is increasingly wary of wind, despite the Longspur approval. Chair Randy Christmann has repeatedly asserted that the expansion of wind power will advance environmentalists’ agenda to close more than a half dozen legacy coal plants in the state.

During public testimony in May over the Longspur project, Christmann challenged Richard Schirado, a rancher and inventor who hosts turbines on his property, over Schirado’s belief that wind energy ​“has not eliminated or significantly harmed traditional energy sources like coal.”

“Would it surprise you to know that in about the last 20 years, about 35 or 40 percent of the coal capacity in America has come off the grid?” Christmann asked.

“No, it wouldn’t surprise me, but I think they need to work together,” Schirado answered.

“But one is being added and the other one is being pushed out,” Christmann responded. ​“That’s how they’re working together, is it?”

While coal-fired power generation has declined nationally with the rise of natural gas and renewables, North Dakota’s retirements have been more modest than some other states. Minnesota-based Great River Energy closed its 50-year-old Stanton Station in 2017, while Montana-Dakota Utilities retired two small coal units at its R.M. Heskett Station in 2022 as part of a natural gas conversion project.

“Some of the farmers here, they think if you don’t make your money off of a bushel of wheat or a pound of beef, it’s not right.”

Although North Dakota produces immense amounts of wind power, much of it is exported to neighboring states. Seventy-six percent of the electricity consumed in-state comes from five coal plants concentrated in North Dakota’s mining region. All those plants burn lignite, which emits more air pollution per unit of energy than any other form of coal, as well as significant quantities of toxic mercury.

The argument that wind is hampering the state’s coal sector has been around at least since 2017, when then-Sen. Dwight Cook, a Republican who chaired the powerful finance and taxation committee, proposed legislation to impose a two-year ban on wind farms, citing the wind industry’s disruption to the state’s coal economy. The bill was withdrawn, and Cook retired in 2020.

More recently, Republican state Rep. Anna Novak, interim chair of the North Dakota Legislative Assembly’s Energy Development and Transmission Committee and vice chair of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, has asserted that wind is a bad deal because of its potential impacts on coal.

“For many years, it was kind of like, ​‘We can do everything, we can have it all, and it’s more economic activity for our area,’” said Novak, who represents what North Dakotans call ​“coal country.” ​“But there has been the realization that more wind on the line, specifically in coal country, means that there’s less coal that’s mined and used for electricity generation.”

North Dakota’s sole member of the US House of Representatives takes the same pro-coal, anti-wind stance.

In 2025, freshman Republican Rep. Julie Fedorchak sponsored a bill to phase out long-standing federal tax credits for wind and solar energy, something achieved in the 2025 Republican tax and spending bill known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

Fedorchak has also been one of President Donald Trump’s strongest supporters for reviving the nation’s coal industry—a push happening alongside Trump’s all-out war on wind energy.

Fedorchak’s office did not respond to requests for comment. But in a recent interview with Axios, she echoed wind critics like Christmann and Novak, who argue that North Dakota’s wind power growth is not serving the state itself and is instead driven by outside interests.

“It’s for that very reason—the expansion has been designed to help bring in the power needed for states like Minnesota to meet their goals,” Fedorchak said. ​“And those aren’t the goals in my state of North Dakota.”

Wolff, for his part, still supports the state’s all-of-the-above energy policy, though he was careful to emphasize that he is not a ​“green freak.”

“If someone came out here and said they wanted to put an oil well on the farm, I’d listen,” he said.

“Some of the farmers here, they think if you don’t make your money off of a bushel of wheat or a pound of beef, it’s not right,” Wolff said during a conversation at his kitchen table. ​“I don’t feel that way. I think, well, they’re producing electricity, and that’s something we all use. So if you can make it work, then do it.”

A few days after my visit, Wolff received his first quarterly check from Ørsted. Each turbine netted about $5,000, money that will help him meet the rising costs of fuel, fertilizer, and feed. It may also allow him and his wife, Janet, to spend more time away from the farm—and possibly escape North Dakota’s bone-chilling winter.

If the wind boom is truly over for North Dakota, so, too, are its opportunities for farmers like Wolff. All told, landowners have netted between $25 million and $30 million annually since 2020, according to industry officials.

“I’m kind of on my way out here,” Wolff said. ​“It will eventually be my son’s decision on how to handle it. Either way, I plan to do what my forefathers did, which is pass this on to my kids. They’ll figure out the best way forward.”

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Mother Jones

“I’m Walking Through the Streets… Carrying Shame and Humiliation”

The family of Pierre Damas Bel, a 20-year-old Haitian immigrant in Springfield Ohio, says he died by suicide August 31 after losing Temporary Protected Status.

Bel, an avid soccer player and JROTC member, was beginning his freshman year as an honors neuroscience student at Wright State University. But in July, Bel became one of about 340,000 Haitians in the US whose Temporary Protected Status expired, after the Supreme Court ruled not to intervene. In late July, Immigrations and Customs Enforcement fitted Bel with an electronic ankle monitor, one of the ways the agency tracks people who it may soon deport.

As the device interfered with and stigmatized his day-to-day life, Bel’s family says he became withdrawn. “After my son was outfitted with this ankle monitor, he felt like he was treated like an animal,” Bel’s father, Pierre Ronal Bel, wrote in a statement.

Pierre Damas Bel uploaded a picture of the ankle monitor on Instagram in late July. “I came to this country to pursue my education. I didn’t come here to commit a crime or hurt anyone,” he wrote in the caption. “Yet now I’m walking through the streets of the United States with a GPS monitor on my leg, carrying a feeling of shame and humiliation that I never imagined I would experience.”

“I came here to study, to build my future, and to live a better [life] not to be treated like criminal,” he wrote. “So now, how am I supposed play college sports with a GPS monitor on my leg?”

Bel’s next asylum court hearing was scheduled for October. Vilés Dorsainvil, executive director of the Haitian Support Center in Springfield, is working to support the family. As Dorsainvil told Mother Jones in June, deportation to Haiti can be a matter of “life and death.” The State Department maintains a “do not travel” advisory for risk of kidnappings, sexual assault, and robbery in Haiti. Haitians will face the same dangers if deported back, Dorsainvil said: “There is no safe place in Haiti.”

“No one is required to stay in the United States illegally and wear a monitor,” an ICE spokesperson said. “Any attempts to blame ICE for the death of Pierre Damas Bel are false.”

“These policies are what caused his untimely death,” Guerline Jozef of the Haitian Bridge Alliance, an Ohio legal aid nonprofit, told The Washington Post.

Ohio’s Republican governor, Mike DeWine, called Bel’s death a “horrible, horrible tragedy” and said that ending TPS for Haitian residents was “misguided and wrong,” Capital B reported.

The Trump administration has sent two deportation flights to Haiti since TPS for Haitians was canceled. Meanwhile, another large group of TPS-holders may see their protected status expire in the coming week: About 180,000 people from El Salvador have held TPS status since 2001, but that could end on Sept. 9. The Department of Homeland Security has not yet announced whether that designation will be extended or terminated.

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You Don’t Have a Right to Safe Drinking Water, US Court Rules

On Friday, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the dismissal of a lawsuit against the city of Jackson, Mississippi, which alleged the city knowingly let residents drink lead-contaminated water.

The lawsuit, first filed in 2022, says the contamination violated Jacksonians’ constitutional right to bodily integrity. Donald Trump-appointed judge Kurt Engelhardt disagreed. “The Constitution does not provide redress for every governmental wrongdoing,” Engelhardt said. “Defendants’ actions allegedly deprived Plaintiffs of clean water and guileless information. These deprivations, while grievous, do not infringe upon any deeply rooted constitutional right.”

That may be true in Mississippi—but on the state level in at least nine US states, and in more than a dozen other countries, clean drinking water is in fact a protected right. In countries including Uruguay and South Africa, a right to clean water is enshrined in the constitution. New York’s state constitution, as of a 2021 amendment, states that “each person shall have a right to clean air and water, and a healthful environment.” So too in Massachusetts, where “the right to clean air and water” has been constitutionally protected since 1972.

But according to the Fifth Circuit ruling, the US constitution is too narrow for such a claim. The Jackson plaintiffs alleged that their city government deliberately withheld information about the water’s toxicity, and exacerbated the problem through a series of boil-water notices—a practice that can eliminate some bacterial contamination, but also concentrates lead in water. Engelhardt stated there is no “constitutional right to truthful information from officials during a public health crisis.”

Jackson is more than 80 percent Black and has a poverty rate that is more than double the national average. The city’s water system has long been in dire need of upgrades. In 2015, officials from the Mississippi State Department of Health found elevated lead levels in the water supply. Instead of immediately informing citizens, they remained silent about the issue for six months, according to reporting from Grist, while residents continued drinking toxic water.

EPA officials ran a series of tests in 2020 and found “persistent and concerning violations” of water safety policy, including leaks, corrosion, and high lead levels throughout the system.

But no city, state, or federal agencies fixed the problem. Meanwhile, people including Jackson plaintiff Priscilla Sterling continued drinking water with unsafe levels of lead. According to the 2022 lawsuit, several of Sterling’s children have since been diagnosed with lead poisoning, which can cause permanent brain damage. A quarter of Jackson’s residents are children, who are particularly vulnerable to the life-long effects of lead poisoning.

The Fifth Circuit ruling comes as the Trump administration moves to weaken clean-water-related protections. Also on Friday, Trump’s EPA released a supplemental rule to further dilute the Clean Water Act, quickly condemned by environmental watchdogs.

“The administration is clearly struggling to craft a rule that will hold up in court while satisfying their donors’ desire to effectively scrap these protections wherever possible,” said Jim Murphy of the National Wildlife Federation. “One thing is clear: If we don’t protect our streams and wetlands, the cost of dirtier drinking water and increased flooding will flow downstream to households at a time when most Americans are living paycheck to paycheck.”

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Mother Jones

More Than 1,200 Food Packaging Chemicals Can Pose Serious Health Risks

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Most people decide if it’s safe to eat an old tub of yogurt in the fridge or canned tuna in the back of the cupboard by checking its sell-by date. But no label indicates that pesticides, phthalates, PFAS, or other hazardous chemicals could be seeping from those containers into your food.

Of more than 15,000 chemicals that come in contact with food, a new peer-reviewed study found, 1,222 pose serious health risks such as cancer and reproductive harm. And the vast majority—87 percent, or more than 13,200—lack enough accessible information to even estimate their risks.

The fact that there’s not enough publicly available information for independent scientists to assess the safety of chemicals that can contaminate food is “the elephant in the room,” said study co-author Jane Muncke, managing director at the nonprofit Food Packaging Forum Foundation, which led the research, published Tuesday in the journal Environmental Science & Technology.

In the new paper, they analyzed that “jaw-dropping” number of chemicals, Muncke said, to flag the most problematic.

Consumers trust that when regulators allow chemicals in products like food packaging, it’s because it’s been through safety testing, Muncke said. “But that’s not the case,” she said. “And it doesn’t make sense.”

The team has done a “very, very good job” highlighting how little is known about the risks of substances that affect everyone, said Maricel Maffini, an independent chemical safety and regulation expert who was not involved in the study but has collaborated with Muncke in the past.

Because the study focused on a list that people in industry and regulators regard as reliable, it’s looking under the proverbial lamppost, Maffini said. While there’s plenty of information suggesting that many of these chemicals should not be on the market or should have stronger regulations, she said, there’s so much information beyond that list that’s missing.

In previous work, Muncke and her team identified more than 15,000 chemicals used in food processing or packaging from lists of substances approved by regulators in the United States, China, Japan, and countries in Europe and South America or that had been identified in studies. In the new paper, they analyzed that “jaw-dropping” number of chemicals, Muncke said, to flag the most problematic.

To maximize the utility of their priority list, the team used only data obtained from governmental and regulatory agencies linking a chemical to human health hazards such as cancer, reproductive harm ,or ability to concentrate in the body.

That yielded a priority list of 1,222 chemicals that they ranked into four tiers, with the highest to lowest evidence of human exposure from food-contact materials. Ninety-four chemicals known to seep into food and detected in breast milk, blood, or other human samples were assigned to Tier 1, the highest priority for regulators and companies to consider phasing out.

These chemicals include liver- and immune system-damaging PFAS “forever chemicals,” which make food wrappers grease- or water-resistant; the likely carcinogen styrene, used to produce takeout packages and refrigerated dairy food containers; hormone-disrupting phthalates, added to make plastics like those that hold vegetable oils flexible; and bisphenol A, added to hard plastics and can linings and a poster child for endocrine disruptors’ ability to impair development at low doses.

Studies have found these and other chemicals leaching from containers into a diverse array of food and beverages, including water, infant formula, orange juice, ice cream, yogurt and cream, oils, cake, and fatty foods.

The next highest priority list, Tier 2, included an additional 264 hazardous chemicals that leach into food but have not been detected in biomonitoring studies. At least, not yet.

Muncke is particularly concerned about babies’ exposure to plastic chemicals in pouches that hold juices and pureed food.

The chemicals in Tier 1 provide the most reliable evidence that materials that come in contact with food are a source of people’s exposure to these chemicals, Muncke said. The chemicals are in people, they’re in food and they’re in food-contact materials, she said. “What more proof do you want?”

Inside Climate News asked the American Chemistry Council and Food Packaging Coalition, trade groups that represent the chemical and food-packing industries, if their members would release hazard information about the chemicals they use and phase out those known to be hazardous. Neither responded, but the Food Packaging Coalition maintains that packaging is designed to prevent the transfer of its components to food and to ensure that they are safe and suitable for their intended use.

The paper offers a practical and transparent roadmap for using the best available evidence to prioritize food-contact chemicals for regulation, said Sara Lupolt, an expert on exposure assessment at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, who was not involved in the research.

Though not addressed in the paper, she added, more research is needed to determine which foods and chemical combinations result in more chemicals moving into food.

Many of the chemicals that migrate into food are so-called non-intentionally added substances, or NIAS. Their identity is often obscure because existing tools can’t identify every chemical in use, especially when researchers don’t know what to look for because producers keep proprietary chemical ingredients secret.

Muncke is particularly concerned about babies’ exposure to plastic chemicals in pouches that hold juices and pureed food. Earlier this year, her team found evidence that more than 330 chemicals leach from pouches, including nearly 80 known to be hazardous. They presented the findings at an event at the House of Lords in the United Kingdom in June.

At a minimum, the paper argues, chemicals that have structural similarities with others known to be hazardous should be priorities for regulation.

A greater volume of chemicals get into baby food because the ratio of packaging to food is much greater in a small serving size, Muncke said. And the pouches are sterilized using heat, which drives chemicals to migrate and forms microplastics.

Several peer-reviewed studies, including a 2023 Chemosphere study, also found chemicals, including NIAS, in baby food packaged in pouches. The paper’s authors believed the NAIS, which lacked adequate information to assess risk, were impurities and raw materials from producing plastic. “Infants may be constantly exposed to NIAS via consuming pouched food products,” the authors warned.

For the 87 percent of chemicals that lack hazard data, it’s primarily a question of the data not being public, said study co-author Helene Wiesinger, a chemist and Food Packaging Forum scientific officer.

That delays regulatory action, Wiesinger said, because governments and independent scientists must first figure out which chemicals are safe. She believes a product or chemical should not be allowed on the market until a company can prove that it’s safe.

At a minimum, chemicals that have structural similarities with others known to be hazardous should be priorities for regulation, the paper argues. Seventy percent of the more than 4,200 chemicals the team classified into 38 priority groups—including PFAS, phthalates, and organophosphates (used as flame retardants and pesticides, among other applications)—lack enough data to assess potential harms.

Just because something isn’t yet known to be hazardous doesn’t mean it’s not hazardous, said Wiesinger. Time and again, chemicals found to present unreasonable risks are replaced with others that have similar properties and ultimately similar risks.

“We hope this work provides practical guidance on how to at least not make the very obvious mistakes,” she said.

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Mother Jones

More People Have Died From 9/11 Than on 9/11

When Mia Farina got seriously ill in 2014, she thought she had a bad case of pneumonia. But it turned out to be far worse: It was the start of chronic lung disease related to the months she spent working in and around ground zero after 9/11.

Back then, Farina was a rookie cop, present when the second Twin Tower came down. She and her Brooklyn squad ran to escape the burning debris. “At one point, you couldn’t run because the stuff that was collapsing was so deep,” she said. “So it would go up to my thigh, and you would feel people’s hands and feet because…they’re all under the rubble.”

Farina lives on Long Island, surrounded by other responders who also are sick and dying from their work at ground zero 25 years ago. She and tens of thousands of other 9/11 responders and survivors were promised care through the World Trade Center Health Program, a federally funded lifeline meant to treat the long-term medical consequences of that day. But funding has never kept up with the number of people who continue to get sick.

This week on Reveal, reporter Lynn Hallarman, a Long Island doctor turned journalist who once treated 9/11 responders, explores the community of responders around her, their reliance on a program that’s been unstable for decades, and the science behind why people are still getting sick.

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Mother Jones

The White House Made an Arcade Game Out of Deporting People

As of September 3, the official White House website features a page titled “arcade,” where users can play games like Rio Run, in which the player—a pixelated, white, and balding Border Patrol agent—collects “border crossers” and adds them to a line of orange-jumpsuited figures trailing behind him.

It’s a retro-cutesy version of the nightmarish and very real scenes of ICE agents forcing immigrants, chained in a line, onto deportation planes. Other games in the “arcade” include Build the Wall, a Tetris rip-off in which the user builds a wall to “protect the border from the coming horde.” (Tetris, in response to Build the Wall, has posted on Instagram that the company takes copyright infringement “very seriously.”) There’s also an eagle-themed game called Flappy Bill, and a MAHA-oriented school lunch game.

It’s no surprise, considering the “wartime recruitment” framing of ICE’s current hiring push, that gaming as macho-fantasy agitprop would make its way from the military into the world of immigration enforcement.

A White House spokesperson told CNN the arcade is “an effort to further contrast between a culture of fun and winning and the dark socialist vision Democrats have for America.” It’s also part of a long American history of gaming as propaganda.

As Jesse Robertson wrote for the Nation in 2024: “It’s hardly an exaggeration to say that today’s global gaming colossus is the offspring of the Pentagon; by some measures, the nearly $350 billion gaming industry is one of the Defense Department’s most significant innovations since the end of the Cold War.” Recruitment-by-gaming is a project that the Pentagon has spent hundreds of millions of dollars on, and it’s one that has paid big dividends.

In fact, one of the world’s first video games, Spacewar!—launched in 1962 on punch-tape computers at MIT—was funded by a DOD grant.In 2002, the US Army launched a free-to-play computer game called, fittingly, America’s Army; a 2008 study found that the game “had more impact on recruits than all other forms of Army advertising combined.” The game proved incredibly popular with US soldiers and wannabe soldiers, who were enamored of its realistic first-person-shooter gameplay. Members of the Army’s brass floated the idea of shipping computers to Afghanistan so enlisted men could play America’s Army while serving in the real American Army.

The game ran for 20 years and reached millions of potential recruits before shutting down in 2022. “As time has passed and AA has fulfilled its mission, it is time to shift our focus to other new and innovative ways to assist the Army with comms and recruitment,” the game’s developers wrote in a statement at the time. Today, the ideas behind America’s Army live on through the military’s sponsorship of esports tournaments and Twitch streamers. Most recently, an Army unit offered soldiers early access to Grand Theft Auto VI as an incentive for re-enlistment.

It’s no surprise, considering the “wartime recruitment” framing of ICE’s current hiring push, that gaming as macho-fantasy agitprop would make its way from the military into the world of militarized immigration enforcement.

More games, the White House website says, are coming soon.

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Mother Jones

Why Is Trump’s DOJ Still Helping the Russian-Linked Liar Who Smeared Biden?

On September 17, prosecutors from the Justice Department are scheduled to appear in a federal courtroom in Pasadena, California, for a rather odd event. They will argue that a mysterious former FBI informant with connections to Russian intelligence—who was convicted of lying to the bureau to spread the false accusation that Joe Biden and his son Hunter each received a $5 million bribe from Ukraine—should be allowed to withdraw his guilty plea and get a new trial.

That allegation about the Bidens was embraced and weaponized by Donald Trump, right-wing media, and House Republicans, who in 2023 and 2024 cited it as smoking-gun evidence for Biden’s impeachment—until the informant, Alexander Smirnov, a Ukrainian-born Israeli national and businessman who acknowledged he had ties to Russian intelligence, was indicted for lying to the FBI. He pleaded guilty and was subsequently sentenced to six years in prison. (The punishment also covered failing to pay taxes on more than $2 million in income that was not fully explained.)

The Trump Justice Department’s effort to assist Smirnov, a longtime confidential source for the bureau, has been puzzling. In March, I broke the news that the DOJ was helping him get out of prison by supporting his appeal, in which Smirnov is trying to throw out his sentence and withdraw his guilty plea.

Smirnov’s false report to the FBI fueled the GOP’s absurd effort to impeach Biden and provided ammo for the ludicrous MAGA mantra that Biden was the head of a crime family.

The appeal hinges on a technical point: Smirnov, who is represented by an attorney with multiple connections to the Trump administration, claims the federal judge who presided over his trial did not stick to a provision of his plea deal regarding a reduction in his sentence to match his pretrial detention. The judge denies this. What’s highly unusual is that Todd Blanche, then the deputy attorney general, intervened in this case on the side of this Russia-connected fabricator whose lies, according to the federal prosecutors in his case, were concocted to impact the 2020 and 2024 elections—that is, to hurt Biden.

Which they did. Smirnov’s false report to the FBI fueled the GOP’s absurd effort to impeach Biden and provided ammo for the ludicrous MAGA mantra that Biden was the head of a crime family. When Smirnov was indicted in early 2024, that impeachment campaign fizzled. The whole Smirnov episode looked like a Russian covert action waged to hurt the Democrats and aid Trump. (For more background on the Smirnov saga, see this previous Our Land issue.)

It was not shocking that Moscow would try to insert a phony allegation of Biden bribery into the American political discourse, given that Vladimir Putin had mounted various clandestine operations to help Trump in 2016 and 2020. But most surprising was that there was no public investigation of the Smirnov caper after it turned out this Russian-linked informant had peddled lies to the FBI. Was this truly another Russian assault on American politics? What was the extent of Smirnov’s ties to Russian intelligence? What were his connections to other intelligence services? (Prosecutors feared he might flee to Israel.) Why did his lies to the FBI go undetected for so long? How could he fool his bureau handlers for years?

In my forthcoming book How Russia Won: Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, and the Fight for America, which will be published on September 15, I examined these important and unanswered questions about Smirnov. Here’s a brief excerpt:

Though Smirnov’s criminal case would be resolved, left unanswered was a crucial question: Why did he do this? Smirnov tried not once but twice to insert into the FBI disinformation that could possibly influence a US election: first, in 2020, with his claim he had been told about a $10 million Biden bribery scheme, and then in 2023, with an allegation that Hunter Biden had been secretly recorded by the Russians. The FBI didn’t bite either time. But Smirnov managed to provide the Republicans with a fabricated charge they weaponized and used for nine months to threaten impeachment and sully Biden’s image.

Had the Russians put him up to this? His false stories aligned with the Biden-­Ukraine corruption narrative pushed by Russian intelligence. Yet there were no investigations of this episode. No inspector general reports on how the FBI had handled him. No congressional inquiry. “It was a matter of great curiosity where Smirnov had come from and who he was reporting to,” Representative Jamie Raskin, the senior Democrat on the House Oversight Committee, later said.

Within the Biden White House, officials were frustrated that no deeper digging into the Smirnov case occurred. “It was maddening,” recalled Jake Sullivan, the White House national security adviser. “Because it was an FBI investigation, we were walled off from it. Biden was absolutely convinced it was a Russian operation.” But neither the president nor the American public ever got the full story.

The White House decided not to raise a fuss about a possible Russian active measure undergirding the GOP’s crusade against Biden. His political advisers insisted that it was best not to talk about the Republicans’ impeachment drive. American voters were not taking it seriously. There was no need to direct more attention to this stunt. “The intelligence people were uncomfortable being drawn into this,” Sullivan recounted. “The political people were uncomfortable. It was hard to dial it up to ten.”

Biden had repeatedly told his aides he believed much of the right-wing attack on him over Ukraine had come straight from Moscow. But the administration never pressed the Ukrainian government for the intelligence it had on the efforts to malign Biden. “You could have gone to Ukraine’s leadership and intelligence and asked for all the files,” Sullivan said. “Who were the Russians involved? Who put [Russian agent Andriy] Derkach up to it? But no one wanted to touch any of this with a ten-­foot pole.” [Derkach was a Ukrainian legislator who claimed to possess evidence of Biden corruption in Ukraine. He produced no such proof, but he worked with Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s personal lawyer, to smear Joe Biden.]

Such a move could backfire politically if it became public. After all the controversy over Crossfire Hurricane, the FBI’s investigation of contacts between Trump’s campaign and Russia, the last thing the intelligence agencies wanted was to become mired in another to-­do over Russia and Ukraine.

Smirnov’s lies were uncovered. The Republicans were shown to be reckless and irresponsible. Still, this operation, with all the markings of a Russian covert action, had achieved a measure of success. For months, Republicans had waved that FD-1023 [the FBI document that contained Smirnov’s phony allegations] and referred to the “Biden bribery scheme” and the “Biden crime family.”

Conservative media spread this message to millions of viewers and readers. Impeachment was off the table now. But all the noise about the FD-1023 buttressed the impression that Trump had pushed in 2020 and was reviving for the 2024 campaign: Biden was crooked. Smirnov’s lie—­a Russian operation?—­had been of great value to Trump and the GOP.

With its current shenanigans in the Smirnov case, Trump’s Justice Department is helping Smirnov erase his sentence and withdraw his guilty plea. Typically, that would lead to a new trial. But in this instance, if Smirnov wins his appeal, the DOJ might drop the matter and not pursue another trial. Its prosecutors have already suggested in court that the Justice Department is reviewing his case.

Should that occur, the Trump administration would allow a possible Russian agent to escape punishment for conning the FBI and attempting to interfere in two US elections. Moreover, such a move would allow Trump acolytes to cite the phony Biden allegations without having to acknowledge they originated with a convicted liar. Is that the goal of Trump’s DOJ—to buttress what might have been a secret Russian operation to tarnish Biden?

You can find a full accounting of the bizarre Smirnov case in my soon-to-be-published How Russia Won: Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, and the Fight for America. Readers of Our Land can still take advantage of a special pre-order offer to purchase a signed edition of the book. Just click here. As regular readers of this newsletter know—because I’ve been such a pest about it—pre-orders are essential to the success of How Russia Won_. (I explained that here.) So if you have any inclination to buy this book, please do so now. Many thanks._

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Mother Jones

This “Supersized” El Niño Is Only Just Beginning to Wreak Its Havoc

This story was originally published by WIRED and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

The world’s leading weather organization is sounding the alarm about this year’s super El Niño, issuing its most certain forecast in the history of the organization.

In an update issued early Thursday, the World Meteorological Organization predicted a “nearly 100% likelihood” that the El Niño will last through February. The strong language from the WMO—the UN’s weather and climate agency—underlies just how historic this El Niño is shaping up to be.

“This is the first time that a WMO El Niño/La Niña Update has been so unequivocal,” the agency says, noting that certainty reflects “the strong agreement within WMO’s extensive network.”

“This is probably one of the larger, if not the largest, climate events…that anybody alive is potentially ever experiencing.”

El Niño is a naturally occurring weather phenomenon defined by warmer-than-normal ocean temperatures in the eastern tropical Pacific, a pattern that disrupts weather patterns around the world. Scientists have been warning since the start of the year that a particularly strong El Niño was set to develop. The latest forecasts indicate it will be the strongest on record by a wide margin, and impacts are already being felt throughout the world—and they’re likely to intensify in the coming months.

“El Niño is being supersized before our eyes,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres said in a statement. “The science leaves no room for doubt: The planet is in uncharted waters, and those waters are heating up. Sea surface temperatures are rising, temperatures keep climbing, and the world is in the danger zone of extreme weather.”

In addition to affecting regional weather, El Niño also tends to bump up the global average temperature by roughly 0.1 to 0.2 degrees Celsius (0.2 to 0.4 degrees Fahrenheit) by releasing heat into the atmosphere. But this year’s iteration could provide an even bigger boost. The intensity of this El Niño means this year is likely to be the hottest on record; because it takes a while for the added heat to work through the climate system, 2027 is forecast to be even hotter.

This extra warming is a red alert when compounded on top of the warming caused by manmade climate change. The UN warned in a separate report this week that the world will likely cross 1.5 degrees C of warming over the next few years.

Daniel Swain, a climate scientist with the University of California Agriculture and Natural Resources research network, says this El Niño will be so big, “with consequences that are so large, I’m not sure we fully understand them.”

The intensity of the El Niño, Swain says, means that it may cause unexpected and extreme weather, and he cautions against making certain predictions about what, exactly, is going to happen over the next year. But the impacts, he says, will almost certainly be massive.

“This is probably one of the larger, if not the largest, climate events—aside from long-term warming, which really isn’t a singular event—that anybody alive is potentially ever experiencing,” he says. “That’s a very big deal. And I think there’s certainly going to be dramatic outcomes from this.”

While the El Niño won’t reach its full strength for another few months, the world has already seen some impacts: The US just lived through the hottest summer on record, and the heat was almost certainly juiced up by El Niño. Regions that are typically dry during El Niño have also seen drought emerge. In Sudan, low water levels in the Nile are exacerbating a yearslong hunger crisis, while Puerto Rico has turned to water rationing due to dry conditions and infrastructure failures. Fisheries in the eastern Pacific have also been thrown into disarray by the hotter-than-normal waters there.

“The race now is between rising risks and our commitment to take climate action and protect people,” Guterres said in the release. “We must win that race.”

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Mother Jones

Flock Is Cancelled—And Their Competitors Are Profiting

“If you want to get in your car and you want to go down to Buc-ee’s in St. Augustine, it’s really none of the government’s damn business if you’re doing that, right?” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis said Monday at a news conference. He announced that Florida will revoke all law enforcement license-plate-recognition camera permits on state highways, with all such cameras to be removed by the end of September.

“What we don’t want in the state of Florida is to have a digital AI surveillance state where everything we’re doing is being tracked at all times,” DeSantis added, referring to the recent expansion of ALPRs—automated license plate reader cameras—across the country. The cameras are supposed to catch people committing crimes, and sometimes they do. But they’re also ripe for abuse. Each camera forms part of a nationwide network, and by sharing vehicle information between and within police departments, ALPRs can enable officers to track what are called “patterns of life”: where a person is likely to be, who they spend time with, and what they’re doing in a given moment.

Police officers nationwide are taking advantage of that surveillance ability. In dozens of cases, officers have lost their jobs or faced criminal charges for doing things like searching an ex-girlfriend’s license plate information 2,000 times, searching an estranged wife’s license plates 700 times, or tracking an abortion-seeker across state lines.

Florida is not alone in cancelling Flock contracts. Texas, last week, ordered state agencies to stop funding Flock cameras. The Oakland-based advocacy group Secure Justice, which tracks automated license plate reader use on the municipal level, says that in the month of August more towns and cities cancelled their Flock contracts than ever before: of the 214 cities that have dropped Flock since 2021, 90 did so in August 2026. (At least three towns have reported that Flock reinstalled or reactivated their cameras after local officials ended their contracts.)

Strictly regulating data retention might be one solution. A police department can’t do as much to share data with ICE, for example, if state laws mandate that the data be deleted quickly. In New Hampshire, ALPRs must delete all data after three minutes; Flock’s current default retention period is seven days.

Corinne Worthington works as the advocacy manager with the Surveillance Technology Oversight Project, a nonprofit focused on litigation and research on discriminatory surveillance technology. To Worthington, the backlash against Flock is “putting a name to people’s fears.”

“I think that because of how public Flock has been, people have woken up to the harms of ALPRs in a way that maybe, previously, they weren’t aware of,” Worthington said. While Flock has over 120,000 license plate readers across the country, it is far from the only ALPR company. Motorola, the AI roadway safety firm Rekor, and Axon, the police tech firm behind Tasers, all sell similar cameras to police. Those companies aren’t household names in the way that Flock is, nor have they been subject to the same backlash.

“That’s the problem with targeting specifically the vendor, not the technology as a whole,” Worthington said. When states and cities cancel their contracts with Flock, they’re likely to end up replacing those cameras with ones made by one of the other ALPR companies. And those other companies are certainly aware of the backlash. Rekor, another company that sells ALPRs, is calling for national regulations on the cameras to “preserve ALPR’s public safety value.” Those regulations would include “anonymizing non-hotlist plate data” which could then be re-identified with a valid warrant or court order.

“The fight over whether ALPR should exist has stopped being useful to anyone,” Rekor vice president Charlie Degliomini told me. “The rules are the real argument.” As far as he is aware, Degliomini added, his company is the only ALPR vendor calling for a warrant requirement on at least some plate searches.

But Rekor’s cameras can be abused, too:activistsin New York are suing the Westchester County Police Department for allegedly using Rekor’s tools to log their locations thousands of times. And the CEO of Axon, another camera manufacturer, floated the possibility of changing the shape of Axon cameras so they look less similar to the Flock cameras Americans are lately so fond of destroying.

“We’ve had some people say they’d like to see us make just a different camera, because our ALPR camera looks like an ALPR camera,” Axon CEO Rick Smith said in a now-deleted webinar, as 404 Media first reported.

Whether cameras that look different, but perform the same surveillance function, will eventually inspire the same backlash remains to be seen.

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Mother Jones

Everybody Wants to Rule the World (of AI)

On Thursday, Nvidia, the tech giant that develops chips that power AI tools like ChatGPT, announced its acquisition of Hugging Face for nearly $13 billion amid an arms race to dominate every level of the industry.

Well, specifically, the cost was $12,930,300,000, with 129,303 apparently being the character encoding for the 🤗 emoji, which the startup Nvidia acquired is named after.

Hugging Face is the venture that broke into AI safety discussions when OpenAI’s advanced system breached its platform while undergoing a test. Since then, Hugging Face CEO and co-founder Clément Delangue has propelled a publicity campaign to support open-source AI. His startup is a community platform for millions of open-source AI models that anyone can use, modify, and share (many models are free to download).

Per a chart Delangue posted on X, Hugging Face’s library skyrocketed with almost 60 percent more data uploads in the first two weeks after news of the breach by OpenAI became public, and last month, Meta released its new open model on Hugging Face.

It certainly looks like it pays to be breached by OpenAI.

For Nvidia, the acquisition is another move toward vertical integration. The company is also throwing money into data centers, offering up to $105 billion to help OpenAI lease an Ohio data center, which is still under construction but is expected to be the world’s largest.

Nvidia CEO and co-founder Jensen Huang has also positioned the company as a proponent of open-source models—such as the millions Hugging Face shares—for what it calls ensuring safety with the technology. This stance is opposed to startups like OpenAI and Anthropic who have lobbied Washington against open models over fears of losing the ability to protect against misuse of their products and preserving their economic value.

Exciting day for NVIDIA and @huggingface.

Open models strengthen safety and cybersecurity, accelerate innovation and diffusion, and enable sovereignty. They allow every developer, startup, university, industry and country to build with, customize and benefit from AI.

Thank you…

— Jensen Huang (@JensenHuang) September 3, 2026

As AI providers like OpenAI, Anthropic, and Google try to make their own AI chips to reduce their reliance on Nvidia, Nvidia looks to add open-source models that compete with the AI providers.

“Together, we will make A.I. more open, more capable and more accessible to people and institutions around the world,” wrote Huang in his announcement of the acquisition. What his ideas of “more capable” and “more accessible” mean for the future is anyone’s guess.

Disclosure: The Center for Investigative Reporting, the parent company of Mother Jones, has sued OpenAI for copyright violations. OpenAI denies the allegations.

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Mother Jones

The Other 9/11 Memorial

The 9/11 memorial park that John Feal helped build is not far off exit 59 on the Long Island Expressway, about 50 miles northeast of Ground Zero. It abuts a busy intersection in an unremarkable part of Nesconset, flanked by a gas station, a takeout joint, and a strip mall parking lot. The memorial itself sits on a cozy acre of grassy land nestled by pear trees, thoughtful flowered landscaping, and custom-built seating courtesy of a local Boy Scout troop. The park is especially nice in the evening, after the traffic dies down, the kind of space you might seek for a few moments of contemplation about irreparable loss.

The memorial’s design is three panels, 63 feet long and 6 feet high, faced with polished granite. The names of almost three thousand 9/11 responders are inscribed in tightly spaced rows from top to bottom on both sides, and it reads like a ledger recording debts to the dead. Not long ago, the panels ran out of room for new names, setting off a scramble among board members to find additional space in time for the 25th anniversary of the attacks this September 11th.

This story will be part of the Reveal episode, “Why More People Have Died From 9/11 than On 9/11” on Saturday, September 5. Subscribe to Reveal here or wherever you get your podcasts

A photo of three middle-aged men , one in a suit, two in zip-up jackets, standing at attention out doors.

John Feal (center) attended the design unveiling of 9/11 memorial to honor rescue workers in 2018. Astrid Stawiarz/Getty

The founders of the Nesconset memorial, whose official name is 9/11 Responders Remembered Park, claim it is the first space in the country honoring those whose lives were cut short from illnesses linked to their work at Ground Zero. These often fatal consequences continue, so the number of those honored keeps increasing.

“I don’t think any of us fathomed how many names were going to be on this wall,” Memorial Architect Mark Mancini said.

“I don’t think any of us fathomed how many names were going to be on this wall.”

Dedicated on the 10th anniversary of 9/11, it has been maintained through private donations and local volunteers. Nesconset and the surrounding Long Island communities have many 9/11 responders, perhaps because of historically affordable housing, and, as longtime resident and Suffolk County Comptroller John Kennedy put it, “firefighters follow firefighters and cops follow cops.” Memorial construction was mostly done by volunteers, including the pro bono work of a nearby architectural firm. It is a project born from the simple desire of a local community to raise up the people lost and those still dying of 9/11 toxic dust.

The memorial board is composed of a firefighter’s widow, two 9/11 responders, and several community members. Along with police and firefighters, the board includes responders who have historically been overlooked for recognition in state and federal memorials. They include, for instance, already-retired firefighters who came to help during the rescue and recovery, and non-uniform volunteers, tradesmen, and professionals, such as sanitation, construction, plumbers, electricians, ironworkers, bricklayers, and medical personnel. And those who died from PTSD-related suicides.

For Feal, the Nesconset memorial has become a touchstone for his advocacy work in protecting responder health care. “After a traumatic event, two things usually happen: advocacy or conspiracy,” he told me. “I choose advocacy.” The park represents more than a list of individuals; it is a historical document for posterity of the people who have been harmed by the toxic dust cloud in a way that, according to Feal, “history can’t distort.”

A photo of a man in uniform ringing a bell under a blue sky. Dozens of people are seated in the background.

A bell is tolled at the 2025 Nesconset 9/11 Memorial Ceremony. Steven Zaitz

I first met Feal, himself a severely injured 9/11 responder, in person in the fall of 2025. He has devoted most of his adult life to protecting the health care program for 9/11 responders and survivors that had been set into federal law in 2011. I had followed him to DC, where he and his band of aging 9/11 responders were hell-bent on securing additional legislation to fix the funding formula for the World Trade Center Health Program. The program brings together medical care and research designed for responders and the local community exposed to the toxic dust cloud in the aftermath of the Twin Towers’ collapse.

The adjustments they lobbied for included accounting for medical inflation and serving a new wave of sick responders. Without it, the program would have reportedly had to stop taking new patients in 2028. For the rest of us, the program serves as a national learning laboratory about the health impacts of urban environmental disasters.

At the time, I was reporting a story about the bodily impacts on 9/11 responders after breathing in or swallowing “World Trade Center Dust”—a cakey and caustic amalgam that burned its way into the nose and throat, and deep into the tissues. I learned that when cement is pulverized, as it was that day, it reverts to its elemental components, transforming into a poisonous swill with the pH of Drano or lye. Some who were in the environs of the dust cloud now live with chronic inflammation of the lungs or digestion: smoldering in the pipes and tissues, never quieting, capable of turning a cold into a life-threatening illness. Some suffer repeated infections from burnt-out sinuses, or perpetual heartburn.

For others, microparticles of dust were absorbed into the bloodstream from the lungs, taking root in the bone marrow and other organs, and sometimes kicking off a cascade of health problems. Even now, the people who worked in the rescue and recovery, along with those who lived and worked in the vicinity of Ground Zero, are getting sick. Some are being diagnosed with lung, thyroid, or skin cancer, others with blood cancers like lymphoma or multiple myeloma. And the rates of these cancers are higher than what might be expected to occur without ground zero dust exposure. As of June 2026, just over 57,000 responders and survivors are certified by the World Trade Center Health program with cancers related to 9/11. More people have now died related to exposures to toxic dust at Ground Zero than died in the attacks themselves.

Feal is fifty-nine. He is wiry and compact, with broad shoulders and arms sleeved with tattoos. Feal usually wears t-shirts, jeans, work boots, and headgear, most often a baseball cap, that he favors even inside, with sunglasses forever perched at the rim. He walks with a slight swagger, purposeful and a little defiant, like the high school wrestling champion he once was, and speaks with the unmistakable cadence of a Long Island drawl—flattened vowels and clipped consonants, fast, edgy, and laced with expletives— “fuck” being his favorite when his words are directed at hypocrites and government officials. Feal is known for sending politicians diving for cover—sometimes on camera—with his audacious potty mouth. You can never be sure if he is about to hug you or bring you down in a half nelson.

Feal’s injuries at Ground Zero changed his life. For five days immediately after the attacks, he worked there as a demolition foreman. “I would drive my excavator or payload too close to the pile, and the windshields would melt, that’s how hot it was,” he said. “And that smell, it engulfed you; it became a part of you.” His work became more of a forensic deconstruction than demolition—untangling a grayscape of twisted steel from pulverized concrete, insulation, plastics, metals, glass, and human remains. When a several-ton steel beam crushed his foot, the firefighters around him saved him from bleeding to death.

A photo of a man in a sleeveless jacket that reads on the back "Blue Knighs New Jersey VIII" stands in front of a wall with hundreds and hundreds of names. The names are broken up by an American flag emblem.

A visitor pauses to read the names inscribed on the 9/11 Nesconset Memorial.Steven Zaitz

The following months were spent in a haze of hospitals, multiple surgeries, and the partial amputation of his left foot. Then followed the black hole of PTSD. He said that the experience of working the pile haunts him today as a phantom smell—both unmistakable and incomprehensible.

In 2002, he joined a support group for sick and injured responders. It was there he realized he was not alone. He met people, mostly from the trades, who helped at Ground Zero, but were now too sick to work. Some had lost their jobs and medical insurance. Others who had been in his group just vanished. “Whether it was six people or 15 people in the group, I’d be like, ‘Yo, where’s what’s-his-name?’ ‘Oh, he died,’” Feal said. “‘Hey, where’s what’s-his-name?’ ‘Oh, he’s in the hospital with stage four cancer.’”

“Whether it was six people or 15 people in the group, I’d be like, ‘Yo, where’s what’s-his-name?’ ‘Oh, he died,.’ ‘Hey, where’s what’s-his-name?’ ‘Oh, he’s in the hospital with stage four cancer.’”

In 2005, he started a nonprofit, the Feal Good Foundation, both to lobby elected officials for responders’ health needs and to offer practical help for responders to get back on their feet: Financial assistance, for instance, for everyday expenses like medication or prescriptions, or perhaps transportation to and from medical appointments.

Feal tells me he has made countless trips to Washington through the years to battle legislators who are skittish about the cost: $955 million for the upcoming fiscal year administered by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health. The program is set to end in 2090, when most responders and survivors have likely died. Like a B-52 bomber, he’s deployed first by fellow health program advocates to soften the field before the ground troops go in. His strategy is to show up over and over again, moving from congressional office to office, sometimes pushing a sick responder’s wheelchair, refusing to let urgent issues, like continuing the funding for research, disappear behind a wall of lip service.

One wall of Feal’s office in New York City is a clutter of photos, awards, and 9/11-related memorabilia: his personal history as a 9/11 activist in tchotchkes. His notoriety in the 9/11 community grew over the years as he brought attention to responders through extensive media appearances, such as, say, with Jon Stewart. The advocacy work on Capitol Hill also made him a celebrity in the local Long Island 9/11 community.

A photo of two middle-aged men in dark blue and black jackets. Stewart, left, has salt-and-pepper hair and a light beard. Feal is wearing a blue baseball cap with sunglasses sitting on top.

John Feal, right, and Jon Stewart, visited Capitol Hill offices to call on Congress to make permanent the September 11th Victim Compensation Fund in 2019. The fund provides financial assistance to responders, victims and their families, who suffer from health maladies in the aftermath of 9/11 terrorist attacks. Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/AP

In 2008, local officials and a small group of determined 9/11 widows began to discuss turning a small piece of land in Nesconset into a memorial. Feal was asked to join the project to help raise funds. He did, but also brought to the table a broader vision for the project, using his firebrand style to help move it forward as an embodied metaphor for those lost to illness, but also for those who were still suffering with 9/11 related illnesses.

While Feal is the first to recognize the initiative as one built from a local collective, for him, the memorial is meant to enshrine the advocacy work itself, his and others’.

“Everybody wants to leave a legacy,” Feal said. “I left that park for the 9/11 community in the town of Nesconset.”

Displayed on a clock tower placed in the grassy part of the memorial is a plaque. On it are the words: “I can tell you that I did not want to be anywhere else but Ground Zero when I was there.” That’s part of the testimony of 9/11 responder Detective Luis G. Alvarez before the United States House of Representatives Judiciary Committee. Alvarez died of cancer in 2019, within a month after delivering this testimony. He had gone to Congress to advocate for financial compensation for sick 9/11 responders.

“After a traumatic event, two things usually happen: advocacy or conspiracy,” says John Feal.

“I choose advocacy.”

Firefighters make their way over the ruins of the World Trade Center through clouds of smoke at ground zero in New York a month after the terrorist attack.Stan Honda/Pool/AP

I recently spoke with Marita Sturken, a historian and New York University professor, on a Zoom call. Her 2007 book, Tourists of History: Memory, Kitsch, and Consumerism from Oklahoma City to Ground Zero, examines the way Americans engage with traumatic historical events—how we use memorials to process our grief and direct our mourning using memorials.

On a shared screen, we studied an architectural drawing and a few photos of the Nesconset Memorial. Sturken noted the memorial’s similarity to the design of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC, where there also are layers of names engraved on the granite slabs, with a clutter of small objects left by families and friends at the memorial’s base.

“The Vietnam memorial was a grassroots project begun by veterans, not government-led,” Sturken said, and was the first one at which people began leaving things. “No other memorial in Washington has been conducive to that.” It was embraced immediately by veterans themselves as a place where they felt recognized and seen. She considers the Nesconset memorial to be similar to others built from advocacy, such as Alabama’s National Memorial for Peace and Justice, dedicated to those who were lynched or victims of racial terror, or the AIDS Memorial Quilt.

Sturken notes that timeframes are, in general, “an ingredient” to the memorial’s form. Usually, built memorials are tied to historical moments, coded with the viewpoints of their makers and of the times/specific moment in time when they were created—literally chiseling our memories into a singular object of contemplation. In the final form, who or what is embodied in bronze, or marble, or granite can tell us as much about who is not depicted as who is. Sturken explained that the best memorials represent an array of voices, honoring and naming individuals, as with the Nesconset memorial. “It creates a very different kind of interaction for visitors,” she said.

A photo of a man who has removed his cap wears a T-shirt aht reads "FEALGOOD FOUNDATION." A man in the background plays the trumpet.

A moment of reflection about loved ones lost.Steven Zaitz

In her book, Sturken points out that memorial culture in the United States is seen as a therapeutic way to make peace with difficult memories. “American mythology clings tenaciously to the belief that one can always heal,” she wrote, “move on and place the past in its proper context.” The Nesconset memorial points to the dissonance in this pursuit. Momentous events rarely have simple endings, especially when there are casualties.

Usually, built memorials are tied to historical moments, coded with the viewpoints of their makers and of the times/specific moment in time when they were created—literally chiseling our memories into a singular object of contemplation.

The New York City 9/11 Memorial and Museum built on the site of Ground Zero has been slow to recognize those who died because of that day, and only formally did so in 2019 with the dedication of an appendage to the main memorial known as the Glade. Set in an arboretum placed adjacent to the main memorial—the one that honors the people killed on 9/11 and in the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center—the Glade is a series of granite monoliths infused with steel salvaged from the Twin Towers. It sits just west of the Survivor Tree, which was recultivated after being the only green thing found alive amid the debris.

Unlike the Nesconset Memorial, the designers of the Glade chose not to inscribe the names of individuals who died from 9/11-related illnesses. Ben Chevat, Executive Director of 9/11 Health Watch, was heavily involved with the push to build the Glade. The decision not to inscribe the ever-expanding number of names of the dead was simply too resource-heavy and time-consuming for a government-run entity, he told me.

For Feal, the New York City 9/11 museum, which in recent years added a special exhibit dedicated to those impacted by the toxins, “was a gut punch,” he said. “To me it’s a clean, organized crime scene.” He insisted that he is not downplaying “the significance of what happened that day, innocent lives lost—and the violence,” but believes the city memorial and museum should grow and evolve as more is learned, through research, about the long-term health impacts of the dust.

A photo of people standing in front of memorial panels.

Mourners pay their respects at the 2025 Nesconset Memorial Ceremony.Steven Zaitz

One broiling morning in July, I toured the Nesconset memorial with its architect, Mark Mancini. He remembered going to community meetings about the design and being shocked at the number of sick responders. “One year at an event there are a couple of guys in a wheelchair,” he said, “and the next year they’re gone.”

“One year at an event there are a couple of guys in a wheelchair, and the next year they’re gone.”

The granite wall, he explained, divides the space into two distinct areas: an open grassy area facing the front side of the structure where the public can congregate for ceremonies, and a partially enclosed space around the back for those who want to sit and reflect, which Mancini referred to as “the sanctuary space.” Thinking that they would be able to accommodate all the names, the original design left the front blank with only the words: “Courage, Honor, Sacrifice,” and the other side inscribed with the names of responders. Mancini has resisted requests to encircle the site with additional panels for them. Instead, they faced the cement back of the cantilever bench with granite in the sanctuary, making more room without losing the integrity of the space.

“I’ve come here with nobody around and run into families just sitting here,” he said, his voice cracking with emotion as he pointed to “little things that keep popping up.”

We looked at a small statue of a fireman and a rescue dog placed under a tree. He added, “The space has taken on a life of its own.”

As for Feal, he’s focusing these days on screening which responders’ names are candidates for inscription. In his office in New York City, I looked over his shoulder as he leaned into his laptop, demonstrating his approach. On any given weekday, he can spend a few hours scouring union and other databases and social media sites, as if on a search and rescue mission, identifying recently deceased responders whose names he can bring forward. For a responder to make the cut, they must have died from a 9/11-related illness, as certified by the WTCHP. “It’s uncomfortable all the time to keep track of fatalities,” he said. “It’s kind of morbid.”

Ask Feal about the park, as I did on another visit, and he uses words of endearment, as if it were part of his family. “That park is my baby,” he said. “Now it’s being run by mothers, uncles, and aunts.”

A photo of an elderly man with a mustache wearing a uniform rubs his right hand on a bench with inscriptions.

A firefighter in a moment of reflection at the Nesconset memorial. Steven Zaitz

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Mother Jones

Global Heating Will Hit at Least 1.8 C, UN Warns, With “No Good Outcomes”

This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Global heating will reach at least 1.8 C under even the most optimistic future, well beyond the Paris agreement goal of 1.5 C, according to a UN report that warns every fraction of temperature rise intensifies destructive extreme weather, glacier melt, ecosystem loss, and island and coastal city submersion.

The report by the Nairobi-based UN Environment Programme confirmed overshooting the 1.5 C goal inscribed in the landmark Paris agreement of 2015 was now “unavoidable” and, despite some progress in addressing the human-caused climate crisis driven by burning fossil fuels, likely in the next few years.

It said: “There are no good outcomes above 1.5 C.”

“We need to see an urgent and unprecedented increase in political will and investment in a climate safe future.”

Heating of up to 3 C above preindustrial levels could lead to glaciers losing more than a quarter of their mass by 2100, raising sea levels by up to 13 cm. Global food production could decline by up to 14 percent by 2050 if there are not effective strategies to adapt.

Human health, water supplies, nature, cities, infrastructure and economies could all be severely damaged. Some losses would be irreversible. Many communities may have to relocate or change their livelihoods.

The report said the best hope for humanity to limit damage was to adopt an “overshoot, peak, and decline” pathway that required immediate and sustained greenhouse gas emissions cuts combined with steps to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.

It described the goal of net zero emissions—increasingly politically contentious in some countries—as “an essential milestone that cannot be skipped” and stressed carbon dioxide removal through steps such as establishing vast new forests must occur alongside, not as an alternative to, deep cuts in fossil pollution.

Crucially, the authors of the report, titled Limiting Overshoot, said the average global temperature could be returned to 1.5 C this century only if heating stayed below about 1.8 C. They warned nature’s capacity to store carbon was uncertain and would shrink the more the planet heats.

The president of Palau, Surangel Whipps Jr.—this week hosting regional leaders including Australia’s Anthony Albanese for a Pacific Islands Forum meeting focused on security and climate—said the report was “a fork in the road moment for the planet.”

“It is hard to overstate the depth of emotion for those of us living on the frontline after having fought so hard to put the 1.5 C limit at the heart of the Paris agreement,” Whipps said. “We need to see an urgent and unprecedented increase in political will and investment in a climate safe future. Nobody can read this report and conclude otherwise.”

“We now have to reconfigure our climate governance around dealing with an overshoot pathway.”

Vishal Prasad, from Pacific Island Students Fighting Climate Change, said the report was terrifying for young people from the Pacific. “The International Court of Justice has made it clear—keeping to 1.5 C is not a choice, it is a legal obligation,” he said. “We are not asking for your goodwill. We are not begging you. We are telling you what international law requires of you. End fossil fuel expansion. Your corporate profits cannot be allowed to extinguish our future.”

The UNEP executive director, Inger Andersen, said the future would “bring many unknowns”, but extreme heatwaves—such as those that smashed records and exacerbated wildfires and droughts this northern summer—were already proving climate impacts would “strike faster, hit harder and last longer.”

“We have to act with urgency and determination. Every fraction of a degree avoided, every year by which overshoot is shortened, and every adaptation action taken will save lives, will protect ecosystems, and reduce economic losses,” she told reporters.

Debra Roberts, a report author and co-chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, said a key message was that “the rules of the game are now changing.”

“Existing approaches are no longer fit for purpose,” she said. “I think, for me, that’s the clarion call. We now have to reconfigure our climate governance around dealing with an overshoot pathway.”

She said that meant not just pollution cuts and carbon removal, but “bold adaptation” to protect infrastructure and livelihoods, help sustain political and social support for reducing emissions, and prevent resources being diverted to crisis response.

Climate Analytics, a science and policy institute, applauded the report for clearly describing the problem, but said it did a poor job of “showing us that there is a way out.” Its chief executive, Bill Hare, said UNEP had barely mentioned the need to phase out fossil fuels or evidence showing “real zero” emissions was possible in many economic sectors by mid-century.

The report’s authors cited earlier work that found limiting heating to about 1.8 C required global emissions to be halved by 2035. They said existing national policies were projected to lead to at least 2.3 C heating, but it would still be possible to limit stay below 2 C if countries delivered on net zero emissions commitments by mid-century.

Professor Richard Betts, from the University of Exeter and UK Met Office and another report author, said the flooding catastrophe caused by the collapse of rock and glacial ice in Nepal and China was a demonstration of why the world needed to limit overshoot and come back to 1.5 C.

“That specific event obviously is very complicated [but] we are committed to glacier loss,” he said. “We can stop them getting much worse by reducing emissions and limiting the amount of warming.”

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Mother Jones

We Got Max Miller’s Old High School Yearbook

For the past few months, Rep. Max Miller (R-Ohio) has been embroiled in a growing list of scandals and allegations of harm. Miller’s ex-wife, the daughter of Sen. Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio), has accused the Republican congressman in legal filings of being an absentee father, abusive husband, and having a history of violence and misconduct towards women dating back to his high school days. Miller has repeatedly denied these allegations.

As Mother Jones’ Abby Vesoulis reported in July:

For instance, one of [Emily] Moreno’s legal filings in their ongoing child custody case asked Miller to comment on the accusation that he pushed a female peer down a set of stairs during his high school years.

“Why did you not pursue a defamation lawsuit against [redacted] for alleging you pushed her down a flight of stairs?”

Miller’s response: “OBJECTION; relevance, scope of admissible evidence.”

According to Politico’s 2021 report, “Miller pushed a girl out the door of his room and she fell down some stairs after he became enraged when she resisted his attempts to touch her, according to three people who were there and many more who heard about the incident in the aftermath.”

Miller categorically denied to Politico that the altercation took place. But reached for comment this month, the woman in question told Mother Jones that while the event “happened 20 years ago,” it remains “one of the more traumatic nights of my life.”

Vesoulis recently traveled to Ohio where she and our producer got a chance to speak with Miller directly following a family court hearing between him and his ex-wife. While visiting, Vesoulis made a stop at the public library in the town that Miller grew up and attended high school in. She wanted to see if there was anything more to be learned from his old high school yearbooks.

“We’re going to flip through all these yearbooks and we could find nothing,” says Vesoulis, sitting in one of the library’s study rooms. “We could find something interesting.”

Interesting, indeed. Here’s what she saw:

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Mother Jones

Mamdani Issues AI Moratorium In NYC Schools

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced a one-year moratorium on AI use for elementary and middle school students on Wednesday.

The decision, which comes a week before New York City public schools begin the year, “includes all software that uses student-facing generative AI.” Elementary and middle school students—about 600,000 students in total—willreceive screen-timerestrictions that loosen over advancing grades, ranging from zero to 45 minutes per day. Companion chatbots will also be prohibited for all grade levels.

The city is also introducing biannual AI critical thinking training for high schoolers that cover determining what is and is not AI, impacts on careers and future skills, and AI-related biases, among others, along with limited pilot programs for a few classes per high school that incorporate AI tools into students’ learning “under the direct supervision of a trained educator.”

“Children need their teachers and human connection in order to learn and in order to grow. And they need to develop skills alongside their peers, build relationships with their teachers, and wrestle with tough problems on their own,” Mayor Mamdani said in a Wednesday press conference. “The tech industry wants us to believe that AI in early education is not only inevitable, but that it is necessary. We do not see it that way.”

The new policies will not apply to cases such as assistive tools to help students with disabilities, those who are multilingual learners, and students in career programs like computer science.

Other school districts have considered AI policies and guidance—such as screening AI tools prior to incorporation into the classroom—but, according to Tech Policy Press, few so far include enforceable, school system-wide rules.

New York City’s policies permit teachers to use AI to plan lessons and operational tasks.

United Federation of Teachers president Michael Mulgrew expressed support for the policy’s limits to screen time but told the Associated Press that it left “many questions unanswered,” including around the implementation of“AI safeguards” in software.

“Let’s start at the source, rather than expect school communities or individual educators to figure out after the fact if what their school uses fits the new policy,” he said.

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Mother Jones

Pete Hegseth’s Year of Blowing Up Boats

On September 2, 2025—a year ago today—the Trump administration first drone-bombed a small boat in the Caribbean Sea. That strike killed 11 people. Then, according to members of Congress who saw classified footage of the attack, the drone circled back for a “double-tap” strike, killing two survivors as they clung to the wreckage.

Administration officials claimed without evidence that the attack was a necessary measure against alleged drug-smugglers.

As justification for the strikes, the administration has relied on and publicly cited a memorandum prepared by the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel. But it has kept the memo secret, despite pressure from lawmakers and civil society groups. And the bombs haven’t stopped: in the year since, the US military has launched 68 “boat strikes” that have killed at least 227 people.

The most recent strike, on August 25, killed four people the administration claimed were “narcoterrorists.” The military, according to the Associated Press, again offered no evidence that the vessel was carrying drugs.

“The United States is simply killing individuals unilaterally without any legal basis or process.”

The UN Human Rights Office released a statement on Wednesday condemning the strikes and stating trafficking drugs, even with evidence, would not justify extrajudicial murder.

“Drug trafficking is a law enforcement matter governed by international human rights law on the use of force. Calling it war does not make it one,” the statement reads. “No armed conflict exists with the United States under international humanitarian law, since there is no military combat between two sides. The United States is simply killing individuals unilaterally without any legal basis or process.”

While many of the strikes’ victims remain unidentified, some victims have been identified by their families as ordinary fishermen with no relationship to the drug trade. The families of Chad Joseph and Rishi Samaroo, two Trinidadian men killed in a US boat strike on October 15, 2025, are suing the Trump administration under the Death on the High Seas Act and the Alien Tort Statute.

“For a year now, the Trump administration has engaged in a terrifying, lawless killing campaign at sea and has yet to provide the public with anything beyond the most threadbare justifications,” said Jeff Stein, a staff attorney with the ACLU’s National Security Project. “These strikes have devastated countless families, terrified communities, and, by the administration’s own admission, failed to achieve their purported goal of stopping drugs from entering into the United States.”

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said two weeks ago that he intends to expand his campaign to land in Latin America.

It will be “like you saw with the strikes on the drug boats,” Hegseth told reporters during an August military drill in the jungle in Panama. “Same effect on land. And so we’re working with Ecuador. We’re working with Colombia. We’re working with partners to bring the fight to the designated terrorist organizations on land. Anywhere you traffic drugs, or you threaten the American people, or our partners, you are a target, just like ISIS or Al-Qaeda.”

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Mother Jones

We Toured Trump’s DC Vanity Projects. It’s a Mess.

Donald Trump’s beloved White House ballroom is moving ahead—at a reported cost of $900 million and counting—thanks to a 5-4 ruling Monday from the Supreme Court.

The ballroom is just one of a slew of active or would-be construction sites where the president is hoping to leave his mark on Washington. But for now, it’s an exception. Many of Trump’s other pet projects are in limbo, stalled by botched construction and legal challenges. Congress has declined to appropriate billions of dollars the administration wants for so-called “beautification” efforts in DC, but the White House has used money from elsewhere in federal budget, including roughly $100 million collected as National Park entrance fees, to pay for the work.

A mile west of the White House, the Kennedy Center remains closed—a tarp obscuring the facade where a federal judge ordered Trump’s name removed. Trump’s plans for the performing arts center, including custom marble armrests, more shows like “Cats,” and his name on the wall, have so far failed. His dismay seemed to animate a recent court filing in which the Justice Department threatened that the center could be demolished if Trump’s plans remained blocked in court.

A mile or so south, the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool sits drained and fenced off—months after the president trumpeted its grand reopening. Following its renovation, the pool closed due to algae blooms and peeling “American flag blue” liner. In late July, the Justice Department acknowledged the peeling resulted from flawed work by a contractor that had received a no-bid contract, worth more than $15 million so far, from the Trump administration. That admission came in a court filing dropping felony charges against an alleged vandal who Trump had blamed for the damage. Trump recently claimed the reflecting will re-open, again, within weeks. But his track record on this topic suggests skepticism is warranted.

Across the Potomac River via Memorial Bridge, the administration hopes to construct what critics have dubbed the “Arc de’ Trump.” The plan for that 250-foot monument, which Trump has said is for “me,” received initial approval this summer from a key federal commission packed with Trump allies, and backing from the Trump-controlled National Park Service. But the proposal has faced stiff legal opposition, in part because the arch would block views of Arlington National Cemetery, leaving its future is uncertain.

Even less likely to be built is the so-called “National Garden of American Heroes.” That’s the statue garden featuring sculptures of 250 Americans that the president hopes to plant along the Potomac near the Jefferson Memorial. Trump first floated the statue garden in 2020 as a sort of anti-woke answer to the removal of statues of Confederates, slave owners, and other historical figures around the country. Congressional Republicans allocated funding for the project, and the administration initially hoped to complete it by July 4 of this year—in time for the semiquincentennial. Trump’s team also set up a nonprofit and began seeking corporate donations for the plan. The same foundation is also raising funds to build a luxury golf course on a flood-prone island in the Potomac, where Trump has claimed construction will start soon.

But July 4 has come and gone, and the statue garden is nowhere close to ready. Sculptors have called the plan “unworkable” due to limited statue-making capacity. And the site also sits in a location where new “commemorative work” cannot be built without additional congressional approval. Congress has not approved this specific plan for the garden, meaning a lawsuit seeking to block the effort might well succeed.

Trump has, however, planted statues elsewhere. He put a new statue of Christopher Columbus on the White House grounds—take that, Indigenous Peoples’ Day. And in Freedom Plaza, a park just southeast of the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue, the administration in April installed 14 statues. These include a large equestrian depiction of Caesar Rodney, a signer of the Declaration of Independence. That statue had sat in storage since 2020, when it was removed from a perch in Wilmington, Delaware, due to Rodney’s status as a major slaveowner. We reported in July that Trump’s Interior Department paid $527,000 for rushed construction of the pedestal on which it now stands. That’s around twice what the department had estimated the statue base should cost. “The work was expedited to ensure it is done before our nation’s 250th,” an Interior Department official told Mother Jones.

Back by the White House are other public works projects the administration rushed to complete by July 4. The National Park Service spent $17.4 million through a no-bid contract to repair two ornamental fountains. The contract, first reported by the New York Times, was secretly awarded to Clark Construction, the same firm that is building the ballroom. The fountains now work. But they are hard to see because of the 13-foot steel fences the administration installed around Lafayette Park. That fencing was supposed to be temporary, but the administration has now proposed permanently fencing off the park. For now, the whole park, including the refurbished fountains, remains closed to the taxpayers who paid for it.

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