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Conspiracists and Supporters Collide at Charlie Kirk’s Memorial

We went to Charlie Kirk’s one-year memorial service at the site of his death. And it was full of contradictions—conspiracy theorists colliding with diehard supporters and counter protesters.

September 10 marked the one-year anniversary of the death of conservative youth activist Charlie Kirk at Utah Valley University, which sits just outside of Salt Lake City, Utah. According to event organizers, thousands of people made the trek to the university event center to remember the founder of Turning Point USA. While it was mostly fans of Kirk and locals who had made the journey, none of the attendees happened to be from the Trump administration, unless you count Trent Staggs, the former mayor of Riverton, Utah and failed Senate candidate who now works in the Small Business Administration.

The event was subdued and received little media coverage because most of the political world was instead focused on President Donald Trump, who scheduled his midterm convention in Dallas, Texas, for the same night, reportedly without consulting Kirk’s widow, Erika, or the Turning Point leadership.

But the Utah event nonetheless drew Kirk’s diehard supporters, as well as a few conspiracy theorists who don’t believe that his death was the result of a lone gunman. (Tyler Robinson, the alleged shooter, is currently on trial in Utah.) And of course, there were a handful of protesters, mostly UVU students who were unhappy to have the memorial event held on their campus for a man whose views they found distasteful. We spoke to people from all camps. Watch:

Video by Peter Berger

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Trump’s DOJ Is Reportedly Investigating Gavin Newsom’s Travel Funding

The Justice Department’s probe into Gov. Gavin Newsom and his wife, Jennifer Siebel Newsom, is related to his international travel and how it was paid for, according to subpoenas reviewed by the San Francisco Standard in a story on Saturday.

These subpoenas were reportedly issued earlier this month and order six years of records from a nonprofit that paid for the governor’s travel. It also seeks internal communications among his current and former aides and associates.

Federal probes into Newsom’s circle reportedly began at least a year ago, and in June, Newsom said the probe was a politically motivated “fishing expedition.” He claimed the Trump administration was targeting him because he was considering a bid for president in 2028. (The president, of course, has a long history of going after his political enemies.)

“In recent days, federal agents have knocked on the doors of family friends and former employees,” Newsom said in a video message at the time. “Not because they found a crime, but because they simply are trying to find one.”

And in a statement Saturday, Newsom’s office said, “Governor Newsom went after the king—and as he warned in June, the tyrant is now coming after everyone around him. This is what Donald Trump does to his enemies: investigate first, hunt for a crime that doesn’t exist second.”

The California governor has a history of criticizing Trump. On Tuesday, he said the president lied when he told a story of two firefighters lifting him out of One Liberty Plaza on September 11, 2001.

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Ted Cruz Pushed His College Sports Bill on ESPN—and Was Booed Mercilessly

Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) was on the receiving end of a nearly 10-minute chorus of boos on Saturday morning ahead of the heavyweight college football matchup between Texas and Ohio State, during an interview in which he shamelessly promoted his congressional bill live on ESPN.

ESPN had Ted Cruz on 'College GameDay' in a conversation with Rece Davis for nearly 10 minutes. Cruz was heavily booed by the crowd — and heard "Ted, you suck!" chants — in Austin.

Awful Announcing (@awfulannouncing.bsky.social) 2026-09-12T14:21:12.607Z

His proposed legislation, the Protect College Sports Act, would allow the NCAA to unilaterally enforce its own rules on issues likerevenue sharing with college students and athletes transferring between schools. It also shields the NCAA from antitrust liability. Groups like the NAACP and AFL-CIO oppose the bill for further diminishing the voice and power of college athletes.

Other proponents of the bill—including former Alabama football coach Nick Saban and sports host Pat McAfee—have used ESPN airtime to support it. But the absence of an opposing viewpoint was glaring Saturday morning. As The Atlantic’s Jemele Hill wrote on Threads: “ESPN using its flagship college football show to openly advocate for this bill is egregious. Fine, have Ted Cruz on. But have on Senator Chris Murphy, who opposes this bill.”

And as sports news media site Awful Announcing points out, it’s ironic that ESPN provided room for a Republican senator from Texas to talk about politics the same week that ABC (which, like ESPN, is owned by Disney) stopped Jimmy Kimmel from airing an interview with Democratic Senate candidate James Talarico, following threats from the FCC. (Though it’s important to note that the FCC does not have oversight over cable television.)

It’s also a choice to haveCruz live on the air from Austin, Texas, given his infamous history at sporting events, particularly during the 2022 baseball postseason. During Game 4 of the American League Championship Series that fall between the team Cruz roots for, the Houston Astros, and the New York Yankees, the Yankee Stadium crowd booed and heckled Cruz, shouting “Loser!” and “Go back to Cancún!,” the latter a reference to his retreat from the 2021 winter storm that plunged Texas into a deadly power crisis. Weeks later, after the Astros took home the World Series, Cruz managed to get booed at the team’s victory parade.

Ted Cruz pulled off what I thought was impossible- getting booed at a championship parade. pic.twitter.com/B4oVgP404Q

— Chancellor Johnson (@ChancellorTV) November 7, 2022

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Mother Jones

The Black Market for a Lifesaving Cat Drug

In 2023, Marlena Arjo adopted a one-eyed kitten with a penchant for destruction. She named him Otto, and over the next eight months, Otto grew into his own little chaotic personality.

“ He’s laying on houseplants, he’s tearing books out of the bookshelves, ripping the calendar off the wall…I wasn’t prepared for having a criminal in my home,” Arjo joked.

Within months, Otto got sick and stopped eating. Arjo rushed him to a vet and learned he had feline infectious peritonitis, better known as FIP, a disease that kills nearly all cats that contract it.

The vet said there was nothing the clinic could do. But there was something Arjo could do.

“I shouldn’t tell you this,” Arjo recalled the vet telling her. “But by the way, you can get drugs for this if you go to this Facebook group.”

This week on Reveal, in partnership with the Hyperfixed podcast, we tell the story of the cat drug black market, why it was even necessary, and how cat lovers fought for big changes to make the black market obsolete.

This is an update of a show that originally aired in January 2026.

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ICE at the Polls? Ain’t Never Gonna Happen, Says This Voting Expert

At a press briefing on Friday, David Becker, a longtime voting rights advocate and the founder and director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research, a “fiercly nonpartisan” nonprofit, threw a bucket of ice water on fears that the Trump administration might send federal troops or ICE agents to polling places.

The administration hasn’t explicitly threatened such a thing, although neither Trump nor his officials, including former personal lawyer and DOJ chief Todd Blanche, have ruled it out. DHS chief Markwayne Mullin recently said federal officers could be deployed to polling places if there was “a threat” or they were “serving a warrant,” though he also said DHS had no plans for such a thing. Democratic officials, meanwhile, have made a stink about it and the City of Denver is sufficiently freaked out that it has sued the administration to stop any such deployment.

A reporter at the briefing asked Becker whether he knows of any plans afoot, and what might happen in the courts if something were to go down on Election Day?

Here’s Becker’s response in full, with just a few light edits:

“I want to be very clear: This is not going to happen. ICE and troops will not be at the polls, period.

There are many reasons for this. One, it is completely and obviously illegal—18 U.S.C. 592 blocks this. As soon as someone, an armed federal, as soon as a troop or an armed man—that is the term in the statute—”armed men.” As soon as there is an armed individual at a polling place, there will be a court action.

Jurisdictions are preparing for it. They won’t need to use this, but they will go. They will get it blocked. And I think the administration is, and probably should be, worried that there might be political backlash if it occurred.

But even more importantly, it is very hard to target particular voters for intimidation, thanks to what the states, both red and blue, have done with regard to “convenience” voting: 47 states offer early in-person voting of some sort. Three-fourths of the states offer mail voting without an excuse. Democrats are disproportionately taking advantage of those now because the president has so delegitimized [mail voting], falsely, that the Election Day in-person voting is now disproportionately Republican.

So, if you try to deploy troops in order to suppress voters, the most likely time people are voting would be Election Day, and you might inadvertently, if you’re a Republican president, suppress your own voters.

This is not going to happen. I can’t say this strongly enough.

Now, it may very well be that there are people within the administration, and perhaps even the president himself, who would desperately love voters to be fearful that it might happen, which is why I think you see them dancing around this issue. We saw this with with Attorney General Blanche during his confirmation hearings.

I think you know the chairman of the Joint Chiefs issued a statement that was very clear on this: that there will be no troops. It is illegal to put troops at the polls. That it will not happen. I understand, given the administration’s seemingly intentional vagueness on this, litigants might want to get the administration on the record to get clear indications before court that this is not going to happen.

But regardless of the status of this lawsuit, regardless of what you what what we might hear from the administration, it is not going to happen.”

You’re welcome.

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Mother Jones

America’s 9/11 President Never Forgets…His Paintings

On Friday, former President George W. Bush shared his new collection of self-congratulatory paintings to mark the 25th anniversary of the September 11 attacks, which killed thousands of people while he was in office. In the years that followed, Bush led—and became the face of—the War on Terror era, with its succession of wars abroad.

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The paintings come from an exhibit titled “Remembering 9/11” on display at the Bush Museum in Dallas, Texas, for the entire month of September. Among the 16 works includes a painting of the infamous moment when Chief of Staff Andy Card whispered in Bush’s ear about the attack while the president was speaking to a classroom of elementary school students in Sarasota, Florida.

The George W. Bush Presidential Center website advertising the exhibit describes the series as “works of art to reflect on the courage, sacrifice, and resilience that emerged from one of the most defining moments in American history.”

It of course does not address his response to the 2001 attack, launching a “War on Terror” that, among other things, launched the United States’ longest foreign occupation, killed at least 4.5 million people, and saw the founding of the Department of Homeland Security, perhaps the Trump administration’s most powerful asset in rolling back democracy at home.

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What Does FBI Director Kash Patel Actually Do?

FBI Director Kash Patel seems to be very bad at his job.

This was confirmed yet again on Thursday, when national security journalist Seth Hettena found documents showing Patel instructing his team to search for and respond toonline accounts that criticize him. In one instance, Ben Williamson, the FBI’s assistant director for public affairs, tells Patel via text message that the FBI should not respond to a post making fun of the director from what looks like a troll account on X with a handle referencing the r-word slur.

Patel texted a link of the post to Williamson in February, to which Williamson replies, “this is an ‘Epstein didn’t kill himself’ bot account if you’re wondering where that’s coming from.” But Patel seems to fixate on the reaction to the post: “277k responses are not bots what i asked you and your team to do is find them, and post our record year results back at them all, continuously.”

The records appear in the FBI Vault, a large set of documentation that the FBI proactively releasedfor public interest in accordance with US freedom of information law. The documents that Hettena highlights are from a collection titled “Records regarding the review of the Investigative Holdings related to Jeffrey Epstein Part 11.”

Williamson dismissed his director’s concern over the February troll post**—**as of Friday morning it onlyhas 492 comments, about 1,000 reposts and quotes, and 16,000 likes—with Patel appearing to confuse the number of views with the number of responses. He warned Patel that responding to the post would “look bad on you”—a valid point.

Working for @FBIDirectorKash means @_WilliamsonBen has to spend his time explaining why the @FBI should not respond to a post by @ifindretards.

Found in the FBI vault: https://t.co/ikrrNjt7Ge pic.twitter.com/y9rKd8ZLou

— Seth Hettena (@seth_hettena) September 10, 2026

This behavior aligns with Patel’s excessive drinking and extended unexplained absences from his post, according to an April report in the Atlantic. The FBI director filed a defamation lawsuit against the media outlet, a case that remains pending following the Atlantic‘s motion to dismiss in July.

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Mother Jones

The Religion of National Security

Anyone who’s camped out at a folk music festival and has been woken up at 2 a.m. by a blaringly rendered version of “Bella Ciao” knows that trumpet players are terrorists. But the Trump administration is taking that a bit literally: The Department of Commerce announced in early August that it plans to implement a 25 percent tariff on brass instruments, citing national security concerns about America’s perceived overreliance on foreign copper alloys. The move throws into sharp relief how far the term “national security” has wandered from its bare-bones literal meaning: defending a country from threats.

Our leaders have been referencing “national security” more or less since the founding. In a 1791 address to Congress, George Washington argued that militias were “of primary importance” to the young country’s “national security” to, among other things, fight against the “deluded tribes.”

But the term didn’t enter everyday vernacular until much later. During the New Deal era, as historian Andrew Preston put it in his book Total Defense, its meaning expanded: “Security became ideological as well as territorial, normative as well as physical, global and not just continental. It became, as it still is today, all-encompassing.”

Americans’ anti-communist fervor during the Cold War then laid the groundwork for today’s formalized national security state. The National Security Act of 1947 created many of the structures we now see as intrinsic to our national security, such as the CIA, the National Security Council, and the Department of Defense—even if it never actually defined the term. It “is sort of like a Christmas tree. Everybody can just kind of hang what they want onto it,” Delaware Law School professor Elizabeth Beavers told me.

The September 11 attacks weighed down that tree with a host of new meanings. Yumna Rizvi, a fellow at the Center for International Policy, cites the fall of the twin towers as the point when national security swallowed the world. Within days, Congress passed a sweeping authorization of military force that has yet to be repealed, and President George W. Bush was calling for a “crusade” against “terrorism.” By January 2002, the US had opened its prison at Guantánamo Bay for combatants in the so-called global war on terror. Just over a year after 9/11, the Department of Homeland Security was officially up and running.

“We became a fear-based, hyper-security state,” Rizvi said. “It was a shock to the American system.”

National security went from being a governmental priority to a full-blown religion. Bits of twisted steel from the wreckage of the towers were shipped all over the world and welded into ad hoc memorials in places like a strip mall in Parma, Ohio, and a firehouse in Giddings, Texas, where they were honored as saintly relics—“franchising 9/11 memory,” as researchers Samuel and Max Holleran put it.

If national security is everything, then national security is nothing at all, apart from a tool “to vilify, to punish, to create division” in the post-9/11 era.

Some “survivor steel” was even melted into the hull of the USS New York, a warship later deployed to the Persian Gulf. The subsequent 20 years of war cost an estimated 900,000 lives—including about 15,000 Americans—and at least $4 trillion.

Much of the infrastructure from the war on terror is still with us today. Events like the annual Christianity & National Security conference continue to cloak it in religious fervor. Meanwhile, “national security” has become a catchall for anything the government wants to spend money on—including domestic initiatives with little or no benefit to the public.

Every president since Bush has made use of the blunt weapon of national security to push their interests, but Donald Trump’s use has been unprecedentedly brazen. The White House ballroom is national security. Canceling offshore wind leases and dialing back limits on toxic chemical emissions are national security. Erasing transgender people from public life is national security, too.

And then there’s everybody’s favorite rage object, the hyperscale data center. As people started pushing back against these energy-guzzling, chatbot-sustaining behemoths en masse, those who stand to profit from the data center boom turned to a familiar argument. “It is a national security imperative for the United States to achieve and maintain unquestioned and unchallenged global technological dominance,” Trump, who has invested millions of dollars in companies that build data center infrastructure, wrote in a 2025 executive order. Celebrity investor Kevin O’Leary, whose 40,000-acre data center proposal in Utah was met with furious backlash, promptly labeled his opponents Chinese Communist Party plants and declared his project a national security necessity. “Who would want to stop us from having the compute capacity to develop AI? Which adversary would want that? There’s only one, it’s China,” he said on Fox News. And Trump has described the AI giant Anthropic alternately as either useful to national security or a national security threat, depending on the day.

Republicans aren’t alone in hanging their priorities on this Christmas tree. Gun violence has been dubbed a national security issue, and a spate of recent think pieces have declared Trump himself a national security threat. Other ideas transcend party lines. For decades, the Pentagon viewed climate change through that lens—“If you can’t land troops in a foreign country because the beach you thought was going to be something you could land on is no longer there, then it’s a national security issue,” one retired general warned on NPR during the first Trump administration. (The Defense Department “does not do climate change crap,” Secretary Pete Hegseth now insists.)

The outcome, of course, is that if national security is everything, then national security is nothing at all, apart from a tool to revive a zombie army of post-9/11 legal mechanisms against all sorts of domestic dissidents—the slew of anti-ICE protesters charged under Trump’s National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 can attest to that. “The system has expanded to new uses, new targets, new opportunities to vilify, to punish, to create division. It started with the vilification of Muslims, and now you see it being used against immigrants and people on the left,” Rizvi says.

If Trump gets his way, it might be used against your local middle school’s tuba player, too.

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“We’ve Been Told There’s Another Plane in the Air and It’s Heading Here”

It’s been 25 years since the horrific attacks of 9/11. In the immediate aftermath, there was a hope that this nightmare would compel the nation to adopt a more serious approach to politics and foreign policy. That didn’t happen. President George W. Bush also urged the country to not allow 9/11 to give rise to greater Islamophobia. These days, anti-Muslim bigotry appears to be more prevalent, at least when it comes to Republican politicians and right-wing figures spreading and weaponizing this hatred. Five years ago, I wrote this remembrance of that awful morning to highlight the lessons we should have learned and to honor the passengers of Flight 93, whose courageous actions likely saved many lives, possibly my own.

“They’re attacking. They’re attacking.”

That’s what a woman shouted when I asked what was happening. I was walking past the Hart Senate Office Building on Capitol Hill, and Senate staffers were pouring onto the street on a gorgeous September morning. Who? I asked her. Where? “The Pentagon, the Mall, the White House, everywhere!” she exclaimed and hurried past. I rushed to the modest Nation magazine bureau—my one-room office in a building between the Supreme Court and the Senate buildings, half a block east of the Capitol—and flipped on an old black-and-white television set.

The towers were burning. People were leaping from unimaginable heights. The Pentagon had been hit. I called home to make sure my wife knew what was happening. I tried phoning family in New York City but couldn’t get through. I glanced at email. There was a message my editor in New York had sent a few minutes before 9 a.m. A plane had crashed into the World Trade Center, but she noted that this was unlikely to affect the issue going to press the next day. That was before the second airliner struck at 9:03 a.m. Everything had already changed.

I grabbed a notebook and raced outside into chaos. The Capitol and the office buildings had been evacuated. Legislators and staffers milled about on the streets. No one knew what to do or where to go. No one was in charge. Capitol Hill officers circulated without any apparent direction. Rumors were rampant: George W. Bush was dead. Explosions were going off throughout Washington. A dirty bomb had been detonated.

At the corner of Constitution Avenue NE and First Street, on the edge of the Capitol grounds, I spotted West Virginia Sen. Robert Byrd. He was the president pro tempore of the Senate, which meant he was third in line for presidential succession, behind the vice president and the House speaker. At the moment, this seemed significant. Accompanied by a single aide, he seemed lost, unsure of how to proceed. As I reached them, they were asking a Capitol Hill officer for guidance. “I don’t know,” the officer said. “But we’ve been told there’s another plane in the air and it’s heading here. So, get in a car and drive as far as you can from here right now.”

Byrd seemed shaken by the news that there was no plan. This was absurd. The aide grabbed Byrd by the arm and said, “C’mon, Senator.” He led him away through the crowd. I looked at the officer. “A plane is coming this way?” I asked. “That’s what they’re telling us,” he said, adding, “That’s all I know.” He then said, “Good luck,” and trotted off.

I dashed back to my building, which housed offices for nonprofit groups and residential apartments, several of which had been occupied by past and present legislators, including former Democratic Sens. Howell Heflin, Al Gore, and John Stennis, and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich. (Yes, Gingrich and I were neighbors, so to speak, for many years. But that’s another story.) I ran down the halls on each of the five floors of the back half of the building, banging on doors and informing occupants that a Capitol Hill officer had said a plane was flying toward us. “I don’t want to spread rumors,” I said, “But…”

When I knocked on one door and it opened, I saw dozens of people crowded into a living room. This was the apartment for then-Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.), who had moved his evacuated staff into it. I passed along the intel from the officer and quickly moved on, as the senator and his staffers scrammed out of the apartment. After warning all I could, I sprinted to my car and drove away from Capitol Hill as fast as possible.

By this point, I believe, Flight 93, the fourth plane, had crashed into an empty field in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. It was brought down a few minutes after 10 a.m., when passengers on the flight, having heard of the attacks on the World Trade Center during cellphone conversations with friends and relatives, rushed the cockpit to thwart the al-Qaeda hijackers. As the 9/11 Commission’s final report noted, “Several passengers had terminated phone calls with loved ones to join the revolt. One of the callers ended her message as follows: ‘Everyone’s running up to first class. I’ve got to go.’” The report concluded that the intended target for Flight 93 was the Capitol or the White House. The Boeing 757 was 20 minutes flying time from Washington when those brave passengers confronted the enemy.

I often think of these men and women. Their actions prevented even more death and destruction on September 11. Did they save the lives of people on Capitol Hill or the White House? Did they foil an attack that could have decapitated an entire branch of the US government or destroyed the symbol of the American republic? Imagine the consequences of a successful strike on the Capitol when Congress was in session.

One lesson of the many from that harrowing day was that the United States was blind to a profound threat and thus totally unprepared. As the 9/11 report famously observed, “The most important failure was one of imagination. We do not believe leaders understood the gravity of the threat.” Yet the report illustrated that there had been plenty of indicators of such an attack—many dots that could have been connected. And while we now live in a world of reinforced cockpit doors and long airport lines and TSA inspections, 9/11 is—or should be—a reminder of how oblivious we can be and of the necessity of thinking creatively about dangers that may lie ahead. That’s true regarding threats beyond those from terrorists, such as pandemics, climate change, and domestic extremism.

A more uplifting takeaway from 9/11 is that just as the actions of a few evildoers can cause immense damage and alter the course of life across the globe, the actions of a small group of noble-minded people can do so much good. The Flight 93 passengers and crew gave their lives to make a terrible day less terrible. All of us who were on Capitol Hill that awful morning may well owe them a debt that cannot be paid. Yet, paradoxically, because they succeeded—they averted an even greater catastrophe in the nation’s capital that day—the crash of Flight 93 has tended to receive less attention in the 9/11 narrative. The iconic images that continue to define our memories of that horror come from downtown Manhattan or the Pentagon, not a verdant field in rural Pennsylvania.

Still, they are remembered. There is a memorial plaque within the Capitol building honoring the 40 passengers and crew members who perished on the flight. It reads: “In memory of the passengers and crew of United Airlines Flight 93, whose brave sacrifice on September 11, 2001, not only saved countless lives but may have saved the U.S. Capitol from destruction.”

In Shanksville, there is a national memorial for them. It includes a 93-foot-tall tower with wind chimes like none other in the world. As the National Park Service explains, “The chime system is designed using music theory to identify a mathematically developed range of frequencies needed to produce a distinct musical note associated with each chime. The applied music theory allows the sound produced by individual chimes to be musically compatible with the sound produced by the other chimes in the tower. The intent is to create a set of forty tones (voices) that can connote through consonance the serenity and nobility of the site while also through dissonance recalling the event that consecrated the site.” You can hear them here.

A live webcam shows the tower 24/7. Every so often, I drop by the website. For a while, on Monday evening at sunset, no one was there. Clouds slowly rolled across a blue sky in the orange glow of a beautiful late-summer day, two decades after the crash. A single person—a man—walked up to the tower. He stood there by himself for several minutes. Did he know he was being watched? He kissed his hand, placed it against the base of the tower, and then left to return to his life.

You can sign up for a free trial subscription to David Corn’s Our Land newsletter at davidcorn.com.

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Utah’s Voters Would Like Their National Monuments Back, Thank You

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Two-thirds of Utah voters support restoring the boundaries of Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante national monuments to the previous boundaries they had before President Donald Trump reduced them to less than a quarter of their original size.

That’s according to new polling commissioned by the Grand Canyon Trust, a nonprofit dedicated to protecting the Four Corners region, and conducted by New Bridge Strategy, and comes as the Trump administration’s actions prompt the reignition of major lawsuits from environmental organizations, conservation groups and outdoor apparel maker Patagonia.

“Whether every elected official agrees with the results or not, these findings are profoundly telling and should not be ignored.”

“Utahns are currently speaking up, and they’re saying that the decision made regarding Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears national monuments being shrunk down are wrong and tribes should have been consulted,” said Autumn Gillard, the cultural resource manager for the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah and coordinator of the Grand Staircase-Escalante Inter-Tribal Coalition, at a press conference hosted Wednesday to announce the poll results.

Before their downsizing, Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monuments collectively stretched across over 3 million acres of public lands in southern Utah. Via two executive orders in July, Trump cut the monuments to just 302,600 acres to better align with the administration’s goal of opening up public lands for mining.

Gone are many of the two monuments’ protections for scores of archeological sites and some of the country’s last intact landscapes. Already, mining interests have begun staking claims in the area, even before the downsizing was complete. The executive orders also dissolved the Bears Ears Inter-Tribal Coalition, which spearheaded the monument’s groundbreaking co-stewardship efforts.

The polling found 69 percent of Utahns opposed terminating that coalition, and 82 percent say tribal voices are important for managing the sites. Nearly three-quarters of Utah voters support presidents’ authority to designate national monuments under the Antiquities Act, a long-standing piece of legislation that Republicans have targeted, and 81 percent of Utahns oppose selling public lands to private interests, which Utah Republicans have advocated for.

“Whether every elected official agrees with the results or not, these findings are profoundly telling and should not be ignored,” said Davina Smith-Idjesa, a member of the Navajo Nation and part of both monuments’ inter-tribal coalitions, about the polling. “They reflect broad support within Utah for protecting these national monuments and ensuring that tribal nations have a meaningful and lasting role in their future.”

Having “earth-moving equipment, flags staked, and a just general industrial presence within these really beautiful, undeveloped landscapes is a tragedy.”

Other polls have found similar results: Colorado College’s 16th annual Conservation in the West Poll found 91 percent of voters in the Western US support keeping existing national monument designations in place.

In a statement, White House spokesperson Taylor Rogers said previous administrations abused their power under “the Antiquities Act to lock up millions of acres of Utah’s public lands, impoverishing local communities and sharply restricting access for recreation, grazing, resource development, and fire prevention” and downsizing the monuments “allow for common sense land use in these areas.”

Trump’s downsizing of Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante this year isn’t his first attempt. In 2017, he reduced Bears Ears by 85 percent, and cut Grand Staircase-Escalante nearly in half. Environmental groups, including the Grand Canyon Trust, filed suit, as did local tribes, Patagonia and Access Fund, the national rock climbing advocacy organization.

That litigation was paused after the Biden administration restored the monuments. But it has since been reignited, with Patagonia, Access Fund, and the coalition of environmental groups filing to restart their lawsuits. The tribal groups, for now, have not refiled.

Those challenges rest on the Antiquities Act of 1906. That law gives presidents the power to create national monuments, but not to downsize them. That power rests with Congress. Last year, the Department of Justice outlined its reasoning for the opposite in a memo, but legal scholars have questioned that position and how it would hold up in court, if used.

Tom Delehanty, senior attorney with Earthjustice, which represents the coalition of environmental groups, said Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante are treasured for their significance to scientific research, cultural and historical significance to local tribes and opportunities for public recreation, and that’s why protecting them is so important. Delehanty expects developers to move quickly to try and stake claims.

“Having things like earth-moving equipment, flags staked, and a just general industrial presence within these really beautiful, undeveloped landscapes is a tragedy,” he said. “It’s very much something that we want to avoid, and it’s part of why these lawsuits are so important.”

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Don’t Be Fooled. Congress Isn’t Cracking Down on OpenAI.

A Republican-led Senate subcommittee on disaster management is now investigating the July incident where OpenAI’s autonomous models hacked Hugging Face, another AI startup, during internal testing.

Axios first reported the Senate probe on Thursday, providing a letter by Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), the chair of the Subcommittee on Disaster Management, to OpenAI CEO Sam Altman from a day before.

Citing an August investigation from Model Evaluation and Threat Research and Redwood Research, two nonprofit research organizations, Hawley wrote to Altman that OpenAI knew that its agents were “exhibiting rogue behavior” but continued its internal testing anyway—an act he described as “reckless” to the degree of necessitating a Senate investigation.

“The American people deserve to know the details of what went on in the Hugging Face incident and other incidents of AI models going rogue,” Hawley wrote, also pointing to the growing number of experts warning about the existential safety risks of AI technology.

The subcommittee asks OpenAI 16 questions on the Hugging Face incident, including the rationale behind OpenAI’s decision to continue testing despite seeing evidence of “rogue AI activity,” every incident since OpenAI’s inception that its AI agents compromised internal testing environments, public servers, other other external systems like websites, and what the company has done to prevent its AI agents from hacking into personal information from both in-company and external systems. It requests OpenAI’s answers and documentation by October 1.

WillOpenAI comply? Based on its track record with other congressional requests, that seems unlikely. The company has delayed oversight conversations on the Hugging Face incident with House members, including a similar oversight request for internal incident logs from the breach by August 24, only some of which it eventually provided on August 31.

“Providing hand-picked investigators six days of supervised access is not public release, and those investigators themselves flagged that they could not rule out errors in their AI-assisted analysis,” Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) wrote to Altman last week, referring to the August investigation by Model Evaluation and Threat Research and Redwood Research.

As my colleague Satchel Walton wrote last month, federal legislation—let alone thoroughregulatory action informed by technical expertise—is difficult to pass through Congress when so many lawmakers oppose serious crackdowns on industry. Most prospective AI regulation bills have not even been brought to vote in committee, paving the way for AI companies to police themselves, a mandate they’re taking up enthusiastically but on very different terms than many critics seek. On Wednesday, OpenAI said it wanted to work with Congress to create “mandatory national AI safety requirements.”

In July, shortly following news of the Hugging Face breach, Miranda Bogen, the founding director of the Center for Democracy and Technology’s AI Governance Lab, told me that even laws that are able to pass at the state level largely “ask companies to come up with their own safety plan and to follow that safety plan” and focus around the frontier lab risks from the major companies like OpenAI, Anthropic, and Google. There are AI threats relevant to everyday life—such as attacks to banks, schools, or hospitals—that don’t go through the same questions of testing and regulation, Bogen said.

In other words, the Senate investigation into OpenAI’s breach of Hugging Face looks more like a mild concession to growing opposition toward the AI industry and its conduct, rather than a path toward meaningful safety and regulation.

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Mother Jones

Your Deadbeat President Is Never Giving You $5,000

The year is 2026, and by now, you know, with clarity, that Donald Trump is a brazen liar with an unusually impressive record of promising free cash—only to rarely ever fulfill those lofty pledges. It is the personality of a deadbeat that long precedes his entry into politics. But in between flashing “meat pics” of Hasan Piker and a surprise video appearance by John Fetterman, rabid cheers greeted the president’s offer to hand out $5,000 checks to every adult in the United States if Republicans win both the House and Senate in the November midterms.

“It will be called the Trump Dividend,” he said at Wednesday’s GOP convention in Dallas, as a beaming Scott Bessent, the Treasury secretary, applauded along.

.@POTUS announces the TRUMP DIVIDEND: If Republicans win both the House and the Senate, because of our tremendous economic success, I will issue a dividend to every adult citizen in the United States for $5,000 pic.twitter.com/s4orJJGx9d

— Rapid Response 47 (@RapidResponse47) September 10, 2026

The plan, as many have now weighed in, would cost at least $1 trillion and arrives just as alarm bells are clanging over a ballooning national debt and everyday expenses continuously get more expensive. But Trump’s latest pledge is as fantastical and mendacious as many of Trump’s previous promises of free cash: $2,000 checks from supposed tariff revenue, $5,000 checks from all that money we never saved from DOGE, etc. This time around, though, some on the right don’t appear to be buying it. Here’s Fox News cautioning against believing Trump:

Fox pointing out this is not the first time that Trump has promised cash payments: He promised Americans $2000 rebate during his tariff policy when that was enacted, but those $2000 checks so far have not materialized. pic.twitter.com/4KH7VUIjCT

— Acyn (@Acyn) September 10, 2026

The rare caveat by Fox News comes amid signs that Trump’s frantic midterm strategy—which has involved a whole lot of lying, efforts to feign indifference, and impossible Iran war predictions—isn’t agreeing with Republicans, as more appear to distance themselves from the increasingly unpopular president. But at Wednesday’s convention, the first of its kind for the midterms, Trump continued to demand attention to the one person Republicans could afford to hear less from these days. “Pretend that I am running,” he told the crowd.

It isn’t a coincidence, then, that also on Wednesday night, ABC’s Jimmy Kimmel announced that his interview with James Talarico, the Democratic Senate candidate in Texas, would no longer air on broadcast television after new threats from the FCC. As Kimmel told the audience, Trump’s “FCC has threatened me, threatened our show, threatened our network, ABC, our affiliates, our local stations—based on simple, traditional editorial decisions, guest bookings it would seem they don’t like.” The announcement, which follows a similar move by the FCC when Stephen Colbert interviewed Talarico in February, reveals more of the same chaos ahead of the fast-approaching November elections, as well as a president desperately using every lever of political power to keep the spotlight on himself.

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Mother Jones

Will Putin’s Decade-Long War on US Elections Hit the Midterms?

In July 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, then–­director of national intelligence, strode into the White House briefing room to press the case that Barack Obama had mounted a “treasonous conspiracy.”

Days earlier, she had brazenly misrepresented declassified documents to challenge a damning 2017 intelligence assessment: Russia covertly assaulted the 2016 election—by hacking Democratic emails and pushing online disinformation—to sow discord, hinder Hillary Clinton, and assist Donald Trump. Now, Gabbard falsely claimed that Obama had cooked up the Moscow-­aided-Trump finding as a “coup” to “undermine” Trump. She asked the Justice Department to open a criminal investigation into ex–Obama aides; it quickly did.

Trump and his allies embraced her lies, even though they were easy to debunk. Russia’s interference had been exhaustively documented by special counsel Robert Mueller—and by the Senate’s intelligence committee, then chaired by Republican Marco Rubio, which concluded that Vladimir Putin “ordered” attacks to “harm the Clinton campaign…help the Trump campaign…and undermine” US democracy.

Gabbard was providing Trump yet another chance to falsely claim the Deep State had conspired to delegitimize him. But Russian interference was very real—and it didn’t just happen in 2016. It’s occurred in every major election since, and Trump has abetted Putin’s decadelong assault, not only by denying this “gray warfare” is taking place, but also by neutering the federal government’s ability to thwart it.

During the 2020 contest, the Kremlin colluded—yes, colluded—with Rudy Giuliani to smear Joe Biden. Trump’s personal attorney assembled a team of operatives who zeroed in on Hunter Biden’s board seat at Ukrainian energy company Burisma. To portray Biden as corrupt, they falsely claimed that as vice president, he had forced the firing of a prosecutor because he had investigated Burisma.

This charge was readily disproved, but as the MAGA ecosystem kept hawking it, Giuliani hooked up with Andriy Derkach, a pro-Russia Ukrainian legislator who claimed to have documents showing Biden got $900,000 from Burisma. (No such evidence ever emerged.) Derkach had not yet been officially fingered as a covert agent, but it was known he had attended the KGB’s spy academy and had pushed the Moscow-generated conspiracy theory that Ukraine, not Russia, interfered in 2016. (Giuliani claimed he had “no reason to believe [Derkach] is a Russian agent.”) Nonetheless, in December 2019, Giuliani, joined by a One America News crew, interviewed him for hours at a luxury hotel outside Kyiv. OAN claimed the legislator “confirmed Burisma’s money laundering, Hunter and Joe Biden’s direct involvement, and [Ukraine’s 2016] interference.”

In May 2020, Derkach again boosted Giuliani’s get-Biden operation by releasing audio of calls between Biden and a former Ukrainian president, claiming they showed “international corruption and state treason.” While the fragments revealed no wrongdoing, for MAGA they were ammo. Fox News reported there were “new questions” about the Bidens. OAN aired “Biden’s Bribe Tapes,” a three-part series, and Trump retweeted a post pushing the clips.

Three weeks after that tweet, Trump’s Treasury Department sanctioned Derkach, declaring he had been “an active Russian agent for over a decade” who was running a “covert influence campaign…cultivating false and unsubstantiated narratives” to “discredit U.S. officials” ahead of the 2020 election. To sum up: According to the Trump administration itself, the president’s personal lawyer had collaborated with a Russian agent mounting a covert action to help Trump win.

The Derkach plot failed to keep Biden from booting Trump out of the presidency. But for Trump’s 2024 comeback, the Kremlin again launched a massive disinformation campaign, this time through covert networks researchers assigned names such as Storm-1516 and Doppelganger. With Russia now waging a barbaric war against Ukraine, these groups initially concentrated on discrediting its president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, as corrupt and criticizing Biden’s support of him. On sites designed to look like the Washington Post, Fox News, and other media outlets, Doppelganger also disseminated false stories about the election to US voters: Fraud was widely expected, bribed judges would impede Trump, Biden was close to “losing his mind.” In one instance, Russian operators created a video that supposedly disclosed a secret anti-Trump CIA–Ukrainian operation. Citing this video, DNI Avril Haines testified that Russia remained “the most active foreign threat to our elections.”

In July 2024, the Justice Department announced it had seized US domains and taken down 968 X accounts that were part of a Russian AI bot farm. Intelligence officials told reporters that Moscow was engaged in a “whole-of-government approach to influence the election.” A DNI fact sheet noted Russia was working to “target specific voter demographics, promote divisive narratives, and denigrate specific politicians” and aimed to “covertly use social media to amplify narratives to sway…swing states.” Biden officials did not explicitly state Putin was interfering to assist Trump—they didn’t want to be accused of influencing the election themselves—but that was clearly Moscow’s intent. And hard evidence soon emerged.

Two months later, the Justice Department revealed it had seized 32 domains used by Doppelganger to “covertly spread Russian government propaganda” smearing Ukraine and “influencing voters.” An internal memo from the operation disclosed by prosecutors said it “makes sense for Russia to put a maximum effort” into backing Republicans and Trump voters. In another case, employees of Kremlin propaganda outlet RT were charged with funneling millions via a US media company to prominent right-­wingers such as Benny Johnson, who produced videos and podcasts bolstering pro-Trump themes. These MAGA influencers insisted that they knew nothing about Russian funding. But Margarita Simonyan, RT’s editor-in-chief, later boasted that the project had “created a large network” with “electorally significant influence.”

After Biden withdrew and Kamala Harris stepped in, the Kremlin’s information war fixed on the new nominee and her running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz. A network dubbed Storm-1679 created posts and videos to look like mainstream media reports: Harris had an abortion as a teen, was concealing family wealth, and was exhibiting early Alzheimer’s. It stoked fears of civil war, postelection violence, and a US–Russia conflict that could end in nuclear catastrophe.

One Storm-1516 video viewed by millions purportedly showed Harris supporters assaulting a Trump rallygoer. Another presented an actor sharing a fake story that Harris once paralyzed a girl in a hit-and-run. A deepfake depicted Harris joking about the assassination attempts on Trump. A month before Election Day, Storm-1516’s fake sites smeared Walz, a former high school teacher, saying he inappropriately touched a student—a false story seen by tens of millions. Storm-1516 also circulated a deepfake video of Pennsylvania mail ballots being destroyed. Another claimed Harris was linked to a small packet of cocaine found in the White House.

Trump’s refusal to acknowledge Russian interference is a clear and present danger.

Neither the Biden White House nor Harris’ campaign raised a major fuss, and there’s no telling the disinformation’s impact. But clearly, Putin remained on Trump’s side. After Trump’s victory, the Treasury Department sanctioned a Russian think tank for collaborating with the Russian military on “various influence operations,” including manipulating video to “produce baseless accusations concerning a 2024 vice presidential candidate.”

So Russian meddling in the 2016 election was no anomaly, and Gabbard’s attempt to undermine and criminalize the intelligence community’s 2017 conclusion was nothing but a con job. But the Trump gang’s refusal to acknowledge what happened in the past is more than a lie; it is a clear and present danger.

Since Trump reentered the White House, he and his aides, striving to wipe the Russia stain from his 2016 victory, have sought retribution against officials who investigated Putin’s information warfare. Even worse, they have eviscerated the government’s ability to counter it—or similar actions by other adversaries. FBI agents and intelligence officials involved in past inquiries into Russian interference were canned or forced out. The FBI’s foreign influence task force was dismantled, as was the DNI’s Foreign Malign Influence Center. Staffing at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, which helps protect election systems, was slashed. Rubio, now secretary of state, shut down the department office tracking foreign disinformation.

The Department of Justice and the intelligence services are now run by lackeys who’ve shown they are more dedicated to helping Trump rewrite history and preserve his power—perhaps even by undermining elections—than to national security. “It’s astounding,” former FBI counterintelligence chief Frank Figliuzzi told NBC. “It’s now a free-for-all for foreign intel services seeking influence.”

November’s elections present Putin another opportunity. “One hundred percent: The Russians will want to screw around,” says a former top CIA official. Trump’s administration is not only unprepared to counter any such assault—it appears unwilling. “Trump wants them to mess around in his favor,” this official adds. A past beneficiary of Putin skulduggery, Trump has unilaterally disarmed and, in a way, surrendered to Putin, placing his own interests over those of the nation.

Adapted from How Russia Won: Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, and the Fight for America (HarperCollins), which is being published September 15, 2026.

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Mother Jones

Soaring Insurance Prices Are Hitting Black and Hispanic Homeowners Hardest

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Homeowners in Hispanic and Black communities nationwide are paying a disproportionate share of skyrocketing home insurance costs, according to a recent report. The disparities leave communities of color at greater risk as climate change increases the frequency of billion-dollar disasters.

The report, released in July by the Consumer Federation of America, a nonprofit representing nearly 250 consumer groups, concluded that homeowners in predominantly Hispanic zip codes pay on average a 30 percent higher premium ($950 more annually) compared with homeowners in white communities. In predominantly Black zip codes, homeowners pay, on average, a 16 percent higher premium ($500 more annually).

The findings were based on an analysis of identical policies across communities, eliminating the possibility the inequities were related to differences among homeowners, their homes or what they chose to insure, the report said. Local risk factors could be responsible for some of the disparities, although even when such factors were accounted for the gap remained large.

“A lot of this bias can kind of creep in if they’re not paying attention to potential unequal impacts.”

“We’ve talked a lot about our insurance affordability crisis,” said Sharon Cornelissen, director of housing at the Consumer Federation of America and a co-author of the report. “What we haven’t really talked about is sort of the racially inequitable impacts of that, and that Black and Hispanic homeowners are particularly struggling.”

The inequities add up to at least $28,500 in additional insurance costs over the span of a 30-year mortgage for homeowners in Hispanic communities and $15,000 for homeowners in Black communities, according to the report. The situation points to a legacy of redlining in home insurance that continues to challenge communities of color when it comes to homeownership and exposure to risk, although the discrimination today may be inadvertent.

The historical practice of redlining involved the designation of certain neighborhoods as “hazardous” for mortgage lending, based largely on the race of residents. People in these neighborhoods were denied home loans, leading to lower home values and less homeownership. Although redlining ended in 1968 with the Fair Housing Act, the practice has left a legacy of segregation and disparities in these neighborhoods that endures today when it comes to health care, education, incarceration, access to nutritious food, and public investment in infrastructure. The inequities also have left these communities more vulnerable to climate impacts such as heat.

Mark Friedlander, spokesman for the Insurance Information Institute, an industry group, said premiums are based on risk and not race or ethnicity and that the system used to establish premiums is actuarially grounded and heavily regulated.

“Using race, or any proxy for race, to set insurance rates is illegal in every US jurisdiction, and state insurance regulators review and approve the rating factors insurers use precisely to guard against that,” he said in a statement provided to Inside Climate News. “Many of the communities cited in reports like this are located in areas with objectively higher catastrophe exposure or higher costs to rebuild and repair after a loss.”

The report found the most acute home insurance disparity among homeowners in predominantly Hispanic zip codes in Florida, where they pay on average 58 percent more ($5,014 annually) for the same coverage as those in white communities. In the next four states, the gap was pronounced, but smaller: 20 percent ($431) in New York, 18 percent ($278) in Washington, 16 percent ($244) in Massachusetts and 15 percent ($633) in Kansas.

Source: CFA, based on Quadrant Information Services and American Community Survey data.Paul Horn/Inside Climate News

The inequities in Florida, where homeowners have been particularly hard-hit by insurance costs, represent “an enormous amount of money,” said Moira Birss, senior fellow at the Climate and Community Institute, a progressive think tank. “And so when we’re thinking about how we’re having an affordability crisis in this country…that’s unconscionable.”

When it comes to predominantly Black zip codes, the inequities are greatest in Michigan at 74 percent ($1,768 annually), followed by Pennsylvania at 57 percent ($1,048), New Jersey at 22 percent ($332), Massachusetts at 20 percent ($321) and New York at 19 percent ($417).

Source: CFA, based on Quadrant Information Services and American Community Survey data.Paul Horn/Inside Climate News

Meanwhile, the cost of insurance for the typical homeowner jumped by 24 percent between 2021 and 2024, according to the report, based on previous research by the Consumer Federation of America. Greenhouse gas emissions, primarily those associated with fossil fuels, are heating the global climate, shifting weather patterns and leading to more extreme disasters such as hurricanes and wildfires. That risk is moving insurance companies to raise rates.

Insurance companies have provided fewer and more expensive options in communities of color compared with white communities, the report said. It highlighted a $17.5 million settlement from the 1990s over a lawsuit alleging the insurance company Nationwide discouraged agents from selling coverage in Black neighborhoods, labeled Black zip codes as undesirable, and used racial profiling to deny insurance to Black homeowners. American Family Mutual Insurance Company similarly agreed to pay more than $16 million in a settlement to Black homeowners who were provided inferior policies and, in some cases, denied coverage based on race.

More recently insurers have adopted new proprietary methods for determining premiums and claims payments, including some incorporating artificial intelligence, that raise concerns about possible discrimination, according to the report. For instance, previous research by the Consumer Federation of America found that homeowners with lower credit scores pay an average penalty of $1,996 annually, or 99 percent more, for insurance, a concern considering longstanding structural factors that have meant communities of color tend to have lower credit scores.

“I’m not saying that they have some secret race factor that they put into their model,” Cornelissen said. “A lot of this bias can kind of creep in if they’re not paying attention to potential unequal impacts. A lot of this could be through AI models or other factors that have a disproportionate impact on Black and Hispanic communities.”

Friedlander said the best way to make insurance more affordable and equitable is by reducing risk through resilience efforts such as strengthening building codes and increasing mitigation funding.

The report called on states to enforce fair housing laws and demand more transparency and accountability.

“Unless the insurance industry wants to give us more information about why this is happening,” Birss said, “it’s pretty hard not to interpret this as pretty serious racial discrimination.”

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Mother Jones

Blue-State Hospitals Are Folding on Trans Youth Care. Parents Are Wondering Why They Moved.

Last week, the Mount Sinai hospital system in New York—which sees about 6 million outpatient visits per year—announced that it had reached a settlement with the Department of Justice, agreeing to stop providing gender-affirming care to trans patients under 18.

That was disturbing news to Angelica Jadunandan, who moved to New York from Florida with her two young daughters three years ago. Her older daughter, who is eight, is transgender, and Angelica wanted to move them to a safe blue state—somewhere her family’s medical care would not be called into question. New York is a self-declared “sanctuary state” for trans people. It seemed like a good option.

“My daughter told me she was trans when she was three years old,” Jadunadan told a group of protesters outside Mount Sinai on September 8th. “It wasn’t ‘I think.’ It was ‘I know.’” So the family moved a thousand miles from home, hoping for safety. “But I know better than most that this fight follows you, wherever you go,” Jadunadan said.

As hospitals continue to fold to Trump’s Department of Justice, gender-affirming care for trans kids, even in blue states, is looking less secure. In 2026, major hospital systems in New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Colorado have stopped offering transition-related care to patients under 18 as federal authorities threaten their funding.

Under the Mount Sinai settlement, trans patients under 18 will no longer be able to access treatments including puberty blockers and hormone replacement therapy. The hospital also agreed to allocate $2 million to a “detransition clinic” similar to one the Department of Justice has demanded Texas Children’s Hospital establish.

The US Attorney’s Office in the Northern District of Texas sent a grand jury subpoena to Mount Sinai and another New York hospital seeking confidential information about patients under age 18 in May. Mount Sinai officials said the settlement was necessary “so that Mount Sinai will not be compelled to produce these highly sensitive patient records to the grand jury,” a spokesperson wrote.

Even before the latest settlement, transition-related care at Mount Sinai was difficult or even impossible for patients under 18 to secure, several speakers at the September 8 rally said. The process “has personally taken me years,” Sam, a 17-year-old Mount Sinai patient, said. “And it’s absolutely soul-crushing that my dream is just one reach of my hand away, yet because of what’s happening with the DOJ and the potential settlement, Mount Sinai might agree to end it before it even started.”

Over the past several years, hundreds of thousands of trans adults and parents of trans children have fled home states with anti-trans laws in search of somewhere they might maintain their civil rights and access to healthcare. But since Donald Trump’s reelection in January 2025, his administration has attacked state-level protections for trans people.

Many of the administration’s efforts have failed. At least eight separate administrative subpoenas which would have forced hospitals to release trans kids’ medical records have been thrown out by judges. Another massive slate of DOJ subpoenas against California hospitals was dropped in January.

But some hospitals have begun to comply anyway. At least three major hospital systems in progressive Massachusetts—Fenway Health, Outer Cape Health Services, and Baystate Health—have cancelled all gender-affirming care appointments for patients under 19, as the Guardian reported in September. New York University’s Langone Health system discontinued its trans youth care program in February. In March 2026, New York Attorney General Letitia James ordered Langone to resume its youth gender-affirming care program, but the hospital system kept the program shuttered.

“To Mount Sinai, and to all of the spineless cowards who have bent the knee to the clowns in charge, the boots you lick today will stomp on you tomorrow!” Jadunadan said, adding, “I did not make that up. I saw that embroidered somewhere.”

Other resources remain available to New York’s trans kids. Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced a $15 million trans care investment in June, and the public hospital system and some Planned Parenthood clinics still offer puberty blockers and hormone replacement therapy. Taylor Brown, who leads the city’s newly-established Office of LGBTQIA+ Affairs, spoke at the rally outside Mount Sinai.

“If you are a young trans person and you are in need of healthcare, please reach out to me,” Brown said. “You will not go without healthcare, I can assure you of that. We are here for you, we love you.”

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Mother Jones

Get Ready For OpenAI’s ‘The Social Network’ Movie Moment

“Countries will fall. Industries are gonna collapse,” Andrew Garfield, the actor playing OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, says in the teaser trailer for Artificial. “And we get to be the ones to shepherd people into this new world.”

The film’s set against the backdrop of the five days in November 2023 after Altman was ousted and then reinstated as CEO. The drama of that week is now the stuff of legend: text messages between Altman and then-interim CEO Mira Murati, later released in court documents, show him desperately pleading for the board to reinstate him. Even more extensive reporting from the time turned up dozens of Atlman’s former co-workers, all of whom describe him as someone with an implacable drive for more power. Will Artificial have any sympathy for him? Or will he be a monstrous villain undeserving of such consideration?

The trailer doesn’t do much to dispel this notion. In it, Garfield gets out of a Batmobile-looking car and walks into a futuristic blue-light room stacked with automatic guns encased in glass shelves. The question for audiences isn’t subtle: can and should Altman be trusted with a tool as powerful as artificial intelligence?

The movie’s marketed as a thriller, which makes sense because OpenAI has undeniably done things worthy of the genre. This week, the Intercept reported that the Pentagon asked the company, which signed a $200-million agreement with OpenAI back in February, to design automated tools that would rarely deny their requests.

Then on Monday, OpenAI announced that it had solved a 200-year-old math problem, and on Tuesday, said it only took its AI agents 88 hours to complete and provided its full solution to the public. That would be a monumental achievement, evidence of AI’s efficiency over human intelligence. But mathematician Tristan Buckmaster said on Monday night the company actually rushed to solve the equation after learning about his and his colleague’s, Levent Alpöge, an Anthropic employee, progress on the problem using Anthropic and OpenAI tools. It wasn’t about the good of humanity. It was about competition.

On Tuesday, OpenAI said it heard rumors last week that two complex, long-unsolved math problems had been solved—one of which was the problem Buckmaster and Alpöge were working on. “Inspired by these rumors,” the company said it tried to use one of its internal models to solve it and said it did not realize until later that Alpöge was an Anthropic employee.

The movie, scheduled to release on December 25, also has drama of its own: Amazon dropped the project in June, following its partnership with OpenAI, which integrates the company’s models into Amazon Web Services.

Garfield notably portrayed Facebook co-founder Eduardo Saverin in The Social Network, a 2010 film about Mark Zuckerberg’s time in college. That film seemed to sympathize with Zuckerberg as a tragic figure leading a company that hadn’t yet leaked tens of millions of users’ personal data, failed to stop its platform from being used to “foment division and incite offline violence” in the ongoing genocide of the Rohingya people in Myanmar, or become a hotbed of dangerous AI slop.

Public sentiment has turned so squarely against companies that profit from social media that even West Wing creator Aaron Sorkin—who also wrote the screenplay for the 2010 film—has returned to the action with another dramatic rendering of Zuckerberg due out in October and aptly named The Social Reckoning.

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Mother Jones

A Teachers Union and Microsoft Just Made An AI Safety Deal. But Compliance Remains an Open Question.

On Wednesday morning, in a Manhattan press room containing about 50 reporters and union members, one of the largest teachers’ unions in the US announced an agreement with Microsoft that, among other things, prohibits the tech company from tracking student use of its AI tools and applying student and teacher data to train AI models.

The guidelineslisted in the American Federation of Teachers’ deal with Microsoft apply to any school district “that desires the same principles” when forming their own customer agreements with the company and purchasing its AI products.

The union also gives Microsoft—and any other tech company that signs on (AFT President Randi Weingarten mentioned ongoing conversations with OpenAI and Anthropic during Wednesday’s announcement)—a 180-day deadline to delete records of AI data use from students and school districts on itsactive systems following a request.

Microsoft agreed not to use student and teacher data to train its AI — but there are exceptions. The guidelines point out “narrow safety and security” situations, including letting the company use “the minimum amount” of school user data to detect, prevent, investigate, or remediate harm to users or security threats to its AI products and retain it “for as long as reasonably necessary.”

The contract also lists “contractual remedies” for school districts that sign on, such as the ability to pause or discontinue Microsoft’s deployment of its AI systems if the company commits any material breaches of its agreement obligations.

The current guidelines do not present explicit, quantifiable rules for what is considered remediation by a “reasonable” time—it’s something that both Microsoft and the customer will “engage in good faith” to come up with.

When I askedMicrosoft Vice Chair and President Brad Smith about specific guidelines on how an accountability process will work if Microsoft fails to comply with remediation on Wednesday, he largely dodged the question, saying that Microsoft has to publish reports that provide transparency to the AFT and school districts and have tight deadlines for fixes.

“Obviously, this [remediation process] becomes part of our broader contract with each school district, and all of those [existing] contracts already have built-in remedies,” Smith told Mother Jones. “I think that there’s just an unprecedented amount of transparency associated with the commitments that are in this agreement.”

When I asked again about specific steps that will be taken if Microsoft fails to comply, Smith said they are “connected back into the provisions that we have in our contract with each school district. Those can vary.”

“Mostly, what I find is that what people want when something goes wrong is just to go fix it. People don’t want to end up with more time with lawyers,” he continued. “That’s always an option if somebody wants to take action, but let’s just fix problems when they arise.”

While accountability applies to how each school district will work with Microsoft in the near future, the company seemingly not holding discussions now raises questions about the feasibility of contract enforceability.

Microsoft, and other companies like Google, have a history of promoting their AI products to schools and educators, and a healthy skepticism is needed when relying in part on tech companies to police AI and previous failures of implementing educational technology.

Weingarten and Michael Mulgrew, president of the United Federation of Teachers representing New York City public school educators and others, who were also taking questions immediately following the announcement, did not respond to the question.

The contract comes a week after New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced a one-year moratorium on AI use for elementary and middle school students in the city’s public schools, and the Los Angeles Unified School District announced restrictions to generative AI platforms for all students for the 2026-27 school year.

The AFT’s contract with Microsoft contains the sentence “When in doubt, protect the student.” on the bottom of each of the 31 pages. But exactly how any of these policies around AI use in schools will actually work remains unclear.

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Mother Jones

“We’re the Outliers Here”: UK-Led Sanctions on Israeli Settlements Isolate the US

On September 8, the British government banned the import of goods from Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Eleven other nations—Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Sweden—signed a joint statement with the UK, saying they too plan to introduce sanctions prohibiting trade in goods with the settlements.

“The Government of Israel must immediately halt the expansion of settlements and civilian administrative powers, ensure accountability for settler violence, and investigate allegations against Israeli forces,” the foreign ministers of the twelve countries wrote.

Since 2023, according to a Human Rights Watch report, Israeli settlers have fully or partially displaced 107 different West Bank communities. With Israeli military backup, settlers frequently attack and kill Palestinians. In July of 2024, the United Nations’ top court declared that settlements in the West Bank—housing over 500,000 Jewish Israelis, buoyed by religious fervor and generous government tax breaks—are illegal under international law. Nonetheless, West Bank settlers are subsidized by millions of dollars from US nonprofit organizations, and are rarely, if ever, condemned by the US government.

US officials quickly spoke out against the British sanctions. “Obviously we’re not going to do what the UK did,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio said.

US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee threatened pushback. “If the Brits go and put some kind of boycott and sanctions on them, the repercussions are going to be significant,” Huckabee told the BBC. Rep. Randy Fine (R-Fl.) said the sanctions could impact British trade with the state of Florida, which currently has a law on the books banning any company that boycotts Israel from doing business in the state.

“Florida has made it clear. Any company—or nation—that boycotts Israel is boycotted by Florida,” Fine wrote on social media. This might harm Florida more than it does the UK, though. Great Britain is the single largest foreign investor in the state, which would lose out on billions of dollars if Florida were to boycott UK companies over Israel.

As the British government considers forcing British companies to boycott portions of Israel, it should be aware that a Florida law that I passed as a member of the Legislature would ban any British company forced to comply from doing business with any state or local government in…

— Congressman Randy Fine (@RepFine) September 7, 2026

“ Why are we ruining our relationship with the United Kingdom over Israeli settlements?” asked Matt Duss of the Center for International Policy, who was previously a foreign policy advisor to Bernie Sanders. “This is something I think that most Americans just find ridiculous.”

Six Democratic legislators have commended the United Kingdom’s choice to ban trade in settlement products. Greg Casar (D-Tx.), chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, said in a social media post that “the US must do the same.”

“A very key part of sustaining Israeli impunity is the fact that it’s backed by the United States and the United States is the one that punishes people for imposing consequences on Israel.”

Joaquin Castro (D-Tx.) also applauded the move as a “step in the right direction,” standing against “an ugly land grab carried out through violence and terrorism.”

“Any American President serious about achieving peace should do the same,” Castro added. Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Rep. Jonathan L. Jackson (D-Il.), Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Il.) and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) also threw their support behind the sanctions. Some analysts want to see the US join in on sanctioning Israel—and even go further.

“When Democrats take power in the next Congress, and when hopefully Democrats take back the White House, I want to see people talking about what further, more expansive, and even more serious measures they’re willing to take,” said Duss.

That could include sanctioning any banks that finance mortgages in West Bank settlements, Duss said. “A very key part of sustaining Israeli impunity is the fact that it’s backed by the United States, and the United States is the one that punishes people for imposing consequences on Israel,” he added. “Banning trade with illegal settlements is something we should have done decades ago.”

“It tells the US and Israel that we’re outliers here,” Duss said. “I think the question will be, how many of America’s historic alliances are we willing to undermine and destroy on behalf of this extremist Israeli settlement project?

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Mother Jones

The Impossible Struggle to Demine Gaza

When an Israeli quadcopter drone dropped an explosive that didn’t immediately detonate, Walaa thought her family was safe. The 30-year-old mother of five and her family were sheltering in Gaza City after fleeing the Israeli army’s bombardment of their home in Beit Hanoun.

Without warning, the object exploded, killing Walaa’s husband, children, and six other relatives. Walaa was the only survivor. She suffered severe injuries and permanent physical disfigurements, and spent the next five months receiving treatment at Al-Quds Hospital in the Tel al-Hawa region of Gaza City—treatment which was hindered by the hospital’s shortage of medical resources.

That’s according to an August report from the United Nations Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which called the threat of explosive hazards in Gaza “ever present,” almost a year after a ceasefire agreement was signed.

“After what happened, I was afraid of everything on the ground,” Walaa said later, during an explosive ordnance risk education session by the United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS). “Any piece of metal, any strange object—I did not know what could kill me and what could not.”

Clearing unexploded bombs from Gaza will take decades—once the work is allowed to begin.

Walaa’s story is tragically common. As of August, OCHA estimates that at least 274 people have been killed and 1,134 have been injured in 580 explosive object-related accidents across the Gaza Strip: 10 people per week on average since the war began—and even that figure is a likely undercount, Anna Simonson, a UNMAS program officer, said in an emailed statement.

90 percent of those who are injured by explosives are civilians, mainly children, according to UNMAS Director Kazumi Ogawa. About half of Gaza’s population is under 18—and children are much more likely than adults to see a weapon and mistake it for a toy.

Shortly after the 2025 ceasefire, the aid group Humanity & Inclusion told Reuters it would “likely take between 20 to 30 years” to clear Gaza of unexploded bombs. But international demining teams still don’t have authorization to enter Gaza and remove the explosives. Under the current ceasefire deal, Israel’s “refusal to let Gaza recover until Hamas fully disarms” also prohibits entities like UNMAS and other responders from safely defusing and removing unexploded rockets, artillery shells, grenades, and other munitions.

“Presently, mine action partners do not have permission to move or dispose of these hazards or to conduct the full spectrum of explosive ordnance disposal activities,” the OCHA update said. “Specialized equipment required for such operations remains subject to authorization and cannot be imported at this stage.” The Israel Defense Forces did not respond to a request for comment.

Instead of cleaning up unexploded bombs in Gaza, demining teams are limited to identifying hazards and teaching residents how to identify those hazards themselves. According to OCHA, humanitarian groups have identified 1,052 explosive ordnance items in Gaza since October 2023.

The funding that demining teams in places like Ukraine rely on is harder to come by in Gaza, according to Iain Overton of the London-based Action on Armed Violence research group. The US, for example, spends millions of dollars each year on defusing and removing unexploded bombs and landmines globally—but tends to send that money to countries like Cambodia or Laos. The US spent over $20 billion providing military aid to Israel between 2023 and 2025, but is not subsidizing the removal of unexploded bombs.

“Will big donors like the US be willing to put their hands in their pockets and risk being accused of being party to the destruction?” Overton asked. “Giving large amounts of munitions to Israel, and having to then go in later to clear up those munitions—that’s a difficult framing.”

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Mother Jones

Trump’s Mysterious $45,000 Cash Gift to Natalie Harp

The national gossip over Natalie Harp, President Donald Trump’s most devoted aide and “human printer,” has now reached the natural stage to which most stories closely associated with the president land: a glaring, potentially illegal ethics violation.

According to financial disclosures released by the Trump administration, Trump gave Harp and two other White House staffers, Margo Martin and Chamberlain Harris, $45,000 as “Cash Gift for Holidays,” a highly unusual practice that appears to violate federal law prohibiting outside sources from offering supplemental income to federal employees.

“The President has a longstanding practice of giving Christmas gifts to people in his orbit, including at times employees and aides, both in government and in his time in the private sector,” the White House said in a statement posted to social media. “The gifts at issue here have nothing to do with any of these individuals’ official government duties, and therefore are entirely permissible under relevant legal and ethical standards.”

Trump indeed has a habit of dropping random wads of cash onto unsuspecting beneficiaries, from DoorDash drivers delivering his McDonald’s to undocumented workers at his golf resorts. It’s the kind of showy generosity that has a helluva lot more to do with the instant satisfaction the benefactor gets from looking like the big guy in the room than any actual magnanimity.

But if gifting $45,000 to Harp feels like something else entirely, that’s because Harp is eerily, if not freakishly, close to the president. And we all know this now after MAGA freaked out over a small line Sen. Jon Ossoff tucked into a recent campaign speech:

“While [Trump] fruitlessly drains our munitions and oil reserves, the president sleeps through his meetings. He golfs and trades stocks. See, he doesn’t want to do the job. He wants to build his ballroom and travel with Natalie on their apparently defenseless flying palace gifted by the emir of Qatar.”

The subtext—that Harp’s near-constant presence around the president is the stuff of cult-like devotion—only works, of course, because of the slew of anecdotes demonstrating exactly that: a fierce, unrelenting love for Donald Trump. That includes Harp crediting him with saving her life after a cancer diagnosis, living in the locker room of his Bedminster golf course just to be closer to Trump, and stuffing herself into the trunk of an SUV to accompany the president after initially being denied a normal human seat.

Which is to say, all behavior that not even $45,000 could get this writer to replicate, ever.

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Mother Jones

Data Centers Now Facing Backlash Over Contaminated Wastewater

This story was originally published by The Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

When officials in Wyoming conducted a routine test on the water that was being discharged from a massive under-construction Meta data center, it was a shock to find it contained a rare and potentially hazardous bacterium.

While the wastewater flushed into sewers in Cheyenne, Wyoming, was never destined for the public drinking supply, the presence of Cupriavidus gilardii bacterium in 801,000 gallons of water ejected by a contractor for the data center earlier this year was still unnerving.

Concerned that residents could be exposed to the bacteria if they inhaled evaporating droplets of the water used for irrigation, Cheyenne officials took until July before deciding to stop taking wastewater from Meta’s contractor, Goat Systems—a decision that is now being appealed.

“It was a big surprise,” said Frank Strong, water resources manager at the city’s board of public utilities, about the discovery. “Out of a sense of caution we’ve shut it down until we can find out more information.”

Meta, which is behind the $800 million, 960-acre artificial intelligence (AI) data center campus, said independent testing by its contractor found no evidence of the bacterium and questioned the validity of the city’s own tests.

“Meta is committed to being a good neighbor in Cheyenne, which includes helping protect local water resources,” said a company spokesman. “We appreciate the board of public utilities’ detailed release of information, which confirms the board found no impact to the public or environment.”

However, the bacteria-laden water in Wyoming is just the latest in a series of alarms raised across the US about data centers and water—not just how much of it they are sucking up, but also what’s in the water when it is funneled back into rivers, streams, and public water systems.

“These facilities are spreading across the country like a cancer…AI data centers are very, very good at greenwashing.”

In Virginia, authorities have brought enforcement actions against several data centers for wastewater and wetland permit violations; in West Virginia stormwater runoff from an incomplete datacenter has twice flooded surrounding houses; all while locals and activists have campaigned against the discharge of heated water from an upcoming data center into Lake Seneca, in New York.

The Waterkeeper Alliance, a network of environmental organizations, said 55 of its affiliated groups across the US were working on data center-related issues, with 80 percent of these campaigns centered on concerns that pollutants may be leaching into the environment via discharged water.

Some of this backlash is now set to play out in the courts. In Georgia, Flint Riverkeeper has said it will sue the QTS datacenter in Fayetteville for allegedly ejecting “massive amounts of dirt [and] massive concentrations of metals” into the Flint River over the past two years.

“Data centers are a critical concern for Waterkeeper groups around the globe, in part due to their wastewater concerns,” said a Waterkeeper Alliance spokeswoman. “Data centers have been documented as sources of a wide range of toxic pollutants, including PFAS, heavy metals and antibiotic-resistant bacteria.”

Data centers require large amounts of water for their construction and operation, including for cooling the power-hungry computers at their heart, although the industry points out its water use is a fraction of that of other thirsty sectors, such as agriculture. A mid-sized data center can consume about 300,000 gallons of water a day.

After water is used for cooling or, such as at the Meta facility in Cheyenne, for cleaning debris from pipes in “fill and flush” operations, liquid is ejected back for reuse under terms set by pretreatment permits issued by counties or local wastewater utilities.

This water, released to prevent buildup of minerals and scaling in pipes, can contain heavy metals or PFAS, the “forever chemicals” that are linked to an array of health problems when ingested. These PFAS can be found in the “closed loop” cooling systems that the data center industry lauds for using less water.

“We need to know what is in this wastewater but there is a void of information.”

When used as a coolant, water can come back out hotter than when it was taken, which has alarmed critics of a controversial gas-fired facility that is pivoting from powering crypto mining to AI and draws water from Lake Seneca. The water, opponents point out, can be discharged at a temperature of 108 F into the lake.

“It’s going into a trout stream, where trout are stressed at temperatures of 70 F or higher, and that hot water is also a contributing factor to harmful algal blooms, which is a toxin to both humans and animals,” said Yvonne Taylor, vice-president of Seneca Lake Guardian and president of the National Coalition Against Cryptomining.

“If there are algal blooms,” she said, “people can’t even run their water, because once this stuff gets into their systems it’s very difficult to remove. So you can’t even shower, or you don’t even want to flush your toilet. You definitely don’t want to give your pets water from this.”

Vulcan Infrastructure and Power, which is behind the revamped facility, has previously stressed it has complied with all relevant environmental laws. The company was approached for further comment. New York has issued a temporary moratorium on huge, hyperscale data centers and Taylor claimed there was swelling support across the US for a national pause.

“These facilities are spreading across the country like a cancer,” she said. “AI data centers are very, very good at greenwashing and trying to paint a picture that sounds like everything is going to be nothing but unicorns and rainbows, when in fact what we’re finding out is just the opposite.”

Finding out what is in wastewater from industrial facilities can be challenging, however. An environmental group has sued the city of Racine, Wisconsin, to force more details on the water use of a $3.3 billion Microsoft data center while the city of The Dalles in Oregon sued its local newspaper, the Oregonian, in 2021 to block the public release of water data related to a Google data center before subsequently dropping the case.

“We need to know what is in this wastewater but there is a void of information,” said Chris Manganiello, water policy director at Chattahoochee Riverkeeper in Georgia, where a rash of new datacenters are set to draw water from the Chattahoochee. “I would like there to not be more PFAS going into the river but there is this level of anxiety because we don’t know what’s there.”

Alarm about wastewater is part of a broader backlash against data centers that has rattled some Republicans, even those previously enthusiastic about building AI infrastructure, who have scrambled to recast them as a political liability and vow some scrutiny of their development.

In Wyoming, Harriet Hageman, a Republican congresswoman and devoted ally of Donald Trump, wrote to Mark Zuckerberg, Meta’s chief executive, to demand answers to the bacterial contamination. “Water is a precious resource in our state, so it is of immense concern to learn the system marketed to reduce a data center’s water consumption caused this contamination,” Hageman said.

Trump himself, however, has been unmoved by the sharp public turn against AI data centers, calling them a “golden goose” that creates jobs and wealth. His administration has sought to make it harder for the public to learn about and comment on what datacenters are doing, such as their water use.

“The only reason that communities throughout the USA should not want datacenters is if they want to end up being backwards and poor,” the president posted on Truth Social last week. “If they want to be successful and rich, with far lower taxes and jobs all over the place, let Data Reign.”

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Mother Jones

The Revolutionary Roots That Inspired Tupac Shakur

Last month, Duane “Keffe D” Davis was found guilty of first-degree murder in the death of rapper Tupac Shakur. The verdict came 30 years after Tupac was killed in a drive-by shooting in Las Vegas that for decades remained cloaked in conspiracy theory and mystery.

It’s impossible to overstate rapper Tupac’s influence on music and culture in the 1990s. One of the era’s bestselling musical artists, he helped define West Coast hip-hop through vulnerable, introspective lyrics and Black power politics. His death in 1996 at just 25 years old sparked conspiracy theories and left his fans wondering what might’ve been.

By his own admission, sports writer Jeff Pearlman is not the rapper’s likeliest biographer. Pearlman typically profiles athletes like Barry Bonds or Brett Favre. But as he waited for what he called “the big, fat biography” of Tupac, his impatience and long-standing fascination with the rapper got the best of him. So he set out to write it himself.

“Tupac Shakur…was profoundly smart and in many ways incredibly enlightened, and there’s no reason he shouldn’t have his 12th Academy Award now,” Pearlman tells More To The Story host Al Letson, adding that both Tupac’s music and movies still resonate because they were a compelling combination of hip-hop and Black Panther.

On this week’s episode, Pearlman talks about his book Only God Can Judge Me: The Many Lives of Tupac Shakur; discusses how Tupac’s Black Panther mother, Afeni Shakur, shaped her son; and examines the nuance and mystery that surrounded Tupac’s life and death for decades.

This episode first aired in June 2026.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

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Mother Jones

Watch Trump Falsely Suggest He Was Pulled from Ground Zero on 9/11

Where was Donald Trump on 9/11? Getting pulled from Ground Zero by firefighters, he seemed to claim on Tuesday.

Nup.

“We thought it was coming down on top of us, and two firemen, big strong guys… they grabbed me under the arms, said, ‘got to get out of here!’ and they literally lifted me up… and they started running with me,” the president said in a rambling speech at a memorial ceremony near the White House on Tuesday morning.

Trump claimed first responders pulled from Ground Zero on 9/11 despite previously saying he watched the attack from his apartment window miles away.Sam Van Pykeren

But calling into a local television station a few hours after the attacks in 2001, the real estate developer recounted watching an explosion out of his Trump Tower window more than four miles from the Twin Towers. True to form, he found a way to make the moment about himself, adding that his building, 40 Wall Street, was now the tallest in downtown Manhattan.

The president has landed himself in several 9/11-related controversies in the last 25 years. During the 2016 presidential race, he ignored pleas to help 9/11 first responders pass the reauthorization of the law that set up a health care fund for the police, firefighters, and other rescue workers. In 2015, he falsely said “thousands and thousands” of Muslims in Jersey City cheered the destruction of the Twin Towers. And after the attacks, he “ignored the federal definition of a small business” to collect economic recovery aid meant to go to small businesses for his building at 40 Wall Street.

This year, Trump will be the only living president not in attendance at the Ground Zero memorial ceremony in New York City for the 25th anniversary of the attacks, in part because the ceremony’s organizers wouldn’t let him deliver a speech, according to a New York Times report. Trump responded by saying the story was made up and calling Times reporter Maggie Haberman, one of the four reporters bylined on the story, “Maggot.”

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Mother Jones

Gloria Steinem, a Dangerous Woman

A version of the below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

What made Gloria Steinem so dangerous was that she was sassy, charismatic, fierce, funny, and attractive. She blew apart the right-wing trope that feminists were ugly, humorless, bitter man-haters. That’s been a major component of the conservative assault on women’s rights. In 1988, Rush Limbaugh included on his list of “undeniable truths” the assertion that “feminism was established so as to allow unattractive women easier access to the mainstream of society.” In 1992, Pat Robertson, the Christian right leader, derided the “feminist agenda” as “a socialist, anti-family political movement that encourages women to leave their husbands, kill their children, practice witchcraft, destroy capitalism, and become lesbians.” Twenty-nine years later, this sentiment was hiding not too deeply in JD Vance’s comment that the United States was run by “a bunch of childless cat ladies who are miserable at their own lives and the choices that they’ve made and so they want to make the rest of the country miserable, too.”

She was vibrant, glamorous, and so damn smart. A skilled writer and activist, she brought wit and strategic savvy to the women’s movement.

Yet no one could accuse Gloria, the pioneering feminist who died this week at the age of 92, of eschewing fun…and sex. She was vibrant, glamorous, and so damn smart. A skilled writer and activist, she brought wit and strategic savvy to the women’s movement. I knew her through her work with Voters for Choice, a political action committee, and the Women’s Media Center, which she founded with actor Jane Fonda and poet Robin Morgan in 2005 to increase the visibility of women in the media. Every encounter I had with her sparkled with energy. She had plenty of juice that she generously shared nonstop with those around her.

Not surprisingly, she knew everyone and was an enthusiastic networker. Once I was backstage at a Madonna concert in Madison Square Garden, where Voters for Choice was holding a fundraising reception. Gloria was there. As was Pete Townshend of The Who. At one point, Gloria and Townshend engaged in a deep conversation that went on for a while. Afterward, I asked her what they had been discussing so intensely. She told me that they had been friends for years because Townshend and his bandmates had helped finance the first shelter in England for women escaping domestic violence. “C’mon,” she said. “Let me introduce you and make a connection.”

In the past few days, there have been many accolades for Gloria. In a statement, Fonda noted:

Gloria, in her graceful, kind, and deeply intelligent way, changed the world we live in. For decades, she trudged through every airport in the country, in sandals and a trench, carrying her own suitcase, packed with a few black clothes, hair curlers, and steam iron, in order to speak to women—at conferences, town halls, consciousness raising groups. No group was too small to deserve Gloria’s time. This is how she built the new women’s movement. And for a good part of those trips, she insisted she be joined by her friends Dorothy Pitman Hughes and, later, Florynce Kennedy, two prominent Black activists who helped show that this women’s movement addressed race as well as gender.

She had a clever, often funny way to say just what was needed to surface feelings and ideas about where we belonged, what our inchoate yearnings meant, whether power was a word that women could and should embrace for ourselves, and how different power looked when held in men’s hands alone.

She helped so many of us find our voices and the courage to stand up for ourselves and for other women…I believe that she lives on in the changed lives of many women who don’t consider themselves feminists or part of the women’s movement. I’ve met many such women who because of what Gloria said or wrote gained the courage to leave bad marriages, start their own businesses, persuade husbands to help with household chores.

Julie Burton, the president and CEO of the Women’s Media Center, recalled:

Gloria once wrote a letter to Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun, author of the Roe v. Wade decision, thanking him for saving more women’s lives than anyone in US history. We could say the same about Gloria’s impact on women’s lives, because for decades she was at the forefront of the struggle for political and social equality and justice for women. She used her voice and writing to raise visibility for women and the issues of our time. We came to take it for granted that she would always be where she was most needed—at the podium, on TV, on the plane, on the phone, or at the computer—to make the ideal of social justice a reality. Her phrases have become mottoes of our time.

“What would happen, for instance,” she once wrote in Ms. magazine, “if suddenly, magically, men could menstruate and women could not?”

I remember the first time Gloria wowed me. She was describing what I would call the Gloria Steinem role-reversal principle. This is a thought experiment: In any given situation or controversy, flip the genders of those involved and see what changes. Her most famous example of this was an essay titled “If Men Could Menstruate” that she wrote in 1978 for Ms. magazine, which she co-founded. Here’s a taste:

What would happen, for instance, if suddenly, magically, men could menstruate and women could not?

The answer is clear—menstruation would become an enviable, boast-worthy, masculine event:

Men would brag about how long and how much.

Boys would mark the onset of menses, that longed-for proof of manhood, with religious ritual and stag parties.

Congress would fund a National Institute of Dysmenorrhea to help stamp out monthly discomforts.

Sanitary supplies would be federally funded and free. (Of course, some men would still pay for the prestige of commercial brands such as John Wayne Tampons, Muhammad Ali’s Rope-a-dope Pads, Joe Namath Jock Shields—“For Those Light Bachelor Days,” and Robert “Baretta” Blake Maxi-Pads.)

It goes on from there.

Gloria would apply this switcheroo—which could also involve swapping race or political party—to news stories to determine if the coverage might be advancing or covering up a double standard. It’s a valuable device that I often call to mind. (Imagine if a female president fell asleep in the Oval Office.)

Looking back at some of her work and writings, I came across an interview with Gloria that appeared in Mother Jones 31 years ago, when she turned 61. She offered her take on the effort to divide feminism into opposing camps. (She was opposed to that.) And she contemplated her decades as an activist. The piece included this exchange:

At age 61, you’re still declaring yourself a radical and an activist. What are you up against as you grow older?

If we want a world in which you can tell jokes and get massages and have sex and dress however you fucking well please, then we have to create a form of activism that reflects that, and have fun while we’re doing it.

In my case, and in the case of some other women, it takes a lot of years even to question your conditioning. There’s such a deep part of our conditioning that is to make nice. That has an upside, it makes me a peacemaker. But a major problem I see is that we are into this kind of inner-outer division, so that activism is perceived as an activity in which you kill yourself and burn out.

There’s that joke, you know, that death is nature’s way of telling you to slow down. Well, burnout is a way of telling you that your form of activism was perhaps not very full circle. If we want a world in which you can tell jokes and get massages and have sex and dress however you fucking well please, then we have to create a form of activism that reflects that, and have fun while we’re doing it.

Actually the women’s movement has been pretty good at that, but we constantly get sucked back towards the culture in order to prove Seriousness. So we have to be conscious of the fact that as Gandhi said, and Martin Luther King said, and Emma Goldman said, and everybody else in the world who has had this experience has concluded, it isn’t that the end justifies the means, it’s that the means are the ends. And if we can do that, you see, it makes for joy, and mind-expansion, and friendships, and jokes in the process. And that means we can go on forever.

Gloria couldn’t go on forever, of course. We can hope her spirit does.

When she turned 85, I was invited by the WMC to participate in an online tribute to her. I wrote:

For years, what I most relished about Gloria (and envied her for) was her remarkable ability to deftly and elegantly reveal and dissect the destructive power imbalances of American life. Yet now as a father, I treasure Gloria for inspiring my two daughters and for showing them—and so many others across multiple generations—how one can be a great human being, a kickass woman, and a warrior for social justice over an entire lifetime. There’s no higher praise: She has taught us all.

So many people will miss her dearly. And so many more will live better lives because of her without ever realizing what she did for them.

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Mother Jones

Dems Ask for Probe Into Trump Team’s Handling of Anniversary Data

This summer, the Trump administration celebrated the country’s 250th anniversary with a series of splashy events that it insisted were nonpartisan. Tens of thousands of Americans signed up online to grab free tickets for gatherings like the Great American State Fair, the July 4 fireworks show in Washington, and the Patriot Games in Ohio. When they registered to attend those festivities, online forms requested their phone numbers, email address, and ZIP codes.

But few attendees likely realized that they were handing over their personal information to a private vendor that also works for Trump-linked political organizations. Campaign Nucleus—one of several firms owned by former Trump campaign official Brad Parscale—provided the forms used to register for high-profile semiquincentennial events this year.

Campaign Nucleus is one of various vendors with close ties to Trump’s campaign apparatus that was hired by Freedom 250, the group set up last year to help Trump control planning for the anniversary. Rushing to stage the kinds of high-profile events Trump wanted, the operatives running Freedom 250, who are themselves veterans of Trump campaigns, doled out large contracts to fellow MAGA insiders for event planning, public relations, and digital support. As Mother Jones has detailed, much of this was on American taxpayers’ dime.

Citing the cozy ties between annivesarry planners and GOP campaign efforts, House Democrats in a letter Tuesday asked the Government Accountability Office—the investigative arm of Congress—to examine whether pro-Trump political operatives have used data generated from the anniversary events to help Republicans in the upcoming election.

“President Trump and his allies are in a position to use information on American voters, harvested with taxpayer money and government resources, in an attempt to tip the scales in the upcoming midterm elections,” Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) and Rep. Joseph Morelle (D.-N.Y.), the top Democrats on the House Natural Resources and House Adminstration committees, respectively, wrote in a letter Tuesday asking the GAO to investigate.

USA Today reported in July that Americans seeking tickets to the Great American State Fair had to fill out forms that required them to submit their emails and phone numbers. Registrants also encountered a link to 45.donaldjtrump.com, a site that solicited donations to the pro-Trump political action committee Never Surrender.

Freedom250 has said this link was included in error. But the Democrats’ letter said the committee found that an account used to sign up for the fair continued to receive emails seeking donations for Never Surrender for weeks.

Huffman and Morelle said these solicitations represent “a stunning misuse of Freedom 250 resources.” Freedom 250 has received at least $86 million in federal funds intended for nonpartisan anniversary celebrations.

The emails mean “that either Freedom 250 is so closely tied to the Trump campaign that it is using the campaign PAC’s email for its own regular business purposes, or that Freedom 250’s mailing list has already been shared with the Trump campaign and the campaign is utilizing it for outreach,” the Democrats argued. “In either scenario, it is clear that Freedom 250 and the Trump campaign are co-mingling their activities and using Freedom 250’s collected data to point registrants to a campaign PAC’s website.”

“A national contact list assembled at taxpayer expense, enriched with geolocation and behavioral data and scored for persuadability, is an asset of extraordinary value to a party heading into a midterm election,” the lawmakers said.

Freedom 250 is a limited liability company set up under the National Park Foundation, a nonprofit that is itself run by the Interior Department. This unusual structure has so far enabled the group to mostly avoid congressional scrutiny, including over its data policies. “It is unclear what safeguards exist to prevent data collected by Freedom 250 from migrating to Freedom 250’s political allies,” the lawmakers wrote.

Parscale’s companies did not respond to inquiries from Mother Jones about how they handle personal information provided by Americans who signed up for Freedom 250 events. A Freedom 250 spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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Mother Jones

It’s a Bad Time To Be an American Worker

It’s the day after Labor Day, and it’s not a great day to be a worker. New data released this month by the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that the share of economic growth that translates to worker compensation is now at the lowest level ever recorded. Now, 52.8 percent of that wealth goes into workers’ pocketbooks. For comparison, that number—known to economists as the “labor share”—was at about 65 percent immediately following World War II, when the government began collecting data.

“Since approximately the start of this century, the S&P 500 stock index has gained about 600 percent,” as Rob Wile recently reported for NBC News. “Over the same period, inflation-adjusted worker earnings have climbed just 12.5 percent.” Corporate profits are at a record high. Many Americans, meanwhile, are doing things like buying groceries on credit and taking out “buy now, pay later” loans to afford electricity or rent.

There are a few different factors that might be blamed for this situation: corporate consolidation, tariff-related price-gouging, and the capital-intensive, labor-light AI boom among them. But this trend—GDP goes up, but workers take home a slimmer share of that money—has been building for fifty years, long before AI or the Trump presidency.

“I think it’s really disturbing news for workers,” Joseph McCartin, professor of labor history at Georgetown University, told Talking Points Memo back in May, when the labor share hit 54.1 percent. That was, at the time, the lowest level on record. In the intervening months, the labor share has plunged yet again. “It shows that even while the economy is growing, workers are getting a smaller and smaller share of the economic pie.”

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Mother Jones

Study: Almost Half the World’s Farmers Are Poisoned by Pesticides Each Year

This story was originally published by The Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Almost half of the world’s farmers are poisoned by pesticides every single year, a study has found.

Using publicly available data from 2006-2023, the study, which was commissioned by Pesticide Action Network, found there to be an estimated 402 million to 433 million cases of unintentional acute pesticide poisoning of farmers and farm workers every year.

Based on a worldwide farming population of 934 million, this means approximately 46 percent of farmers are being poisoned every year. The greatest estimated number of poisonings was in southern Asia, followed by Southeast Asia and East Africa.

The overall highest national incidence of poisoning was in Burkina Faso in West Africa, where nearly 84 percent of farmers and farm workers were reported to have experienced poisoning.

The study, published in the journal Frontiers in Public Health this past Wednesday, also found that an estimated 11,000 deaths occur every year due to pesticide poisoning, with nearly 60 percent of these in India.

The director general of Parkinson’s Europe said there was also “overwhelming evidence” to suggest that Parkinson’s was an environmentally driven disease.

Jayakumar Chelaton, the executive director of Pesticide Action Network India, said the research exposed a “crisis that can no longer be ignored.”

The authors of the study are calling for “immediate action,” including the implementation of a UN recommendation to phase out highly hazardous pesticides.

The study states that despite global efforts to highlight the dangers, pesticide use has continued to grow steadily, with 3.8 million metric tons used in 2023, a doubling since 1990.

Dr Sheila Willis, the head of international programmes at Pesticide Action Network UK, said: “Now that the scale of suffering has been revealed, farmers must be supported to access safer alternatives to protect their health and that of their families.”

The study did not consider the impact of pesticide exposure on the estimated 84 million children working in agriculture and did not look at the long-term health impacts, with acute pesticide poisoning defined in the study as any illness or health effect experienced a short time after exposure.

Génon Jensen, the executive director of the Health and Environment Alliance, said: “We are extremely concerned about the devastating health impacts from pesticide poisonings—both the acute impacts mentioned in this study but also chronic exposures that farm workers and communities suffer.”

Hélène Nicora, the director general of Parkinson’s Europe, said there was also “overwhelming evidence” to suggest that Parkinson’s was an environmentally driven disease, with growing evidence linking pesticide exposure to the development of Parkinson’s.

Parkinson’s disease is a progressive disorder in which parts of the brain become damaged over time, affecting movement and balance. The global burden of the disease is rising, with France, Germany and Italy all recognizing it as an occupational disease for farmers.

Farmers and farm workers are mainly exposed to pesticides during preparation and application, as well as when touching treated crops and contaminated equipment or clothing.

Speaking at a webinar organized by Friends of the Earth Europe earlier this year, Rendert Algra said he believed his Parkinson’s disease was linked to the pesticides he had used when working at his family farm in the Netherlands. “Being the eldest son, I did all the spraying of pesticides in our fields for several years in a row,” he said.

Despite being the most robust study to date, the report highlights that available information on pesticide poisoning is inadequate, with the authors calling for standardised surveillance and reporting protocols so that pesticide-related poisonings become reliable and comparable.

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Mother Jones

John Fetterman Accuses “Disgruntled Staffers” of Spreading “Lies”

Sen. John Fetterman responded angrily this weekend to a recent _Wall Street Journa_l report, which quoted former staffers and the senator’s own alleged text messages to demonstrate his waning interest in performing basic job duties. The Pennsylvania Democrat, per the report, declined to meet with constituents, balked at attending a funeral for three slain police officers shot in York County, and asked why he had to keep meeting with representatives from the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia.

In an exclusive response to CNN, Fetterman called the reports about his attitude the work of “disgruntled staffers,” adding, “Per usual — lies, half-truths, innuendos, smears and anonymous.” An anonymous Twitter account claiming to represent former staffers was also created on Friday, promising that the WSJ story was, in the Twitter account’s words, “just the tip of the iceberg.”

Fetterman, a first-term senator, has become, as one ex-staffer told Mother Jones last year, “Trump’s favorite Democrat.” He’s sided with Republicans on a myriad of issues, including voting against limiting Trump’s attack on Iran and taking a hard-line approach to immigration. He has rejected calls to shut down ICE and instead favors what he describes as “commonsense reforms.” (This despite the fact that his own wife, Gisele Barreto Fetterman, was herself previously undocumented.) He’s also a strident backer of the Israeli government at a time when many Democrats are no longer defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and the West Bank; the WSJ report charged that he’s spent time courting conservative media and the pro-Israel advocates at the expense of many other constituencies.

Much of the discussion about Fetterman has centered around how much his decision-making has been impacted by a stroke he suffered in 2022 while on the campaign trail. A May 2025 story in New York magazine reported on what staffers said was an alarming series of personality changes over time. His former chief of staff Adam Jentleson wrote in a 2024 memo quoted by the magazine that Fetterman was, in his words, “on a bad trajectory,” and outlined apparent impacts on his approach to work and policy: “Conspiratorial thinking; megalomania (for example, he claims to be the most knowledgeable source on Israel and Gaza around but his sources are just what he reads in the news — he declines most briefings and never reads memos); high highs and low lows; long, rambling, repetitive and self centered monologues; lying in ways that are painfully, awkwardly obvious to everyone in the room.”

Fetterman has rejected reports from former staffers that he’s not fit to serve. In his response to CNN this weekend, he called the WSJ report “the third hit piece from disgruntled staffers” targeting him and claimed the cited text messages were “stripped of any context and circumstances.” He said that while he hadn’t attend the police officers’ funeral, he did express his condolences on Twitter, had flowers sent, and, in June, “privately attended a Tunnel to Towers fundraiser in York for the families.” In response to the allegation that he expressed distaste about meeting with the children’s hospital representatives, he said he had met with them “virtually and in person,” pointing to a photo he posted on Twitter flashing a thumbs-up in their presence. Staffers had reportedly told him the meetings were necessary because hospital officials were “worried about Medicaid cuts,” to which Fetterman reportedly responded, “Well I’m not.” In his CNN response, Fetterman said that comment had been “a dumb joke, and for that, I sincerely apologize.”

The new anonymous Twitter account—calling itself Former Fetterman Staffers—is, according to The New York Times,“authentic” and “a group effort.” The bio for the account describes it as a group of former staffers who are “disgusted with what he’s become” and are “here to share our stories & make sure Pennsylvanians know exactly who he is.” The account said it would share its first “drop” on September 14th, the day the Senate reconvenes for its next session.

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Mother Jones

Trump Wants to Make Sure Every Voter Knows the Midterms Are a Referendum on Trump

Republican politicians are heading to Texas next week—some of them, anyway. At Donald Trump’s behest, the party is holding a special midterm convention in Dallas to celebrate what the president calls “our Tremendous Victories and Success.” On Saturday, he once again hyped the event, writing on Truth Social: “The Greatest RALLY of them all! I’ll be speaking on night one, and hanging around for an earlier closing, and lots of music, on night two!!! See you in Dallas.”

In other words, despite his record-low approval ratings, Trump has determined that the midterms must be about him and a referendum on his second presidency—even as GOP lawmakers have made it clear that they desperately do not want that to be the case.

Trump’s poll numbers have sagged as the midterms approach, due in large part to the unpopularity of the war in Iran and the cost of consumer goods; that’s true even among Republican voters. And that’s presumably why many GOP lawmakers and candidates would rather not hold a big party celebrating the success of the administration and tying themselves to it just before voters head to the polls. But, as the New York Times recently noted, they also “cannot afford to snub” Trump, or, as a person identified as a “top Republican campaign official” told Axios, “We have no choice. We’re stuck on the boat with him whether we like it or not.”

For his part, as is his wont, Trump seems convinced that having a rally where he’s a keynote speaker will solve everything. While many Republican candidates are reportedly skipping the Dallas convention, plenty will be attending. On Saturday, the Republican National Committee released a list of speakers for the Dallas event, heavily featuring Trump’s own family and current cabinet, including Vice President JD Vance, Donald Trump Jr., HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., House Speaker Mike Johnson, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, and Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, among others. In the release, the RNC also articulated what’s meant to be a unifying message for the proceedings, declaring, “Republicans represent the mainstream, practical values of everyday Americans, while the modern Democrat Party has embraced a fringe, extremely liberal ideological agenda that harms Americans.”

Even one attendee struck a rather non-psyched note on the matter. On Sunday, CNN’s Dana Bash asked Rep. Mike Lawler—a New York Republican facing a competitive reelection battle—about his decision to speak at Trump’s convention and align himself “so closely with the president.”

“It’s not a function of alignment” with Trump, Lawler responded, but rather “a function of doing the job. In order to get anything done, you have to be able to reach across the aisle, and also work within your own party.”

GOP Rep. Lawler on why he’s speaking at Trump’s midterms convention: “Part of what I will be highlighting in my remarks is the ability to not only agree when we must, but disagree and deliver for my district and stand up for the people that I was elected to represent.” pic.twitter.com/GtAHF9Xa0s

— State of the Union (@CNNSOTU) September 6, 2026

A ringing endorsement, to be sure. As the Dallas Morning News noted, there will be one prominent absence among Trump’s inner circle: Melania Trump is not expected to attend.

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Mother Jones

Wind Power Has Benefitted North Dakota. So Why Have Residents Soured on It?

This story was originally published by Canary Media and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

George Wolff offered a cautious greeting through the window of my rented F-150. He was fresh from tending livestock, which explained the dried mud on his forehead and shirt. His boots and jeans were soiled with barnyard muck, his ballcap tipped back to cool his brow.

It was a warm, breezy May day in Wishek, North Dakota, with wind speeds hovering around 20 miles per hour, gusting to the low 30s. Angus cattle foraged on a hillside pasture behind Wolff’s barns. Two John Deere tractors sat idle off the driveway. Planting season was over, but a dry spring had slowed the arrival of this year’s wheat, corn, and soybeans.

“What can I do for you?” asked Wolff, a fourth-generation farmer. The answer was about a half mile behind him, rising above his land like an enormous pinwheel.

That 3-megawatt turbine, one of two on Wolff’s 3,500-acre property, is part of Badger Wind Farm. The 92-turbine, 250-MW project was brought online in January by the Danish energy giant Ørsted and is the newest such installation in North Dakota, which ranks ninth in the US for producing wind energy.

Badger Wind Farm is the largest economic development project in the history of Wishek, an 850-person city about 90 miles southeast of Bismarck in McIntosh County. In exchange for hosting turbines on their property, Wolff and other local farmers and landowners receive lease payments from Ørsted—and the county will see an influx of tax revenues based on the project’s annual generation.

Wind turbines in a field with clouds in the background.

Wind turbines stand over fields in McIntosh County.Erica Dischino

But for many in Wishek, early optimism about the economic benefits has given way to regret and resentment, according to Larry Wald, a lifelong resident and the city’s former mayor and council member. “We used to live in open country, right?” Wald said. ​“Now, these towers are the first thing you see when you come into Wishek and the last thing you see on your way out.”

This notion—that the costs of wind power outweigh the benefits—is not unique to Wishek or McIntosh County. Large swaths of rural America are reevaluating their relationships with commercial-scale clean energy. While states such as California and Iowa are retooling their energy economies around carbon-free power, others are tapping the brakes as renewable energy development faces withering attacks from conservatives.

In North Dakota, many have soured on wind power after embracing it for most of the last 20 years as part of the state’s ​“all of the above” energy policy. Once a common thing, newly completed projects like Wishek’s Badger Wind Farm have become rare.

Anchoring a Wishek park is a 9-foot-tall concrete statue of Barney the Badger, the town mascot, with a bright blue varsity sweater emblazoned with the letter ​“W.” The statue helps explain Badger Wind Farm’s name, and is but one example of the kind of small-town charm that suffuses Wishek.

Lila Raile, another lifelong resident, is among those who feel that charm is at risk because of the wind turbines. Her recently built ​“dream home,” atop a low hill about a mile west of Wishek’s town center, is surrounded by turbines—a backdrop she never imagined just a few years ago.

A man and woman stand in front of a house with a large field and wind turbines in the background.

Lila Raile and her husband, Lloyd, stand in their home’s backyard, which now includes a prominent view of wind turbines.Erica Dischino

“Welcome to my nightmare,” Raile said in an email before my visit to her home, which used to offer views of rolling farmland.

Raile said the installation has fundamentally changed the agricultural character of Wishek, where farming has sustained generations of her own family. She blames Ørsted for what she characterized as a dollar-waving appeal to landowners.

But she also blames county and state elected officials for leaving the community to fend for itself against a multinational energy company. ​“They claim to protect rural communities from these outside energy companies, but people around here don’t feel protected at all,” she said.

Wald said much of the local ire is directed at absentee landowners who signed leases with Ørsted. Many of them inherited land, he said, but have no personal connection to Wishek.

“When [Ørsted] came looking for land leases, it was like light in their eyes,” Wald said of the nonresident property owners. ​“They were going to get their $10,000 per lease, or whatever it is, and never have to look at these towers.”

A man in a blue polo shirt and baseball cap stands in an open doorway.

Larry Wald, a lifelong Wishek resident, former mayor, and volunteer firefighter, at the new firehouse in Wishek. The firehouse was constructed partially with funds from a direct goodwill donation from Ørsted.Erica Dischino

Ørsted declined a formal site visit or an interview.

Even Wolff, whose two turbines sit at the eastern edge of the wind farm and are not visible from the town center, says county officials could have mitigated the Badger project’s visual impacts through more robust planning and zoning.

“I understand why there’s a lot of strong feelings about the turbines,” he said. ​“They should have stayed further away from some of the nonparticipating residences, particularly the ones close to town.”

The wind turbines are here. “You have to change your mindset…You can’t light them on fire, you can’t kick them over. “

Wishek had no siting authority over the Badger turbines. It did, however, receive $150,000 in direct goodwill donations from Ørsted, according to the city auditor. The money went toward constructing a new firehouse and public swimming pool and making repairs to the community center.

“Ørsted was very much like, ​‘Let us know what you need help with…because we want to have a good relationship with the city,” said Brenda Dohn, the former Wishek mayor who led the city through the project’s planning and construction phases. ​“They wanted to make sure there was some payback to the community.”

In McIntosh County, ​“wind generation taxes” from Badger Wind Farm will yield roughly $1.3 million in tax revenue each year, according to estimates from the county auditor’s office. Those dollars will go to roads and bridges, schools, hospitals, senior care facilities, and fire and ambulatory services for the county of roughly 2,500 people. Statewide, wind energy has generated a total of more than $10 billion in economic activity, according to industry estimates.

Nevertheless, in April—a few months after Badger Wind Farm went online—McIntosh County adopted a one-year moratorium on new wind projects, citing concerns about how another Ørsted project, proposed for the south part of the county, would impact nonparticipant property owners. Badger is the second wind farm in the county; the Merricourt wind farm went online in 2020.

Dohn, who stepped down after clashing with Wishek council members over a proposed data center at the edge of town, said she hopes the community can mend its strained social fabric now that Badger Wind Farm is operating.

“It’s here. You have to change your mindset,” she said. ​“You may not like what’s happened, but OK, now what? You can’t light them on fire, you can’t kick them over. So how do we move forward from this?”

A woman lifts the shades of a window to reveal a view of a field and wind turbine.

Lila Raile at the window of her home in Wishek.Erica Dischino

North Dakota got its first large-scale wind farm in 2003, when NextEra Energy Resources completed its North Dakota Wind I and II installations in LaMoure County, about 50 miles east of Wishek.

In the years that followed, the state pursued an energy policy inclusive of coal, oil, natural gas, and carbon-free energy sources like wind. The boom times continued from there. Developers were attracted to North Dakota for its wide-open, windswept land and proximity to Minnesota, which needs clean energy to meet its decarbonization goals.

“We had such an escalation in numbers with new wind farms coming online, and so much interest in the state, that we basically saw a new industry [established] within just a few years,” said Tom Oakland, energy research and development manager at the North Dakota Department of Commerce.

But now, North Dakota lawmakers and public officials, including many who once touted that all-of-the-above policy, are asking whether the state has reached its carrying capacity for wind turbines.

North Dakota saw 38 wind farms come online between 2005 and 2020—but only four, including Badger, have been completed in the years since.

The pipeline is not exactly robust. The state Public Service Commission is currently considering just one other project: the 67-turbine Homestead Wind Farm, proposed for Williams County. On August 12, the commission approved the nearly $800 million Longspur wind project proposed by Minnesota Power for north of Bismarck—the first approval since Badger and only one so far this year.

The commission is increasingly wary of wind, despite the Longspur approval. Chair Randy Christmann has repeatedly asserted that the expansion of wind power will advance environmentalists’ agenda to close more than a half dozen legacy coal plants in the state.

During public testimony in May over the Longspur project, Christmann challenged Richard Schirado, a rancher and inventor who hosts turbines on his property, over Schirado’s belief that wind energy ​“has not eliminated or significantly harmed traditional energy sources like coal.”

“Would it surprise you to know that in about the last 20 years, about 35 or 40 percent of the coal capacity in America has come off the grid?” Christmann asked.

“No, it wouldn’t surprise me, but I think they need to work together,” Schirado answered.

“But one is being added and the other one is being pushed out,” Christmann responded. ​“That’s how they’re working together, is it?”

While coal-fired power generation has declined nationally with the rise of natural gas and renewables, North Dakota’s retirements have been more modest than some other states. Minnesota-based Great River Energy closed its 50-year-old Stanton Station in 2017, while Montana-Dakota Utilities retired two small coal units at its R.M. Heskett Station in 2022 as part of a natural gas conversion project.

“Some of the farmers here, they think if you don’t make your money off of a bushel of wheat or a pound of beef, it’s not right.”

Although North Dakota produces immense amounts of wind power, much of it is exported to neighboring states. Seventy-six percent of the electricity consumed in-state comes from five coal plants concentrated in North Dakota’s mining region. All those plants burn lignite, which emits more air pollution per unit of energy than any other form of coal, as well as significant quantities of toxic mercury.

The argument that wind is hampering the state’s coal sector has been around at least since 2017, when then-Sen. Dwight Cook, a Republican who chaired the powerful finance and taxation committee, proposed legislation to impose a two-year ban on wind farms, citing the wind industry’s disruption to the state’s coal economy. The bill was withdrawn, and Cook retired in 2020.

More recently, Republican state Rep. Anna Novak, interim chair of the North Dakota Legislative Assembly’s Energy Development and Transmission Committee and vice chair of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, has asserted that wind is a bad deal because of its potential impacts on coal.

“For many years, it was kind of like, ​‘We can do everything, we can have it all, and it’s more economic activity for our area,’” said Novak, who represents what North Dakotans call ​“coal country.” ​“But there has been the realization that more wind on the line, specifically in coal country, means that there’s less coal that’s mined and used for electricity generation.”

North Dakota’s sole member of the US House of Representatives takes the same pro-coal, anti-wind stance.

In 2025, freshman Republican Rep. Julie Fedorchak sponsored a bill to phase out long-standing federal tax credits for wind and solar energy, something achieved in the 2025 Republican tax and spending bill known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

Fedorchak has also been one of President Donald Trump’s strongest supporters for reviving the nation’s coal industry—a push happening alongside Trump’s all-out war on wind energy.

Fedorchak’s office did not respond to requests for comment. But in a recent interview with Axios, she echoed wind critics like Christmann and Novak, who argue that North Dakota’s wind power growth is not serving the state itself and is instead driven by outside interests.

“It’s for that very reason—the expansion has been designed to help bring in the power needed for states like Minnesota to meet their goals,” Fedorchak said. ​“And those aren’t the goals in my state of North Dakota.”

Wolff, for his part, still supports the state’s all-of-the-above energy policy, though he was careful to emphasize that he is not a ​“green freak.”

“If someone came out here and said they wanted to put an oil well on the farm, I’d listen,” he said.

“Some of the farmers here, they think if you don’t make your money off of a bushel of wheat or a pound of beef, it’s not right,” Wolff said during a conversation at his kitchen table. ​“I don’t feel that way. I think, well, they’re producing electricity, and that’s something we all use. So if you can make it work, then do it.”

A few days after my visit, Wolff received his first quarterly check from Ørsted. Each turbine netted about $5,000, money that will help him meet the rising costs of fuel, fertilizer, and feed. It may also allow him and his wife, Janet, to spend more time away from the farm—and possibly escape North Dakota’s bone-chilling winter.

If the wind boom is truly over for North Dakota, so, too, are its opportunities for farmers like Wolff. All told, landowners have netted between $25 million and $30 million annually since 2020, according to industry officials.

“I’m kind of on my way out here,” Wolff said. ​“It will eventually be my son’s decision on how to handle it. Either way, I plan to do what my forefathers did, which is pass this on to my kids. They’ll figure out the best way forward.”

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