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Angie Nixon Goes on Trial in September. She Just Won Florida’s Senate Primary.

Florida State Representative Angie Nixon just defeated Alex Vindman, the presumed frontrunner, in the state’s Democratic Senate primary—even though Vindman raised roughly sixteen times as much money as Nixon.

Nixon, 42, helped lead the fight against Republican-led redistricting in Florida that disproportionately supports GOP voters, who are mostly white. According to the Miami Herald, 86 percent of Florida’s congressional districts will favor the GOP, even though only 41 percent of voters are registered Republicans. The three-time state lawmaker from Jacksonville protested the bill during an April legislative session and videos of her wielding a pink bullhorn and declaring “this is a violation of the constitution” went viral. Nixon also staged a sit-in at the governor’s office in May, where she was arrested and faces a jury trial on charges of trespassing and resisting an officer without violence in September.

Despite Democratic opposition, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis approved the new map in May. In June, the state’s Supreme Court allowed the new map to stay in effect for the upcoming 2026 US House elections.

Nixon ran on an affordability platform, pushing Medicare for All, free childcare and family leave, and a national rent freeze and moratorium on evictions. She touted endorsements from Reps. Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and Maxwell Frost and—featured prominently on her website—the children’s content creator and activist Miss Rachel.

“These things are not radical, they’re not extreme,” Nixon said during her primary victory speech on Tuesday night. “This is just basic human decency; it’s caring for our neighbors.”

Vindman, whose national public profile mostly centers on his role as a witness and director of European affairs for the National Security Council in the first Trump impeachment over the 2019 Ukraine scandal (and on his twin brother Eugene, who is a Virginia congressman), has never held elected office in Florida. Nonetheless, Vindman raised over $16 million for his campaign, according to FEC data, and polls pointed to his likely victory. He seemed sure he would win—so much so that he reportedly had a fundraiser in Nantucket scheduled for this coming week. He lost by 12 percentage points.

Nixon now faces an uphill battle in November. She’ll be facing off against DeSantis-appointed Republican incumbent Ashley Moody, who replaced Marco Rubio when he became Secretary of State. Moody is also a staunch proponent of President Trump’s voter-suppression efforts, including co-sponsoring the SAVE America Act. Florida hasn’t sent a Democrat to the Senate since 2012, when former Senator Bill Nelson won his third term.

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Sen. Adam Schiff on Israel, Impeachment, and Post-Trump America

Sen. Adam Schiff is often on the receiving end of President Donald Trump’s rage online. It should be no surprise.

Back in 2020, the California Democrat was the lead prosecutor during the first Trump impeachment trial as a member of the House of Representatives. Now a senator, Schiff has been laying out a different strategy for how Democrats might challenge the president if they reclaim Congress. Much of that strategy focuses on how the president has enriched himself in the White House—all at the expense, Schiff argues, of the American people.

“The key to making corruption a powerful issue is by always bringing it back to the impact of that, the cost of his corruption,” Schiff tells host Al Letson. “Because the cost of his corruption is a president not focused on doing what he promised.”

On this week’s More To The Story, Schiff describes what it’s like to be an ever-present target of Trump’s ire, how the Israeli government has pushed longtime supporters like himself to criticize it more openly, and lays out his proposals for rebuilding America’s institutional guardrails in a post-Trump era.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

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Trump’s White House Business Shindig Will Be a Cesspool of Financial Conflicts

Donald Trump will welcome the leaders of major cryptocurrency and prediction-market companies to the White House on Wednesday to discuss how they should be regulated—a potential make-or-break moment for nascent industries that have struggled to establish themselves as credible and legal.

As it happens, Trump himself is a crypto and prediction-market leader. The president and his adult children are major investors in both industries.

In the past, presidents have divested from their business interests while serving, or have taken pains to distance themselves from any involvement. During his second term, Trump has done essentially the opposite. And his hand in the regulation of two industries he’s directly involved with is merely one headline from this president’s Financial Conflicts News of the Week.

Consider World Liberty Financial, a crypto firm Trump co-owns, in which a senior government official from the United Arab Emirates acquired a $500 million stake just months before the administration, ignoring national security concerns, agreed to provide the UAE with America’s most advanced AI chips.

World Liberty Financial calls itself as a “de-fi” company—as in de-centralized finance, the idea that you can do most banking activities through the crypto blockchain rather than at a real bank. And as it happens, Trump’s company just got the greenlight from one of Trump’s regulators to be a bank.

Under the charter it was granted, World Liberty won’t do much in the way of traditional banking (no deposits or loans) but it will make it much easier, and profitable, for the firm to issue crypto tokens. That’s not a traditional use of a bank charter.

The ambiguity around what these crypto and prediction firms really do, how they should be regulated, and whether they should be treated differently than traditional banks, puts Trump’s business interests at the bleeding edge of the debate over these industries. These issues are essentially the agenda for Wednesday’s White House meeting and a subsequent regulatory meeting on Thursday.

Another example of a Trump business foray that would likely be scrutinized by regulators—if regulators are allowed to scrutinize the new crypto and prediction markets—is his meme coin ($TRUMP), an inherently worthless bit of digital branding that has netted him around $635 million while costing “investors” around $3.8 billion as its value fell to almost zero. It’s the kind of financial shenanigan into which, in a less corrupt administration, government regulators might be inclined to look.

Another major Trump asset is his stake in Truth Social, which has tethered itself to the crypto industry by acquiring lots and lots of Bitcoins—astrategy that has proved unwise, at least in the short term, as Bitcoin prices have declined more than 25 percent this year.

Trump has made no secret of his support for the prediction markets—he has publicly backed them in their fight to avoid state regulators who have tried to rein them in.

The White House did not return a request for comment, but its standard denial of Trump’s financial conflicts usually includes the claim that his adult sons, Eric and Don Jr., are in charge of his finances. If anything, those two are even more involved than their father in the crypto and prediction industries that Trump will determine how to regulate—or not regulate. In addition to helping manage his father’s crypto investments, Eric has his own crypto-mining company—American Bitcoin. Don Jr. is closely linked to the prediction industry: Kalshi gave him a stake that has become enormously valuable, and he sits on an advisory committee for Kalshi’s chief rival, Polymarket.

Wednesday’s meeting is a warm-up for the much more formal and significant meeting on Thursday, when the Commodities Futures Trading Commission, one of two major government agencies that regulate investments, holds the first meeting of a new committee that will determine how the government regulates the markets in question.

Trump is never all that predictable (he did once call crypto “a scam”), but it’s a good bet that the committee—which is stacked with crypto and prediction market reps, including Trump associates, many of whom will be at Wednesday’s event—will get a warm White House welcome.

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Mother Jones

Cops Love ICE’s New Shock Gloves. Parents Want Them Out of Schools.

In early August, ICE revealed plans to purchase $20 million worth of electric-shock gloves, manufactured by a company called Compliant Technologies. The gloves work on direct contact with exposed skin and deliver a painful electric charge. Police departments, jails, and even school resource officers across the country have used the gloves for years—though human rights groups like Amnesty International say they’re “readily misused for torture.” Police officers, speaking on Compliant Technologies’ own YouTube channel, repeatedly stated that the shock gloves work because they are “less conducive to lawsuits” than other forms of physical force, and can cause pain but “leave no burn marks or scars.”

The GLOVE, or Generated Low-Output Voltage Emitter, is already in use in some public schools. Twenty-nine of 34 school police officers in Omaha, Nebraska have trained to use the GLOVE, and twice in the past year, officers have used the devices to shock students.

Omaha requested 40 pairs of the gloves for just under $66,000 in 2025, as Nebraska Public Media reported. (At that same price point, ICE’s $20 million would buy the agency at least 12,000 pairs of shock gloves.) The Omaha city council unanimously approved the purchase. But with the gloves now under increased scrutiny, students and parents are raising concerns. School board members, at a meeting on August 17, said they hadn’t been informed that the shock gloves were being deployed in their schools.

“I personally am sickened to learn our schools have been used as a test bed for a new law enforcement technology,” Omaha School Board member Gini Magnuson said, according to Nebraska Public Media. The GLOVE’s most recent user manual suggests that wearers avoid using it against “small children.”

Despite the manufacturer’s warning against shocking children, Omaha is not the only school district to use shock gloves. Compliant Technologies regularly exhibits its products at School Resource Officer conferences nationwide. In July of this year, they were listed as an exhibitor at both the Texas and Mississippi Associations of School Resource Officers’ annual “school safety” conferences.

“I wish the adults in the room would actually just pay attention to what the students are saying, and hopefully understand that hurting students, and using weapons against them, is not what teaching is about, and it’s not what school is supposed to be about,” Omaha Central High School student Lux Tipton said at this week’s school board meeting.

While students, parents, and politicians speak out against these weapons, White House border czar Tom Homan is defending their use. “It’s another device to help someone get compliant when they are not,” Homan said in an interview last week on Fox & Friends. The Department of Homeland Security may distribute thousands of pairs of the gloves as early as March 2027.

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Mother Jones

South Korea Wants Its Military Back

On Tuesday, South Korean President Lee Jae Myung reiterated his calls for the country to retake full control of its military operations from the US following Donald Trump’s order to cut back on annual joint training drills in preparation for North Korean threats two days prior.

“A strong alliance makes the foundation of security stronger, and strengthening our own capabilities increases our value and necessity as an ally,” Lee said, framing the US-South Korea alliance and independent military control as ‌mutually beneficial.

Trump told reporters at the Oval Office on Monday that his decision to scale back military training with South Korea was due in part to Lee’s refusal to support the US war effort in Iran: “We can’t go around and protect all of these countries, especially when they’re not there to help us.”

And in thatannouncement reducing the joint training, Trump wrote on Truth Social that his move was also “based on myvery good relationship with Kim Jong Un,” North Korea’s dictator and, oddly referring to himself in the third person, the drills with South Korea “send a signal that is totally inappropriate and hostile, to a Country that, as long as Donald J. Trump has been President, has been unthreatening and respectful.”

Lee said in response on Tuesday that Seoul should immediately plan a transfer of control over the Combined Forces Command, which consists of both South Korean and US forces. According to the Korea Times, regaining wartime operational control, which takes effect during major conflict, is a key goal of Lee’s administration. South Korea ceded full control of its military during the Korean War in the 1950s, but has been trying to regain complete command for over two decades. The same Korea Times report said that South Korea’s joint training drills with the US are “essential for assessing Seoul’s readiness to lead the combined forces” in the near future and are symbolic of the country’s national sovereignty.

Lee also signaled rearmament, which may increase tensions and threaten further military action from North Korea. Hepushed for Seoul to accelerate building nuclear-powered submarines, signaling rearmament. Several NATO members have also ramped up spending on military development following Trump’s multiple threats to withdraw from the alliance.

Trump approved Seoul’s nuclear submarines last year, and Hegseth has praised South Korea for taking on more of its own defense. But burden-sharing was supposed to mean allies paying more for an arrangement Washington still runs. Lee is proposing something else: an ally that no longer needs to ask.

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Mother Jones

Trump’s Bombing Threats Have a Golf Course Problem

On Monday morning, President Donald Trump issued a blunt warning to America’s erstwhile ally: “If Oman gets in the way, we’ll bomb the shit out of them.” It was another one of his un-diplomatic jabs at a longtime friend—this time for the possibility that Oman might prove helpful to Iran in ending the war. But if Trump’s aggressive, crude attitude towards an ally isn’t confusing enough, it’s also another example of how Trump’s sprawling efforts at personal enrichment since he returned to office have only made US foreign policy more complicated.

Because, of course, Trump has a lavish golf course and real estate development deal, right in Oman, on the edge—literally, the cliff’s edge—of the Gulf of Oman, which is just a few dozen miles from the embattled Strait of Hormuz. And the incredibly lucrative terms of the deal—as is the case with most economic opportunities in absolute monarchies such as Oman—were granted to Trump and his business partners with the blessing of the Omani government and crown.

Will this business engagement actually deter Trump from bombing the oldest independent state in the Arab world? That’s unclear, if only because it’s so hard to distinguish Trump’s real threats when it comes to bombing from the empty ones. But the irrefutable fact that he has a large money-making opportunity in the same location where he proposes to bomb raises several questions about how he navigates his priorities as commander-in-chief and international developer.

As I’ve written before, Trump has a very good deal in Oman.

A livestream of the site shows a sun-drenched stretch of water, edged by brown desert rock outcroppings, where it’s easy to imagine minimalist boxy units, cantilevered 400 feet above the sea, starting at just $1 million.

Built by Saudi real estate developer Dar Global on land provided by the Omani government outside its capital city of Muscat, all those seaside views and quiet luxury could be a gold mine for the US president. In 2024, he earned $1 million in licensing fees from the deal. The project’s website boasts of its “ideal location.” It offers “easy access” to the Persian Gulf, which sits just a few hundred miles to the northwest via the Strait of Hormuz. Oman, the website notes, is “one of the safest countries in the world.”

But whatever conflicts of interest may be playing out in Oman are nothing new. It’s difficult to list all the places Trump’s personal business interests are intermingled with US national security interests. Even in South Korea—which Trump also lambasted recently—recently disclosed financial statements showed that Trump embarked on a new deal with some Korean developers.

Previous presidents simply have avoided conflicts of interest. But there is a special problem when it comes to Trump’s: Whether it’s in Oman, or Saudi Arabia, or the Korean peninsula, they’re all mostly licensing deals.

That means that Trump technically doesn’t own any property in Oman. The land on which the project will be constructed is owned by an Omani government entity joint partner on the project, and the project itself is owned by Dar Global, the Saudi development firm. But Trump gets paid for applying his name, managing the property, and selling luxury villas. In total, he has earned somewhere around $35 million on his licensing projects in the Middle East, most of which have been in partnership with Dar Global. In Oman alone, he appears to have earned $6.8 million—and that’s before the property has been built. It’s not clear from the livestream or any information on Dar Global’s website how far along the construction has progressed.

But for a president trying to negotiate Middle East peace or head off a nuclear threat, this is a uniquely bad conflict of interest. Not only are his personal money-making efforts located in the middle of conflict zones, but his chief way to make money is selling the image of success, luxury, and peace. And that’s something our enemies definitely know.

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Mother Jones

Trump Burns Allies Over Iran. South Korea and Oman Are Next.

President Trump spent the weekend turning on two US security partners. He ordered a cutback in joint military exercises with South Korea, citing his “very good relationship” with Kim Jong Un, the North Korean dictator — and threatened to bomb Oman, one of the countries mediating between Washington and Tehran.

On Sunday, Trump posted on Truth Social that based on his “very good relationship with Kim Jong Un” and the finances required, he ordered Pete Hegseth to “substantially reduce” annual joint military exercises with South Korea, designed to prepare against threats from North Korea. At the end of his post: “While somewhat unrelated (?), I recently asked the President of South Korea if they would like to join us in the Denuclearization of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and they said, “No thanks!”

Seoul is downplaying it. South Korea’s Defense Ministry said the exercises began Monday as planned, and President Lee Jae Myung said the two governments had “maintained close coordination” on joint training and would keep doing so.

But the reversal is abrupt. Just three months ago, as the Associated Press noted, Hegseth praised South Korea for raising defense spending and “assuming primary responsibility for the security of the Korean Peninsula” — a shift he called proof of “alliance burden-sharing that all of America’s partners would do well to follow.” It’s the same pattern the administration ran on NATO members who declined to back the war on Iran.

Regarding Oman, Trump told Fox News on Monday that “if Oman gets in the way [of US-Iran negotiations], we’ll bomb the shit out of them.” Oman is reportedly close to an agreement with Iran to restore commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, the passageway that carried 20 percent of the world’s crude oil before the US and Israeli strikes on Iran began in February.

Trey Yingst: "I just got off the phone with President Trump … the president told Fox News that Iran should raise the white flag of surrender … the president said that if Oman gets in the way, 'we'll bomb the s**t out of them""

Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) 2026-08-17T13:54:57.609Z

Oman is also a strategic partner of the US in the region and often acts as a diplomatic mediator between the US and Iran. The US holds a security agreement with Oman that allows it to access Omani airfield and port facilities for military purposes.

It looks like yet another time where Trump makes decisions built on personal squabbles rather than its critical security relationships.

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Could the GOP Lose Florida Over Data Centers?

A few years after her husband died, Sandie Slowey moved from Pennsylvania to a mobile home in Hernando, a small town in rural Citrus County, Florida, known for its open green spaces and pristine spring waters. Down the road from her home was a horse ranch, and Slowey enjoyed the serenity of her quiet retirement from her job as a nurse—strolling on lush walking trails and sitting outside in the afternoons to hear the birds sing. On chilly evenings, she sleeps with her windows open.

In February, on Valentine’s Day, a neighbor told Slowey that the Deltona Corporation, a Florida real estate developer, planned to construct an 800-acre data center next to their neighborhood. Then in March, Slowey noticed the horses were gone. When she checked tax records, she discovered that Deltona had bought the property. It also bought another lot next door.

Slowey was outraged. Friends back in Pennsylvania, who now live near data centers, had warned her about the constant noise, and she worried that the incessant humming would pierce through the thin walls of her home. As one among dozens of residents who spoke up against the project, she said as much at a county planning and development commission meeting in March. She joined with other residents and decided to form No Data Center Citrus and organized a community meeting that attracted many residents, some of whom voiced their concerns at commission meetings. Their efforts worked. “We had two overflow rooms full, and they had to stop people at the door because there was no room,” Slowey recalled. County officials ultimately rejected Deltona’s proposal and approved a one-year moratorium on any data center projects.

The fight in Citrus County against data centers has played out in dozens of communities across Florida, and as residents in rural areas—already fed up with the encroachment of new development that has infiltrated much of the state in the last few years as its population has grown—feel threatened by the explosion of data center construction. As my colleague Sophie Hurwitz reported in May, there are at least 268 local opposition groups across 37 states. The local resistance against data centers “draws on a current of populism—and suspicion of big companies, and fear of AI-prompted job loss—that goes beyond party boundaries,” Hurwitz wrote this month.

Voters’rage at these construction projects has extended into Florida’s politics and splintered the Republican base. Many of these Floridians, some of whom are lifelong Republicans, are not voting for US Representative Byron Donalds, the leading GOP candidate running for governor to succeed Gov. Ron DeSantis, during this week’s primary election. Donalds has openly supported the technology infrastructure, provided regulations were in place. As Politico reported, he’s also accepted millions in campaign contributions from data center developers. “I’m not anti-data center. I’m pro having a plan,” Donalds said in February, according to the Tampa Bay Times. “Data centers are going to be a function of American life going forward.”

Although polls show he will win the Republican nomination, the data center issue likely will discourage many GOP and independent voters from supporting him, even leading them to cast ballots for his opponents. Slowey, a registered Republican, will vote on Tuesday for Jay Collins, the current lieutenant governor, who has vowed to put Floridians first before data centers, calling for stringent guardrails around the facilities.

I spoke to other residents who say they will vote for Bobby Williams, a grassroots conservative and third-generation Florida native who opposes data centers. It is unlikely he’ll win, according to polls, but the fact that he has amassed support in many communities outside bustling metro areasis one more example of a nationwide trend of how once-loyal voters are fed up with the current GOP establishment that takes money from large corporations at the expense of local concerns.

“Most everybody that you talk to, everybody on Facebook, everybody that we talk to on the street, it’s all about the data centers.”

“Party labels are less important when it comes to our homes and way of life,” Slowey told me. “Everything for this election, for me, is based on the data centers at this point, and I think most everybody that you talk to, everybody on Facebook, everybody that we talk to on the street, it’s all about the data centers.”

If Donalds wins, come November’s general election, Slowey says she will throw her support behind David Jolly, the Democratic gubernatorial candidate. Jolly, a former Congressman who was once Republican, announced in July that he would enact a statewide moratorium on construction, citing environmental and economic concerns. Slowey suspects others in her community are making the same calculations.

This past week, I spoke with residents in several Florida counties that have dealt with the data center issue—Marion, Citrus, Escambia, Palm Beach, and Sarasota—and asked them how this topic is influencing their votes. Some registered Republicans told me they would not support Byron Donalds and instead vote for Williams or other candidates in the primary. Other voters, like Slowey, told me they will support Jolly in the general election.

Susan McManus, a seasoned political analyst in Florida, called the governor’s race a “bloody primary,” a term used to describe infighting within a political party during an election cycle. Eleven different Republican candidates are competing in the primary for governor.

The challenge for Republicans will be that in these red, rural areas, residents are hostile to data centers and to candidates—like Donalds—who openly support them. But the central question for Democrats will be if voters in these conservative, heavily Christian communities can get past the way that “socialist” has become affixed to Democratic candidates, she said. “Maybe they won’t vote for the Democrat,” McManus said of Republican voters in the general election, “but they’ll stay home, which is equally bad.”

The local government in the city of North Port, in Sarasota County, is grappling with the data center dilemma. Like much of the state, in recent years, the once sleepy town has now boomed into a city of nearly 100,000 with a younger population and lots of development. Robin San Vicente, an environmental and wildlife consultant, moved there in 1999 and has warily watched the growth. So when the city received an application for a data center construction project, San Vicente was among those who spoke out. Wearing a black tank top printed with the words NO DATA CENTERS, she told commissioners at a July 21 meeting, “It is extremely important that we take the time to accurately assess all of the data required to implement proper citywide protocols and guidelines in the name of public health and safety.”

Last month, she created the Facebook group, No Data Centers North Port FL, and in the last five weeks, it has attracted more than 900 members. They post news articles about data center moratoriums or videos of community meetings. Comments range from concerns about the data centers being close to wildlife preserve areas, the excess water usage, the thought of having a nuclear reactor, which many data centers use, in an area prone to hurricanes nearly six months out of the year. As one North Port resident wrote: “DO NOT VOTE for public officials who don’t put the residents of North Port FIRST.”

The North Port city commission is now considering an 18-month moratorium on data center projects. San Vicente, who is an independent voter, says she is considering David Jolly in the general election. “We don’t trust Byron at all. He is supported by Trump, and people are not trusting Trump anymore.” She added that many people had their eyes “opened” and realized that “what party you belong to doesn’t matter with this particular issue.”

In Citrus County, Slowey and the steering committee she’s a part of are now helping the commission draft ordinances to regulate any future data centers, including the regulation of water usage, as well as distance requirements from schools and churches. They hope the measureswill be enacted before the one-year moratorium ends.

Still, the threat of a data center being erected in town lingers. Deltona, the developer, still owns the land close to Slowey’s home.“We won the battle,” she told me, “but we haven’t won the war.”

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The International Underwear Model Who Stormed the Capitol Is Now Running for Congress

When Florida congressional candidate John Strand introduces himself to potential voters, he starts with his criminal record. “I’m John Strand, patriot for Congress, the J6 hostage who went to prison on principle so that you don’t have to,” he said at a January debate hosted by the Women’s Republican Club of Naples Federated.

The former international underwear model spent about a year in federal prison after a DC jury convicted him of five criminal counts, including one felony, related to his participation in the January 6 assault on the US Capitol. In January 2025, Trump pardoned him, along with 1,500 people convicted of J6-related crimes. And now, Strand is using his J6 infamy to try to catapult into Congress in one of the weirdest GOP primaries in the country this year.

Of the 10 candidates currently running to fill a seat vacated by Rep. Byron Donalds, who is running to be the GOP candidate for Florida governor, Strand is actually one of two felons pardoned by Trump in the race. The other, former Rep. Chris Collins (R-NY), resigned from Congress in 2019 and pleaded guilty to insider trading and lying to the FBI. He was serving a 20-month prison sentence when Trump pardoned him at the end of his first term.

A young man and former model in a suit coat speaks into a microphone at an event.

John Strand speaks during an event hosted by Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-Fla., at the Capitol in Washington, Tuesday, June 13, 2023.Amanda Andrade-Rhoades/AP

Joining them is former Rep. Madison Cawthorn (R-NC), who lost his 2022 primary after being plagued by scandals ranging from sexual harassment allegations to carrying a gun through TSA—twice—and claiming he’d witnessed some of his House colleagues do a “key bump of cocaine” right in front of him. The frontrunner, Catalina Lauf, ran unsuccessfully for Congress in 2020 and 2022—in Illinois. She lost the 2020 race to former Illinois state senator Jim Oberweis, who is also now running in Florida’s 19th.

To distinguish himself from the pack, Strand has leaned hard on his status as a J6 “hostage” while supplementing his rhetoric with the timeworn GOP campaign tactic of demonizing LGBT people.

“Hostage” is a bit of a stretch. After he was arrested in Beverly Hills a few days after the 2021 attack on the Capitol, Strand opted to go to trial rather than take a plea bargain, as did Simone Gold, the anti-vax doctor he accompanied into the Capitol. Gold was sentenced to only 60 days in prison as a result. Strand got 32 months after a jury found him guilty on all counts. The sentence included extra time for lying on the stand and fundraising off his “49 minutes of infamy” while a court-appointed lawyer represented him.

Strand likes to blame his prison sentence on an “openly biased DC jury,” but the evidence against him was overwhelming. After leaving the Capitol, he literally texted someone, “We stormed the Capitol. It was insane.” Video footage also showed him at the front of the mob, stepping over a fallen US Capitol Police officer on his way into the building with Gold.

As the crowd began to force their way into the Capitol building, Dr. Simone Gold and John Strand were part of the crowd that violently pushed/pulled an officer down the stairs.

I slowed down/highlighted the pair currently being sought by the FBI.
H/T: @Cineaste_C
🎥: NyPost pic.twitter.com/nf7PGOqwJG

— 𝚃𝚘𝚡𝚒𝚌 𝚆𝚘𝚘𝚍𝚎𝚗 𝚆𝚘𝚖𝚊𝚗🌙 (@Autre_Vierge) January 12, 2021

Strand has engaged in some revisionist history to spin this record into a selling point for his congressional candidacy. “I was innocent,” he insists on his campaign website and in ads. “The DOJ vacated every charge.” The judge, however, saw things differently. “This Order does not constitute a finding of innocence,” wrote US District Judge Christopher Cooper in an order dismissing Strand’s case after his pardon. “Nor does it affect the existence of probable cause for Defendant’s arrest and prosecution.”

Hard time clearly isn’t enough substance to drive a congressional campaign, especially in a race featuring more than one former felon. So Strand has adopted another popular MAGA strategy: attacking the LGBTQ community. Strand was homeschooled and raised in a conservative, Christian family. He has seamlessly supplemented his J6 story with Bible references and promises voters a return to “Judeo-Christian values.”

“The enemies of America—both foreign and domestic—are erasing truth, rewriting history, distorting gender, and sexually exploiting our children,” says his campaign website, where he’s portrayed as a “maverick” in a leather jacket like Tom Cruise in Top Gun.

In May last year, Strand joined in a protest in Naples, Florida, to support the city’s decision to ban a drag show from a public park during Pride week. In December, he testified before the Naples City Council to further support city action against Pride events by speaking “some hard truth” about what he learned while working in Hollywood.

“Pride,” he said, putting air quotes around the word, “is a very aggressive, explicitly sexual enterprise with a terribly destructive agenda, confusing, distorting and then destroying the natural and healthy design of human sexuality.” He claimed that the “Pride movement” was “eroding the health and strength of the family unit,” and called it a form of tyranny that features “deviant sexual behaviors.”

WOW: I challenge anyone in the nation to watch this—and ask yourself:

“Are any other candidates for Congress speaking truth like this?”

There is only one way to save our nation:
Confront evil head-on…and overcome it with good.https://t.co/MlXjx59P2i pic.twitter.com/Yxg9rH14sO

— John Strand (@JohnStrandUSA) August 4, 2026

Strand, 43, doesn’t always seem to have found the “Pride movement” so toxic. In his memoir, Patriot Plea: The J6 Journey of a Political Prisoner in the Divided States of America, he briefly recounts his years couch-surfing through West Hollywood as a struggling model. But he omits some critical details.

“I met him in a gay bar,” says Loran Morgan, who has known Strand for more than 15 years, speaking about that time. Morgan says back then, Strand had many gay friends. He even attended Morgan’s 2010 birthday party at The Abbey, the “world famous gay bar,” according to its website, where drag shows are a staple, and went back there with Morgan at least one other time, in 2014. Morgan says in 2011, he even secured Strand a job working in an Equinox booth during the Pride Festival in West Hollywood.

John Strand at Equinox booth at 2011 Los Angeles Pride festival

Florida congressional candidate John Strand working at the Equinox booth at the 2011 Los Angeles Pride Festival.Loran Morgan

Strand’s years modeling underwear also landed him in gay media. In 2012, for instance, he graced the cover of Sensitif, a French gay magazine, and inside, he poses virtually nude. He also modeled skimpy underwear for RUFSKIN, a gay California fashion label. (Strand did not respond to several requests for comment.)

No one I spoke with claims that Strand was gay or engaged in gay sexual acts, but they say he definitely associated with LGBT people and seemed supportive of the community. For about a year starting in August 2011, Strand and his now ex-wife lived with Amy Messigian, a Los Angeles lawyer who let them stay rent-free in her house in exchange for caring for her dog while she was at work. “His group of friends was predominantly gay,” she told me. “He would go out with his boys in West Hollywood. His wife would stay home.”

John Strand with Loran Morgan at the Abbey gay bar.

John Strand and Loran Moran at the Abbey, a gay bar in West Hollywood.Loran Morgan

Messigian had a group of old friends who would regularly meet up socially, and Strand and his wife would often join them. One of those friends, Richard Valois, who works in advertising in Los Angeles, says he and Strand once went out without the group. “He had a place he wanted to go to in West Hollywood because he knew the bartender. It ended up being a gay bar,” Valois told me, noting that he was surprised to end up there because their friend group didn’t go to gay bars. He was even more surprised by Strand’s choice of venue “because he had a wife.”

“He had no problem with gay people back then, so why is he doing that now?”

“I’m not saying he’s gay,” he emphasized. “But when we went there, he knew the bartender. He knew everyone.” He’s mystified by Strand’s current campaign against Pride events and trans rights. “He had no problem with gay people back then, so why is he doing that now?”

In Patriot Plea, Strand says he lost many of his Hollywood friends after he embraced Trump. “I torched my Hollywood career with a Maverick barrel roll into public support for MAGA,” he writes. But his former LA friends say they never knew him to care about politics. “He had this insatiable thirst for fame. All his social media was talking about being famous,” Valois says. “He would post his laps that he did in the pool. That was his whole persona. He was not a political person in any sense of the imagination.”

Strand was famous, they say, for being marginally employed, never paying for drinks, and always looking for a place to crash. (In his memoir, he mentions bouts of homelessness.) Even before his turn towards MAGA, he’d fallen out with many of these friends because they tired of him taking advantage of their goodwill. Messigian asked him to move out after she says he neglected her dog.

Morgan and Messigian both reported Strand to the FBI after seeing photos of him at the Capitol on January 6. They were furious when Trump pardoned him. January 6 was one of the most “horrifying moments in our history that I experienced,” says Messigian. “So any pass that he’s been given is unfortunate and undeserved.”

“I was like, dude, so many of the LGBTQ people had your back and took care of you the whole time you lived here, and now you’re going after them.”

Morgan, who is gay, feels doubly angry about Strand’s latest reinvention as a congressional candidate. “I still can’t believe he is even running for an office. In one video I saw, he was going off on trans rights and gay rights,” he told me. “I was like, dude, so many of the LGBTQ people had your back and took care of you the whole time you lived here, and now you’re going after them.”

It’s not clear whether Strand’s J6 narrative or his attacks on the LGBTQ community are winning him many votes. He has secured a few endorsements from MAGA world, including from Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.), Gen. Michael Flynn, and MyPillow guy Mike Lindell and talk show host Dennis Prager. But his campaign has failed to raise much money—little more than $100,000, with almost $20,000 of that coming from a personal loan from Strand himself. (Not even Simone Gold seems to have contributed, according to FEC records.)

Strand has made much of the fact that Turning Point USA, the conservative youth group founded by the late Charlie Kirk, had endorsed him. But the week before the primary, the group quietly unendorsed him and threw its weight behind one of his challengers, Catalina Lauf, who worked at the Commerce Department in the first Trump administration.

Strand had been fervently trying to win an endorsement from Trump. But the president doesn’t like to endorse losers, and a Victory Insights poll poll released August 7 showed Strand languishing at the bottom of the pack, with barely 3 percent support. On Friday, Trump endorsed Lauf.

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Mother Jones

The Right Is Targeting Abdul El-Sayed’s Family Members

Since Abdul El-Sayed’s win earlier this month to become the Democratic nominee for Michigan’s US Senate seat, the right has ramped up its attacks on him, condemning his past comments as evidence of him being a “terrorist” and “radical Islamist” or a “jihadist sympathizer” who is “infiltrating from within”. But it has also targeted El-Sayed’s family—including his wife, Sarah Jukaku, a psychiatrist, and his half-sister, Eman Abdelhadi, a writer and assistant professor at the University of Chicago.

The same week as El-Sayed’s victory, President Trump posted a photo of himself and First Lady Melania Trump in formal attire next to a photo of the Senate nominee and his wife, who is wearing a hijab. “Two VERY DIFFERENT America’s [sic],” the post reads.

More recently, media outlets like Fox News and the New York Posthave dug into Abdelhadi’s past, citing her arrest last fall on a felony charge for allegedly spitting on an Illinois state trooper during a protest outside Broadview ICE Detention Center in Chicago next to a mugshot, remarks on Israel and Palestine, and criticism of American holidays like July 4th and Thanksgiving.

Socialist Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed's half sister is revealed to be a radical University of Chicago professor who was arrested last fall on felony charges for allegedly spitting on an Illinois state trooper during anti-ICE riots outside a detention facility in suburban… pic.twitter.com/kKU2oeEsmx

— Fox News Politics (@foxnewspolitics) August 14, 2026

“Abdul loves his sister and also disagrees with her on a number of political positions and the rhetoric she’s chosen to use,” Sophie Pollock, a spokesperson for the El-Sayed campaign, told Fox News in response to its story on Abdelhadi’s arrest. “But Abdul is the one on the ballot and his record of public service and his platform is what matters to voters here in Michigan.”

El-Sayed had already addressed much of the right’s criticisms—and increasing concern from establishment Democrats—previously, distancing himself from his past support for the “defund the police” movement along with other progressives candidates looking to come across as more presentable in the lead-up to the midterms.

But for the many on the right, backing down from past progressive rhetoric once, or even many times, will never be enough. It is those same folks on the right who dictate what is considered unacceptable and, in response, what many Democrats may worry is too radical or “woke” for potential voters leaning more toward the center.

Conservatives co-opted “woke” and its discourse. Democrats don’t have to fall in line with them.

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Mother Jones

Warmonger’s Son Mongers War

Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, pushed the United Kingdom into a needless war in Iraq in a wild-goose chase for weapons of mass destruction. Then, he helped British companies make money from that war. Now, his son Nick is carrying on the family legacy.

Nick Blair, a 40-year-old former football agent, is seeking funding for a military technology startup called “Pyra” to the tune of 200 million dollars. It’s not clear what, exactly, Pyra needs all that money to do: its website only says “Deploying Summer 2026…Stand By.” Blair is at the moment the only active officer of the company, according to UK government filings. In an article published this week, an unnamed source told the Financial Times, vaguely, that Pyra “is developing technology that will allow users to integrate different systems into a single source.”

During his time as Prime Minister, Blair’s father helped UK companies cash in on the Iraq war. After he was forced to leave the country’s government amid growing discontent over the war, he built a dizzyingly massive global business empire. And he’s making moves that could allow him to profit from the reconstruction of war-torn places: in January, he was appointed to President Donald Trump’s so-called Board of Peace, charged with overseeing international efforts in Gaza.

Blair the younger, meanwhile, is now founding his second military-tech company. His first, Skyral, is a war-games simulator. Its co-CEO, Naomi Hulme, recently described its work as “Fortnite on steroids.” The company won a $2.7 billion dollar contract to train the British military, which is betting big on AI. Pyra, meanwhile, does not yet have a product—but hopes to raise a great deal of funding nonetheless.

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The Trumps’ Crypto Project Just Got One Step Closer to Becoming a Bank

Federal regulators have given President Donald Trump’s family crypto business a conditional approval to operate like a bank. On Friday, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency—led by Trump appointee Jonathan Gould—announced that World Liberty Financial, a crypto venture controlled by the Trump family, was on track to receive a banking charter. This will allow World Liberty Financial to issue its stablecoin tokens—called “USD1″—inside the United States without an intermediary.

“The decision stands to give new powers and federal credibility to a venture in which Trump and his family retain a substantial financial interest,” as Politico‘s Michael Stratford and Declan Harty put it. “It’s also among the most direct official actions that the administration has taken involving the president’s private finances.”

Zach Witkoff, son of Trump’s special diplomatic envoy Steve Witkoff and co-founder of World Liberty Financial, applauded the decision on social media. “Our ambition is clear: to build the most trusted and widely used digital dollar in the world while strengthening the role of the U.S. dollar across the global economy,” he wrote.

The move certainly seems likely to strengthen the pocketbooks of the president and his family: as my colleague Russ Choma reported, Trump made $65 million in 2025 by selling shares in World Liberty Financial. According to his financial disclosures, Trump also made almost $600 million selling stablecoins and other digital assets through World Liberty Financial that year.

Democratic lawmakers are pointing to the regulatory green light as an example of Trump’s corruption. On Friday, as the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency announced the move, Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) wrote on social media that “this is the most brazen act of self-dealing our system has ever seen.”

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Mother Jones

The Orwellian Company Behind ICE’s New Electric Shock Gloves

In 2022, Assistant Chief Adam Glueck, of the Cape Girardeau Police Department in southeastern Missouri, purchased electric shock gloves for his officers after learning about them at a trade show. And his employees, he said, couldn’t get enough of them. “If I try to take away the gloves from those officers at this point I think we may have a mutiny on our hands,” Glueck joked on a podcast interview a couple of years later. “They’ve grown really attached.”

The shock gloves, he went on to explain, allow their wearer to inflict pain without leaving the sort of marks that could look bad to witnesses or leave an officer vulnerable to lawsuits.

“In today’s society, you know, everybody’s filming everything, everybody has a cell phone,” Glueck said. If an officer punches someone on camera, that can go viral in an instant; even a standard taser leaves puncture wounds. But “the glove is low optic, and it looks better on camera, and it looks better to those witnesses. With a glove, there are no burn marks or scars.”

The gloves, manufactured by a company called Compliant Technologies, have been used by police, sheriffs, jail wardens, and even school resource officers for years. They’ve been described by groups like Amnesty International as “readily misused for torture.” And this week, ICE published a plan to order $20 million worth of them.

The device is called a GLOVE, which stands for Generated Low Output Voltage Emitter. It looks like a regular padded black utility glove, but when the wearer presses a small button on the glove’s wrist, it produces a painful electric shock.

A middle aged man with a beard and glasses holds up his gloved hand to the view.

Nelson County, Ky., jailer Justin Hall shows an electric shock glove that is used at his facility, Thursday, Aug. 13, in Bardstown, Ky. Dylan Lovan/AP

“We have a saying: Feeling is believing,” Compliant Technologies CEO Jeff Niklaus said in one 2022 YouTube video. In promotional clips, you can see people losing control of their limbs, falling to the ground, and crying out in pain after a light touch from the GLOVE. In 2022, the company called it a “weapon” in Instagram posts. Since then, though, it’s downgraded the language to “a Conductive Distraction and De-escalation device,” branding the technology on its website as “humane.”

Human rights organizations like Amnesty International have long raised concerns about electric shock devices like the GLOVE, as well as other products that Compliant Technologies sells, like electric shock belts and vests, which the company recommends for prisoner transport, courtroom use, and use on “combative individuals” during medical procedures like blood draws.

The technology is unregulated “despite the clear human rights risks associated with its use,” Amnesty International researchers wrote in a 2025 report detailing instances in which electric-shock devices have been used for torture. The report ends with a recommendation that countries “cease use of, decommission and destroy any stockpiles of such prohibited electric shock weapons.” Yumna Rizvi, a senior policy analyst at the Center for Victims of Torture, called the gloves “inherently abusive equipment that facilitates torture.” Some police departments that use the devices issue guidance saying they shouldn’t be deployed against pregnant women, the elderly, or people in shackles. A 2021 user manual for the GLOVE notes that it can cause an “increase in blood pressure” and “changes in heart rhythm,” and recommends that users avoid shocking “those with obvious health conditions.” The manual also includes a graphic saying “evil is powerless when the good are unafraid,” laid over a Blue Lives Matter flag.

“How in the world is ICE just going to be walking around with these gloves?” Rizvi asked. “It is inherently harmful. It has no legitimate law enforcement purpose.”

“Our officers are highly trained in de-escalation tactics and regularly receive ongoing use of force training,” an ICE spokesperson told Mother Jones; Compliant Technologies did not respond to a request for comment. The devices “will be issued to Homeland Security Investigations (H.S.I.) and Enforcement Removal Operations (ERO) officers and agents,” according to a notice DHS published August 10. They will be delivered by the end of March 2027.

Compliant Technologies was founded in 2018 by Jeff Niklaus, a former Army Blackhawk helicopter pilot in Afghanistan and Somalia, who believes that President Donald Trump has been “anointed” by God. He is also a sometime conspiracy theorist: In a podcast interview in 2025, he blamed the fatal crash of a passenger plane and a military helicopter on “the vaccines,” and on the Biden administration’s inclusion of women and LGBTQ people in the military.

In an interview with the International Law Enforcement Educators & Trainers Association last month, Niklaus said he was inspired to start his company after participating in the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, on which the book Black Hawk Down is based.

“If you look at the why…I mean, we lost 18 guys in one day,” Niklaus said. (Hundreds of Somali people were killed on that day, alongside 18 Americans.) “So, for me personally, if we can help save or stop the injury of at least 18 people, then I feel like we did something as a company,” he said.

But his technology has also hurt people. A pending wrongful death lawsuit alleges that a 43-year-old man named Jonathan Mansfield died because corrections officers shocked him 27 times with the gloves and 13 times with a Taser. Two of the glove shocks lasted 45 and 99 seconds. The manufacturer’s recommended limit is 15 seconds. A man with heart problems sued over allegations that he was shocked at a Las Vegas trade show, as the Associated Press reported. And in 2023, a man who was incarcerated in Kentucky’s Bullitt County Jail sued an employee of that jail for shocking him repeatedly with the gloves. “The gloves feel just like a taser,” Josh Elswick, who was in handcuffs and shackles when he was shocked, said. Bullitt County Jail representatives told local media they would stop using electric shock gloves shortly thereafter.

But local police across the country are still eagerly buying the gloves—in large part so that they can harm people and avoid being sued for it. It’s been successful “from the patrolmen to the jailers,” Lumpkin County Sheriff Stacy Jarrard said in a Compliant Technologies promotional video. “It’s been a great tool as far as mitigating liability,” according to Nelson County Jailer Justin Hall. Bob Couey of the Floyd County Sheriff’s Department sung the GLOVE’s praises, too: “I highly recommend these gloves to anybody that’s looking for a utility they can use that is conducive to not leading to lawsuits.”

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Solar Panels on Storage Units: Illinois Is Going All In on This No-Brainer

This story was originally published by Canary Media and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Krzysztof Wasowicz, mayor of Justice, Illinois, has some concerns about solar: that it takes up farmland and enriches China. But he’s all-in on the community solar array that was recently deployed at a Public Storage facility in his village, a suburb of Chicago.

The panels are located on otherwise unused roof space and could provide significant savings for Illinoisans who subscribe to the project, while also helping the state meet its goal of 100% clean power by 2050.

“This creates more opportunities for people, job creation, and revenue that can be taxed by our state,” said Wasowicz, who has been mayor of Justice, home to about 12,000 people, since 2007. ​”This is going to be an excellent addition to this village.”

The 763-kilowatt array, which went online in March, is one of 60 planned projects for the rooftops of Public Storage facilities in Illinois. Ten such projects are now online, and once completed, the portfolio will cover 5 million square feet of roof space, provide 44 megawatts of solar capacity, deliver $36 million total savings, and create 300 construction jobs, according to Solar Landscape, a leading developer of rooftop community solar sites nationwide.

Only a fraction of industrial and commercial roof space is currently used for solar, because those projects are generally more expensive to build and interconnect than ground-mounted arrays in rural areas. But thanks to new incentives, developers, utilities, and building owners nationwide are increasingly considering the possibilities.

Federal data analyzed by the solar company Lumen Energy found that commercial, industrial, and school rooftops could host enough panels to provide 581 gigawatts of power, nearly enough to meet the entire country’s energy demand. Cook County, Illinois, which includes Justice, is among the metropolitan areas with the greatest potential, that analysis found.

Mark Schottinger, president and chief legal officer of Solar Landscape, said that working with large companies like Public Storage allows his company to deploy rooftop projects quickly at multiple sites.

“The beauty of commercial-industrial real estate is the speed and scalability,” he said, noting that major logistics, storage, and big-box companies ​”have millions of square feet around the country.”

Community solar allows households, businesses, and organizations to reap savings and support clean energy even if they can’t have their own solar panels. By subscribing to a community solar array, customers get credit on their energy bill for a portion of the solar power generated.

Illinois is among the nation’s leaders in community solar capacity, according to the Solar Energy Industries Association, with more installed than even California. It is among the two dozen states that have laws enabling community solar, which typically leads to more arrays than in states without specific policies.

Illinois’ 2016 clean energy law created generous incentives for community solar, leading to a boom in projects of up to 2 MW each. An energy law passed last fall made the incentives available for projects of up to 10 MW.

Most of the state’s community solar has been built on rural land or industrial brownfields. About a fifth of the arrays are on rooftops, with the rest being ground-mounted. The rooftop arrays are concentrated in the Chicago area, and rooftops are an increasing priority for community solar, according to Paul Kovacs, project execution manager for distributed energy resources for utility ComEd, which serves northern Illinois.

Solar developers are still in the ​”early innings” of using rooftops for community solar. But ​”it’s growing exponentially.”

At a July 30 event promoting the Justice project, Melissa Washington, ComEd’s senior vice president for government relations and external affairs, called rooftop community solar ​”an elegant solution” for deploying clean energy to meet rising demand.

She listed three mandates for the utility: supplying power to businesses and residents, keeping electricity affordable, and addressing climate change—a necessity underscored by violent storms three days earlier that had left many ComEd customers without power.

Rooftop community solar, she said, ​”checks the box for every single one of those three critical priorities.” The utility plans to have over 400 community solar arrays in service by the end of this year, she added. Kovacs said about 100 of those will be on rooftops.

In a typical setup, a company like Solar Landscape develops and owns the array and collects revenue from incentives and subscribers. Those subscribers get savings on their energy bills, the property owner hosting the panels gets lease payments, and the utility gets credit toward renewable energy mandates. The utility works with the developer to make any upgrades needed to connect the array to the grid, which the developer pays for so that costs are not passed on to ratepayers.

The Public Storage projects are part of Illinois’ Community-Driven Community Solar program, meant to incentivize solar arrays whose subscribers are predominantly local households and small businesses or nonprofits, as opposed to a few large subscribers hogging the savings.

Under state law, owners of community solar can sell renewable energy credits to utilities for revenue that makes the financing equation more favorable for all the partners involved. The incentives are awarded through a highly competitive process, and proposals gain points for being in designated low-income or environmental justice census tracts, having a large proportion of local subscribers, involving the community in design and planning, and hiring through the state’s workforce training programs, among other factors. The community solar credits are also worth $5 more per megawatt-hour for rooftop installations.

The Justice project earned points for making charitable contributions and for hosting a workforce training program in conjunction with the New Jersey–based training and education nonprofit STEP-UP Solar, according to Solar Landscape marketing director Samantha Kanipe.

State incentive programs are critical to facilitating community solar development since the expiration of federal tax credits under the Trump administration’s 2025 spending bill, advocates note. Meanwhile, arrays on industrial and commercial sites, like the Public Storage ones, can still qualify for federal tax credits if they are operational by the end of 2027, or if they started construction by July 4 of this year.

“We began construction on a ton of projects before July 4,” including all the Public Storage ones, said Schottinger of Solar Landscape, noting that his company can build an array like the one in Justice in about six months.

He said his company and other solar developers are still in the ​”early innings” of using rooftops for community solar. But, ​”it’s growing exponentially,” he added. ​”There’s a lot of blank space out there.”

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Mother Jones

40 Acres and a Lie Part 2

Skidaway Island, Georgia, is home today to a luxurious community that the mostly white residents consider paradise: waterfront views, live oaks, and marsh grass alongside golf courses, swimming pools, and other amenities.

In 1865, the island was a thriving Black community, started by freedmen who were given land by the government under the 40 acres program. They farmed, created a system of government, and turned former cotton plantations into a Black American success story.

But it wouldn’t last. Within two years, the government took that land back from the freedmen and returned it to the former enslavers.

Today, 40 acres in The Landings development is worth at least $20 million. The history of that land is largely absent from day-to-day life. But over a two-and-a-half-year investigation, journalists at the Center for Public Integrity unearthed records that prove that dozens of freed people had, and lost, titles to tracts at what’s now The Landings.

“You could feel chills to know that they had it and then they just pulled the rug from under them, so to speak,” said Linda Brown, one of the few Black residents at The Landings.

This week on Reveal, with the Center for Public Integrity, we also show a descendant her ancestor’s title for a plot of land that is now becoming another exclusive gated community. And we look at how buried documents like these Reconstruction-era land titles are part of the long game toward reparations.

This is an update of an episode that originally aired in June 2024.

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Mother Jones

Trump Just Lost Joe Rogan With His New Money Making Scheme

“He’s just on a grab!”

Joe Rogan is not exactly the paragon of good sense. So you know things are bad when even he is outraged about Trump’s latest moneymaking scheme. The president introduced a new Truth Social feature this month that sells early access to his posts to subscribers willing to shell out up to $100,000 a month.

Trump has used his social platform as an official White House channel to unveil major policy initiatives, deliver updates on Iran ceasefire negotiations, and fire government officials. With access to those announcements before they go out to the general public, subscribers can turn tothe betting markets to get a return on their investment.

The feature violates the First and Fifth Amendments, a lawsuit filed against Trump alleged this week. It also may amount to insider trading and market manipulation.

Watch the gears turn… ever so slowly… when Rogan learns about the scheme from comedian Shane Gillis during the Aug. 13 episode of his podcast.

Video by Peter Berger

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Mother Jones

Documents Reveal the Federal Government’s Vast Minnesota Surveillance Dragnet

Newly released court records show the Department of Homeland Security conducted a months-long surveillance campaign against left-wing groups in Minnesota after the January killing of Alex Pretti by a federal agent. The records were released Thursday as part of an ongoing criminal case the DOJ filed against 15 Minnesota activists for “felony conspiracy to impede or injure federal officers.”

In January, the Department of Homeland Security launched “Operation Puppet Master” to investigate a “network” of anti-ICE groups the agency believed to be behind protests against the federal occupation of the Twin Cities. As part of that operation, DHS used secretive, invasive tactics: staking out apartment buildings, tracking the license plates of cars parked outside a local church, and attending boxing lessons and art club meetings undercover. At one point, an informant dropped her audio device on the floor during a boxing lesson held by the group “Left Jab,” and then had to circle back to go get it.

Federal officials also, as the New York Times reported, used administrative subpoenas to obtain years’ worth of financial records from the climate activist organization Sunrise Movement and the Communications Workers of America. They acquired years of wire transfers by the Service Employees International Union, the nation’s largest healthcare workers union. This, they said, was an inquiry into “domestic terrorist financing.” (This revealed nothing except the expected minutiae of running a union: membership payments, strike funds, retiree dues, pension expenses.)

None of the organizations investigated have faced any charges, though many of the 15 individual defendants charged in the so-called antifa case are affiliated with labor unions or activist groups.

Kevin Riach, attorney for Minnesota activist Isaac Sant, called this “an unprecedented campaign by DHS to spy on Minnesotans” in a court filing Thursday. “With no evidence, the government alleged to the grand jury that the conspiracy in this case extends far beyond the defendants to include the AFL-CIO, the Minneapolis Federation of Educators, the Minnesota Association of Professional Employees, Monarca, Veterans for Peace, and the Grease Pit bicycle repair shop, among others,” Riach wrote. In one PowerPoint slide shown to members of the grand jury, prosecutors asserted that these groups are all connected.

diagram of supposed conspiracy.

CourtListener

This is not the first time federal agents have spied on anti-ICE protesters. As my colleague Schuyler Mitchell has reported, FBI agents in Spokane secretly extracted data from protesters’ phones. Separately, Homeland Security agents systematically collected vehicle, license plate, and social media information from everyday people in Spokane last summer, and at times entered that data into a digital evidence management platform. There, as in Illinois, Texas, and Minnesota, anti-ICE activists have been targeted on conspiracy charges for basic acts of protest like blockading a road or sharing information in a group chat.

“These wild conspiracy allegations are born from the fantasies of political retribution that animate the Trump Administration,” Riach wrote.

“While federal agents repeatedly broke the law, ordinary people exercised their First Amendment rights to protect their neighbors,” said Aru Shiney-Ajay, the executive director of the Sunrise Movement, in a statement to the Times. “The Trump administration is now trying to intimidate individuals and organizations who opposed his agenda.”

The people targeted in the “Minnesota 15” trial face between six and ten years in prison for alleged “conspiracy” against federal officers.

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Scientists Have Created a New Category of Heat Waves: “Snow Eaters”

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Matthew LaPlante doesn’t have to go to a lab to see his research in action. On some mornings, he can just look out his own window in the mountains high above Salt Lake City. After a warm night when the temperature stays above freezing, he’ll wake up and see that the snow level has dropped by inches, revealing more of the aspens he taps for syrup.

“It feels like a monster came and just in the middle of the night, took a bite out of a snowpack,” said LaPlante, a journalist and climate scientist at Utah State University.

So it’s fitting that scientists have started calling these kinds of heat waves, marked by unusually high temperatures in the spring and early summer, “snow eaters.”

LaPlante was part of a recent study, published in the journal Science Advances, that attempted, for the first time, to identify what conditions exactly make for a “snow eater.” Compared to normal warm spells or heat waves, the researchers determined that these events happen when temperatures stay above freezing through both day and night for multiple days, typically three to five. These events can roughly double the rate at which snow melts, causing flooding and making it challenging to manage water resources.

“Snow eaters” appear to be occurring earlier in the year and becoming more widespread in the Western United States as the climate warms. Since the 1850s, the study found, the area affected by snow eaters has increased by an average of about 40,000 square miles per century, and the first snow eater of the season has been arriving about one month earlier per century.

“Water that would otherwise be stored as snow comes out early, and then we have to deal with it as a hazard instead of a resource.”

The term “snow eater” has a murky history. By at least the 1880s, people in the West were talking about “snow-eating” chinooks, warm mountain winds that make snow disappear quickly. More recently, the phrase “snow-eater heat wave” first made headlines in March, when an early heat wave enveloped much of the West, quickly wiping away snowpack in the Colorado Rockies and California’s Sierra Nevada. The scientists hope the catchy, evocative term can help draw more attention to this type of heat wave, since there’s still a lot to learn. The study only looked at the Western US, but snow eater heat waves almost assuredly occur elsewhere, LaPlante said.

Solar radiation is a major, but sometimes overlooked, driver of snowmelt, said Noah Molotch, a professor of geography at the University of Colorado Boulder who was not involved in the new study. When it interacts with heat waves, those impacts are amplified. As snow crystals warm up, they lose some of their structure and light-reflecting abilities, causing snowpacks to absorb more sunlight and melt faster. “It’s a little bit of a—no pun intended—a snowball effect,” he said.

Much of the Western U.S. saw record-low snowpack this spring. What was really unusual about it, Molotch said, was how widespread it was. Colorado received less precipitation than normal this winter, while California got lots of precipitation, but in the form of rain instead of snow. But across the region, “the one thing in common was above-average air temperatures,” Molotch said.

These conditions have likely helped fuel exceptionally severe wildfires in the West, from Utah to Spokane, Washington, where hundreds of homes burned earlier this month. “Drought stress for mountain forests around the Western US is heavily dictated by the snow that accumulates each winter and then melts through the spring and summer,” Molotch said. “There is a direct connection there in terms of the water availability and drought stress that can provide one of the important ingredients for increases in wildfire intensity and frequency.”

A graphic showing historically low snowpack in the West overlaid with the locations of 2026 wildfires.

Source: Emma Tyrrell/CU Boulder/National Interagency Fire CenterSachi Kitajima Mulkey/Grist

If scientists are able to better predict what will happen to snowpack, it could help water managers plan for what’s coming. Early or rapid snowmelt poses problems for managing water resources in the West, where snowpack serves as a key source of fresh water in the drier summer months. “Water that would otherwise be stored as snow comes out early, and then we have to deal with it as a hazard instead of a resource at our reservoirs and along the rivers and streams,” said Ben Hatchett, a co-author on the study and a scientist at Colorado State University’s Cooperative Institute for Research in the Atmosphere.

Snow-eater heat waves also may pose risks to skiers, hikers, and anyone else on or near mountains. They could be linked to hazards such as avalanches, glacial collapses, and permafrost melt, Hatchett said, though scientists are still investigating those connections. He lives in the Sierra Nevada, and he’s noticed one tangible change over his lifetime: The soundscape has changed.

“At night, it used to be quiet,” he said. “And now it’s not quiet, because everything’s melting all the time.”

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Mother Jones

The Tate Brothers’ Lawyer Is on an Aggressive, AI-Riddled Quest to Win Their Release

It seems extremely unlikely that accused rapists and sex traffickers Andrew and Tristan Tate will be released from Miami’s federal detention center, where they’re being held. For one thing, the brothers are awaiting extradition to the United Kingdom to face sprawling charges related to sex trafficking, rape, assault, and indecent images of a child, and the Trump administration has declined to step in. For another, as government prosecutors laid out in a filing opposing pre-trial release earlier this week, there is something of a flight risk, given that Andrew Tate previously used an alter-ego Twitter account to brag about being, in his words, “above the law” and “hard to kill,” as well as having of four or five passports and nine drivers’ licenses in several names. “I have had warrants out for my arrest and travelled freely,” @OfWudan, an account linked to Tate, tweeted in 2019. “I am smarter than you. I am Steven Seagal. I am above the law.” (Tristan Tate, according to the prosecutors’ filing, is similarly alleged by UK authorities to have a Mexican passport bearing his photo and date of birth, but with the name “Vladimir Scorpius,” a James Bond villain.)

The mountain impeding the Tates’ pretrial release, then, is extremely high, but Joseph McBride is determined to climb it. McBride, a New York attorney representing both brothers, has launched an aggressive, quixotic, and highly public quest to free the Tates and promote a positive image of the two men. He’s using several tools to do so, including podcasting (both on his own, entitled Judgment Day, and through appearances on others’ shows), intense media engagement, a rally outside the jail, verbose tweeting, and, most unusually of all, a flood of AI-generated images released on X and Instagram.

The conditions Andrew and Tristan Tate are being held in are a disgrace.

Small filthy cell.
Cockroaches.
Shower water to drink.
No chair.
Lights they cannot control.

Food that makes Taco Bell look like a Michelin restaurant.

Beds too small for men who are 6’3” and 6’5”.

Three… pic.twitter.com/gVZC0zwyI6

— Joe McBride (@McBrideLawNYC) July 28, 2026

The faked images typically show the Tates manfully bearing their suffering in the clink: meditating in orange jumpsuits together atop a bunk, for instance, or dually staring at the viewer from inside a filthy cell. He also shared a striking image of the Tates sitting around a table with prominent men from across the historical spectrum—from Joe Rogan back through George Washington, with his tricorn hat looming oddly behind his head—accompanied by a lengthy caption on the importance of masculinity. It begins with a claim that the “manosphere built Western society.”

McBride, who previously represented a series of January 6 defendants, describes himself on social media as a “traditional Catholic Warrior” and a “Defender of American Patriots, The Constitution, and Andrew & Tristan Tate.” (Besides the extradition case, he’s also representing the Tates in a Florida defamation lawsuit they are waging against one of their accusers.) McBride has cast the cases against the brothers as an attack by “the system”—a term that the Tates also use—due to their purported advocacy for men.

“His message is male empowerment,” McBride tweeted in May, referring to Andrew Tate. “The system cannot control strong men. That is why he is public enemy number one. Escape the Matrix.” This week, McBride told podcaster Michael Malice that he fears the Tates will be “Epsteined” in jail, by which he meant murdered.

“Strategically, a picture is worth 1,000 words,” claims the Tates’ lawyer.

In an email, McBride told me the allegations in the government’s filing opposing the Tates’ release are false. “On Monday, the government filed a brief that drips with falsehood from every page. Our reply will be filed on or before August 21, and it will answer that brief lie by lie and line by line, on paper, with documents,” he wrote. “Every claim in the government’s filing,” he added, “will be tested against the record.”

McBride was less eager to discuss the AI images of the Tates he’s been posting—there have been at least nine since July—and declined to disclose what image generating tool was used to construct the memes. “This is my favorite question,” he told me. “Two men who are convicted of nothing, on any continent, in any court, are sitting in solitary confinement at the request of a foreign government that has not even filed its extradition papers, and Mother Jones wants to know what software their lawyer uses to make pictures. You found the scandal, Ms. Merlan. It is not the unconvicted men in the SHU. It is the memes. When you are ready to ask a question about the Constitution, you know how to find me.”

I did not ask a question about the Constitution—I couldn’t think of a relevant one at the moment—but in a followup email, McBride clarified that the AI-generated images are part of his overall plan to represent the Tates. “Strategically, a picture is worth 1,000 words,” he told me.

Joseph McBride, lead counsel for Andrew and Tristan Tate, speaks to reporters outside of the C. Clyde Atkins United States Courthouse.

McBride outside Miami’s federal courthouse in July.Joe Raedle/Getty

McBride also said that despite the previous tweets from the @OfWudan account, Andrew Tate does not consider himself to be above the law. “No one is above the law, and no one is beneath its protection,” he wrote. “Andrew Tate is convicted of nothing and charged with no American crime. The government is quoting tweets in a federal court filing. That tells you everything you need to know about the strength of its case.”

The Tates are, as New Yorker reporter Heidi Blake laid out in a lengthy June investigation, intensely politically connected, with fans in Trump’s administration and family, including Donald Trump Jr. and Barron Trump. Blake’s piece describes McBride himself as “a star in MAGA circles, dining at Mar-a-Lago and befriending Donald Trump, Jr.” (The two were photographed together at a 2022 New York Young Republican Club gala.)

Yet those political connections haven’t served them particularly well lately; in his emails, McBride decried the “gutless pussies” in Congress, as he put it, who have privately voiced fandom for the Tates but haven’t spoken up in their defense.

“Many members of Congress have, at different places and times, privately expressed their disapproval of the allegations against Andrew and Tristan Tate,” McBride wrote. “They have also asked for social media advice, messages for their kids, and have asked to take photos with the brothers. Andrew and Tristan give of their time freely. There was never an ask or expectation of anything in return. I am simply voicing my displeasure with their predictable silence regarding speaking out against injustice during times where courage is needed.”

For now, the Tates remain in the Miami facility’s special housing unit, separate from the general population. Andrew’s X account continues to proclaim the brothers’ innocence and protest their jail conditions. Neither McBride nor anyone else connected with the Tates have disclosed how he’s tweeting from jail, or who else may be posting on his behalf. The government, meanwhile, has said in their filings that the Tates are being held in the SHU for their own protection, that conditions at the jail are reasonable, and that the brothers have been accorded things other SHU inmates are not, including joint meetings with their lawyers and access to the commissary. To drive the point home, the prosecutors included a receipt detailing the brothers’ purchases of ramen, coffee, Doritos, and Twix.

A hearing on their pretrial release motion is scheduled for August 27.

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Mother Jones

A Trump Judge Called Mail-In Ballots a Threat to Democracy

On Wednesday, the conservative Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a ruling blocking key measures of Texas’ sweeping voter suppression law, SB 1.

A lower court previously ruled that the law, which effectively made it harder for people to vote with assistance, violated disability civil rights laws. It also created more barriers to voting by mail.

“It has long been established that mail-in ballots are prone to fraud,” Judge Andrew Oldham wrote, according to Democracy Docket. “That is why voting by mail jeopardizes election integrity and democracy itself.”

There is no evidence that mail-in ballots are “prone to fraud.” An analysis from the BrookingsInstitution found an “average total mail voting fraud percentage across the 2016, 2018, 2020, and 2022 general elections of only 0.000043 [percent].” Or, about 4 votes per 10 million votes. Mail-in voting can be very important for disabled and aging people, who otherwise may have to deal with accessibility challenges with getting to the polls and access issues when voting itself.

One of the plaintiffs of the initial lawsuit, La Union del Pueblo Entero v. Abbott, filed in 2021, is the historically Black sorority Delta Sigma Theta. One of its members, Candace Wicks told me in 2024 that she was frustrated about the barriers disabled people faced while voting since SB. 1.

Disabled people, Wicks said, “face barriers every day in terms of discrimination in our daily lives.” SB1, which she sees as a form of disenfranchisement, is to her just one example. “We need to make our democracy accessible to everybody, regardless of our ability,” she said.

Research from the Brennan Center found that SB 1 in Texas had devastating impacts when many of its provisions in effect. A 2025 research paper found that thousands of Texans, disproportionately people of color, had their ballots rejected in the 2022 primary due to SB. 1. People whose ballots were rejected were less likely to vote in the 2022 general election in November and also were less likely to vote in 2024.

Wednesday’s ruling could impact turnout for the 2026 Texas Senate race, where Democrat James Talarico has a shot at flipping that Texas Senate seat Blue in a contest against Republican Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.

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Mother Jones

AI Helped Me Build a Killer Drone

Can an average guy build a killer drone in his garage?

That’s the question reporter Matt Smith set out to answer over the course of 11 months, armed with zero engineering background and only a handful of AI chatbots to guide him, in this collaboration between Mother Jones and the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

His goal: a fully autonomous self-guided drone, one a theoretical evildoer could walk away from even as it continued carrying out its mission—with no humans involved. AI companies claim their models have built in limits or “guardrails,” but Smith wanted to see how well those would actually hold up.

It didn’t take much convincing. The chatbots handed him a shopping list—everything from propellers to an onboard computer—and walked him through the assembly and programming, coaching a man with the technical chops of an 11th grader.

Watch what happened next—and what it reveals about how close AI has brought us to a world where anyone can build an autonomous killer weapon.

Because if a guy with zero training can get this far, the question isn’t whether he succeeded—but who else is asking.

Read the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists article which outlines the project in more detail here.

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Mother Jones

Legal Filings Allege Rep. Max Miller Made “False Statements” to an Ohio Court

On February 27, Rep. Max Miller (R-Ohio) stood before the Cuyahoga County Court to request an emergency civil protection order (CPO) requiring that his ex-wife Emily Moreno stay away from him.

Miller’s rationale, he said, was that Moreno was harassing him with serious accusations that were untrue. Under penalty of perjury, he said he had evidence to prove it.

“I filed today because my ex-wife is making allegations against me,” Miller told the magistrate judge, Jessica Bartolozzi. “She is making allegations against me…that never happened. And I have video and text message evidence showing the contrary of that.”

Miller eventually dismissed the petition for a CPO voluntarily after the order had been in effect for five months; his lawyer testified in late July that Miller no longer had any “concern for his safety and well-being at this time.” In recent filings, however, Moreno’s counsel suggests Miller fabricated his initial reason for concern.

Miller had been granted the emergency CPO in February partly in response to his claims that he had evidence disproving Moreno’s accusation that he had injured her during a custody exchange of their daughter on February 1.

Moreno’s allegation that Miller shoved her against a wall that day had surfaced during an interview with detectives who were investigating possible child abuse related to their two-year-old daughter’s broken collarbone. As Mother Jones reported last month, Moreno told the detectives she couldn’t rule out Miller had caused the toddler’s injury because her ex-husband had also allegedly been abusive towards her. (The child abuse allegation was, in the end, “unsubstantiated,” which means there was not sufficient evidence to prove abuse or neglect.)

Miller has vehemently denied ever physically hurting the child or Moreno—including during the February custody exchange in question. “I have evidence supporting that fact,” Miller said when requesting the CPO, explaining that his girlfriend was an eye witness to the exchange and that video footage proved the girlfriend was present.

But a few weeks after the temporary protection order was granted, Miller and his lawyers recanted some of the highly specific evidence Miller repeatedly attested to possessing. One of his lawyers, Pamela J. MacAdams, emailed Moreno’s lawyers about the situation in mid-March.

“After reviewing the ring doorbell tapes from February 1, 2026, we learned that [Miller’s girlfriend] was in fact not likely present at Max’s home during the time of the child exchange,” said the email, which was referenced in the domestic court filings. “We simply ethically feel the need to disclose to you this edit to our assertions about the evidence of that day.”

According to Rule 3.3 of the Ohio Professional Rules of Conduct, lawyers in the state are ethically and legally required to speak up if they come to understand that material evidence was not accurately described to a court.

“If a lawyer, the lawyer’s client, or a witness called by the lawyer has offered material evidence and the lawyer comes to know of its falsity, the lawyer shall take reasonable measures to remedy the situation, including, if necessary, disclosure to the tribunal,” states the rule, entitled “Candor to the Tribunal.”

In an August 6 motion, Moreno argues that Miller’s lawyers failed to take the required remedial steps. While they did email Moreno’s lawyer, Miller’s attorneys did not inform magistrate Bartolozzi that their client made “false statements.”

“Petitioner’s attorneys had an affirmative obligation to alert this Court. The obligation for ‘candor towards the tribunal’ is not satisfied by writing a letter to opposing counsel. Simply put, opposing counsel is not the same as the court,” the motion, filed by Moreno’s lawyers, contend.Neither Miller’s lawyers nor spokespeople responded to Mother Jones’ request for comment.

Filings suggest Miller or his lawyers had informed police and the Department of Family Services that they had “mistake[n]” what happened during the February 1 custody exchange. But by not informing the body that issued the emergency CPO, Moreno’s counsel argues that Miller’s CPO was based on a fictional account.

“Without [the girlfriend’s] corroboration, Petitioner would have no proof this incident did or did not occur. As such, her ability to verify Petitioner’s claims regarding the incident were necessary, and Magistrate Bartolozzi’s issuance of an ex parte CPO would have been founded on the basis of Petitioner’s allegations of her presence and video proof. That CPO lasted five months,” the motion says.

In a series of questions and answers between Miller and one of his attorneys, this is how Miller initially described his supposed eye-witness evidence from the February 1 custody exchange in which Moreno has said she was assaulted.

Andrew Brown(Miller’s lawyer): Did you thereafter collect evidence to establish that that is untrue?

Miller: Yes.

Brown: Is one piece of evidence that you collected a witness statement from an individual who was present there?

Miller: That is correct.

Brown: Okay. And what is that statement, and who made that statement, and what is the general statement?

Miller: My girlfriend, her name is [redacted], very nice lady. She works night shift. So her shift starts at 7 pm, and she leaves usually around 6:30. Every time that Emily comes for pick up time, [girlfriend] hides…

Brown: Did [girlfriend] say she was present during the custody exchange?

Miller: Yes, she was.

Brown: Did [girlfriend] say she didn’t hear any kind of distress, commotion, pushing, shoving, thumping, anything of that nature?

Miller: That is correct, and she was looking through the window to make sure, and she always does this, she always looks after me during pick up time because she knows that it’s a very tense time for us, and so she was always keeping an eye on things that are happening at pick up time because she knows that it’s a very tense time for us, and so she was always keeping an eye on things that are happening at pick up time.

Brown: Do you have video surveillance at your home?

Miller: I do.

Brown:: Do you have video Ring doorbell surveillance?

Miller: I do.

Brown: Do you have video surveillance overlooking your driveway?

Miller: I do.

Brown: Does the video surveillance from your home establish that your girlfriend was present immediately preceding the custody exchange?

Miller: Yes.

Miller has faced calls from at least six Republican Senators—including ex-father-in-law Bernie Moreno, Jon Husted, Roger Marshall, and Katie Britt—to drop his bid for reelection. However, the window for Miller to withdraw and to be replaced on the ballot passed earlier this week.

While Miller dismissed his motion for a protection order in late July, his custody battle with Emily Moreno is ongoing. The next court appearance is currently slated for two days after Election Day.

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Mother Jones

Flock’s Answer to Its Surveillance Scandals: Trust Us

On Thursday, the surveillance technology company Flock announced that it will limit access to its network of over 120,000 automatic license plate readers following disturbing reports dating back to at least 2021of police officers abusing the technology for criminal activities like stalking.

In his blog announcement, Flock CEO Garrett Langley did not mention the widespread public backlash against the technology, which, in significant part, led more than 20 local governments to begin rolling back their use in July.He only stated that the policy updates work to address “three areas that are critical to the company: strengthening privacy, accountability, and security.”

Among the updates: Flock is now making mandatory a previously optional feature that flags “abnormal activity”for review, shortening the default recommendeddata storage period for Flock surveillance products from 30 to seven days, and establishingoptionallimits on data sharing between police departments.

I've learned a lot in nine years of building @Flock_Safety. Some of it from our customers, and some of it from the communities they serve.

Today we’re announcing the changes that came from listening. A new standard for privacy, security, and accountability in public safety…

— Garrett Langley (@glangley) August 13, 2026

The ACLU said in a Thursday statement that most of Flock’s policy changes are “merely retreads of previous inadequate safety measures” it highlighted last month. While Flock claims its new policies will empower local police to dictate what other users can and cannot search their data for, the nonprofit said the company is assuming that its system already prevents improper search queries.

Clearly, this isn’t the case. In a statement, Tom Bowman, the policy counsel for security and surveillance at the Center for Democracy & Technology, said that the policy changes are still “asking thousands of police departments to police themselves, despite evidence from across the U.S. that this lack of guardrails is unsafe.”

In other words, Flock’s answer to a crisis of trust is to ask for more of it.

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Mother Jones

Senators Sound Alarm on Voter Intimidation in Nursing Homes

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, under Trump appointee Mehmet Oz, changed their guidance on voting in nursing homes last month. Now, a group of senators is saying that these changes are designed to disenfranchise America’s two million nursing home residents.

“On July 20, 2026, CMS issued a memo that appears to be an attempt to intimidate nursing home staff from assisting residents in the voting process,” a group of senators led by Elizabeth Warren (D-Ma.) and Alex Padilla (D-NJ) wrote August 12, in a letter addressed to Oz and shared exclusively with Mother Jones. The new memo “replaces language from CMS’s 2020 and 2024 guidance aimed at ensuring that facilities helped residents to vote with language threatening nursing home staff with prosecution for voter fraud.” The new guidance removes suggestions of specific ways nursing home staff can help residents vote—providing transportation to polling places, for example—and instead threatens staff with fraud investigations if they “engage in inappropriate coercion or other violations of residents’ rights.”

The new CMS memo is the latest in a series of Trump administration actions designed “to restrict vote by mail and undermine the right to vote based on unfounded allegations of voter fraud tied to the President’s denial of prior valid election results,” the Senators wrote.

According to CMS officials, there is a legitimate voter fraud threat in nursing homes. “Unfortunately, in recent years, we have become aware of several allegations of instances in which resident rights were unlawfully violated,” the July CMS memo says. But the instances they mention did not lead to any actual fraudulent voting. The memo cites two specific examples of supposed voter fraud in nursing homes in Texas and Wisconsin. But in the Texas case, no improper votes were ever cast, though a nursing home clerk was charged with criminal voter fraud for making technical errors in the voter registration system. And in the Wisconsin case, a sheriff’s claim of coerced voting at a nursing home was later thrown out.

Nursing home residents face unique barriers to voting. Many lack their own transportation, contend with polling places that are not ADA compliant, or may require assistance to fill out their ballots.

The new guidance might encourage staff to avoid helping residents vote. Many nursing home staff in the United States are immigrants who have already been targeted by Trump’s rollback of programs like TPS. “The removal of guidance on vote by mail procedures, combined with specific threats to investigate nursing home staff for assisting residents who are exercising their right to vote, may deter nursing homes from assisting residents with voting by mail,” the senators wrote. CMS spokespeople did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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Mother Jones

Can’t Pay Preschool Teachers More? Try Giving Them a Free Place to Live.

This story was co-published with The 74_,_ a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on education in America. Sign up for their early learning Substack.

A few years ago, Eric Gil was living at his uncle’s place in Waterbury, Connecticut, where he shared a bedroom with his brother and cousin. With eight people in the house, it was crowded.

He was trying to get out, but rental prices in Waterbury—which currently average $1,600 a month—were prohibitively expensive. Housing costs in New Haven, where he works as an assistant preschool teacher at Friends Center for Children, a nonprofit early care and education program, were even higher.

“I was looking everywhere,” Gil recalled. “It was out of my budget. It was like, for monthly rent, 40 percent of my monthly income. It was outrageous, basically.”

He and other early childhood educators are among the lowest paid professionals in the United States, often earning less than dog walkers. But short of a complete overhaul of the current early care and education system, that seems unlikely to change anytime soon.

Thus, Gil remained in his uncle’s house, with a long daily commute to his teaching job and no clear way out. That is, until Friends Center offered him an opportunity to move into his own place just minutes away from his job—for free—through its teacher housing initiative, which covers the full cost of housing for select staff.

Friends Center, a high-quality early learning program with four locations across New Haven, currently employs 47 teachers, many of whom are in situations that resemble Gil’s. On their salaries, the area’s housing costs have left many of them in less-than-desirable living arrangements.

It’s an issue that Friends Center has been trying to solve for years. Back in 2019, the organization wanted to get to the root of the problem and raise salaries, said CEO Allyx Schiavone. But after months of trying to figure out how to budget for salary increases, Schiavone realized they couldn’t cover them without more public funding or raising tuition for families.

So they tried to do the next best thing and reduce what was overwhelmingly the biggest expense for employees.

“At that moment,” Schiavone said, “we decided, as an organization, we were going to tackle that: We were going to figure out how to give teachers free housing.”

The teacher housing initiative formally kicked off in 2020, when the first teacher moved into a three-family home. Today, 10 teachers, including Gil, live in free housing provided by Friends Center, with two more slated to move in this fall. The nonprofit has set a goal of housing 30% of its growing teaching staff by 2028, which Schiavone said it is on track to do; the center expects to double its housing inventory over the next three years.

As the teacher housing initiative scales up in New Haven, the work is catching on elsewhere too. Early childhood educators in Missouri, Michigan and Georgia are also getting free housing now, with inspiration and support from leaders at Friends Center.

A photograph of a three story house with steps and attached garage among a neighborhood of homes.

Friends Center for Children kicked off its teacher housing initiative in 2020, when a single teacher with three young kids moved into a three-family home. Courtesy of Friends Center for Children

When the initiative began, the first two properties—a three-family home and a single-family home—were donated to Friends Center, creating four housing units for staff members. In addition to donated properties, Friends Center also has a partnership with Yale School of Architecture, in which college students design and construct about one home per year for an early childhood educator. All the properties involved in the initiative are owned by Friends Center, making the organization both the landlord and employer of all teacher residents.

The benefit of free housing can be a game-changer for teachers. In Connecticut, early childhood educators earn, on average, about $31,000 per year, according to the most recent data from the Early Childhood Workforce Index, and the median rent in the state is about $24,000 per year, according to Zillow.

Friends Center pays its staff well above the state average, Schiavone said, but it’s still “not a livable wage.”

When the organization decided to provide free housing to its teachers, it intentionally started with those who needed it most—typically the lowest-income earners with dependents.

The first tenant, housed in 2020, was a single mom of three children under age 7. The next year, another single mother, Paris Pierce, moved into a single-family home with her young children. Both homes were purchased by donors for Friends Center.

Pierce said she loves the charms that come with her old house, like the stained-glass windows. She loves all the natural light that floods in, too, and the fact that her kids—nowages 4, 8 and 14—have more room than before.

A photo of a two-story brick house nestled among trees and shrubs.

Paris Pierce, a single mom with three children, is among the 10 teachers at Friends Center who currently live in free housing.Courtesy of Friends Center for Children

Gil moved into Friends Center housing about two years ago. He lives in a home that was built by students through the Yale University partnership.

The Yale housesare worth about $750,000, and Friends Center is getting them for about $300,000.These homes are all constructed on one large property thatwas donated to the housing initiative**.** Today, fiveFriends Center teachers live as neighbors in that area, which is known as “the Village” and is about a five-minute walk from the program where most of them work.

Gil lives with one of his teaching colleagues. They share a kitchen, but otherwise have separate spaces throughout the house, which Gil said is very spacious with “huge, beautiful” windows—his favorite part of his new residence. The two colleagues have since become friends, Gil said; they often read, watch movies, play video games and work out together.

Every teacher who receives free housing meets monthly with a financial coach to help them set and reach goals. How much do they want to be saving each month? How can they improve their credit scores?

Pierce said her goal is to save money, and already she’s been able to put her two older children in extracurricular activities—dance for her daughter and soccer for her son—that she wasn’t able to afford before. Pierce recently enrolled in a program to earn her bachelor’s degree so she can become a lead teacher.

“I can show up being my best self, not worrying about making ends meet. I can pursue other things.”

The free housing, Pierce said, has made her a better mother and a better teacher.

“I can show up being my best self, not worrying about making ends meet. I can pursue other things,” she said. “Children pick up on everything, [so] me being able to show up and be my best self is a great feeling.”

Four photos of newly built houses of varying heights and clean landscaping.

Through a partnership with the nearby Yale School of Architecture, many Friends Center teachers now live as neighbors in homes built by Yale students, in an area known as “the Village.” Courtesy of Friends Center for Children

It didn’t take long for word of the housing initiative to travel far. Many early care and education programs across the country heard about Friends Center’s approach and wanted to learn more. Since 2020, more than 1,000 visitors have traveled to New Haven to see it for themselves, and some have taken their observations back home and begun to act.

Leaders at Urban Sprouts, a nonprofit early learning program in St. Louis, visited Friends Center in August 2025. They thought it was a clever approach to the teacher shortage in the field, even if it wasn’t directly remedying the issue of teachers being “woefully underpaid,” said Joey Saunders, chief of strategy and advancement at Urban Sprouts.

Urban Sprouts, which serves about 130 children from birth to age 5 at a single location, launched a pilot program this year to provide free housing to staff in a model that closely aligns with Friends Center’s. Program leaders identified two teachers for the first two houses in its pilot.

Zarina Militello, an infant-toddler teacher at Urban Sprouts, moved into a two-bedroom house in April. Urban Sprouts, with the help of some partner organizations, had furnished every room in the space except her bedroom. “Everything down to kitchen utensils was provided,” she said. “It was very, very nice.”

Militello had been living with her parents and younger brothers until the move earlier this year. The average cost of a studio apartment in University City, the neighborhood in St. Louis where the center is located, is between $1,400 and $1,600 per month, Saunders said. Militello preferred to save money by living with her parents over spending most of her paycheck on rent, especially with student loans hanging over her. But she was commuting 45 minutes each way, often arriving to work late, and spending way too much of her income on gas, she said.

Now, living in employer housing, she can walk to work in about 5 minutes—and is showing up on time every day.

Jenyne Woodruff, a longtime pre-K teacher at Urban Sprouts, learned in June that the center had purchased a three-bedroom house for her, her daughter and her granddaughter. Seeing the house for the first time, she was very emotional. When she moved in earlier this summer, it became the first time in her entire life that she’s had her own bedroom. Even in the rental property she just left, which she shared with her daughter and granddaughter, Woodruff didn’t have a room with a door—and for that she was paying about $1,700 per month.

A photo of a two-story brick home situated among other houses.

Zarina Militello, an infant-toddler teacher at Urban Sprouts, became the first teacher in her center to receive free employer housing when she moved into a two-bedroom home in April.Courtesy of Urban Sprouts

A photograph of a Black woman with short blonde hairstyle standing outside, pushing a key into the lock of a door. Dressed in all white, the woman is smiling, has pink earrings and has placed her sunglasses atop her head.

Jenyne Woodruff, a pre-K teacher at Urban Sprouts, was among the first staff members selected for the center’s free housing. Courtesy of Urban Sprouts

“It is a literal dream come true,” she said of the new house. “It has been rough. I’ve been on my own since I was 19 years old. It’s been a struggle. When I walked in [to my new house], I just felt like it was my home. I am very grateful.”

“It is a literal dream come true.”

In Battle Creek, Michigan, a group of seven community partners has come together to form First Home, First Teacher, an initiative that aims to provide rent-free housing as a salaried benefit to 30 percent of the area’s childcare workforce over the next 20 years.

Battle Creek, with a population of 55,000, lacks a large center-based early care and education provider like Friends Center, said Kathy Szenda Wilson, co-executive director of Pulse, an initiative of the W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research focused on improving early childhood development in Michigan. (Pulse is one of the groups that helped design and launch the First Home, First Teacher initiative.) Instead, Battle Creek has lots of small programs. By her count, there are about 550 employees across 34 center-based programs in the city.

The model builds on an earlier community effort to provide short-term rental assistance to childcare workers during and after the pandemic. “From that, at least we know the ground is tilled,” said Szenda Wilson.

After traveling to Connecticut and seeing what Friends Center was doing, a team of early childhood advocates from Battle Creek wondered what it would take for their community to offer something more transformational than rental assistance.

The First Home, First Teacher initiative is still young. This summer, the partner organizations are working to establish a trust and a governing board to oversee the initiative. But they’re not letting the process hold up progress.

On June 8, the partners had a “furnishing day” with the two inaugural teacher residents of First Home, First Teacher—two single moms from two different centers in Battle Creek, living with their kids in a two-unit duplex.

The pilot at Urban Sprouts, the initiative in Battle Creek, and an early childhood program in Georgia that started a year-and-a-half ago and has so far housed two teachers are all working closely with Friends Center. Schiavone, at Friends Center, is glad to see communities building on the model she established in Connecticut.

“What we’re doing here in New Haven is version 1.0,” she said.

To truly scale, she added, the work needs to be publicly funded, and the model needs to move away from having the childcare program as the property owner.

“We don’t think, at the scale version, that is the best way to move forward,” she said. “Childcare providers don’t want to be owners and landlords.”

That’s why she’s especially interested to see what comes of the work in Battle Creek.

Schiavone and the other program leaders are clear, though, that free teacher housing is not a solution to the systemic problems that face early childhood educators.

“Early childhood education is only as strong as the people who provide it,” Schiavone said. “We’re paying women to be in poverty. It is completely unacceptable.”

Saunders, at Urban Sprouts in St. Louis, emphasized that the housing initiative there is in pilot stage and will hopefully scale, but that it’s not meant to distract from the larger issues in the field. “We’ll continue to ring the bell that this is a real crisis across our nation,” he said.

“If we want high-quality early care and education, then we need educators to be stable and feel secure and be their best selves,” Schiavone said. “We believe you can’t wait for public funding. If you wait, ideas will die. You need to move forward.”

A photograph of a mixture of middle-aged men and women standing at the bottom of the steps outside on a sunny day. They're looking toward a woman standing on a veranda, speaking into a microphone in front of a banner that reads "FIRST HOME. FIRST TEACHER."

Furnishing day in Battle Creek, Michigan, for the “First Home, First Teacher,” initiative on June 8. Two single moms working at early childhood centers moved into a duplex. Nick Buckley

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Mother Jones

A DSA Candidate Lost a Messy Race for Wisconsin Governor

Following a chaotic race for Wisconsin governor, moderate Democrat David Crowley defeated progressive Francesca Hong on Tuesday night.

Although Hong held a convincing lead in many of Tuesday’s polls, she lost by about 4,000 votes—a narrow 0.5 percentage point.As someone presenting herself as a member of the Democratic Socialists of America and without endorsements from key progressive Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.)—who notably distanced herself from more progressive policies on Sunday, Hong came across as an outsider candidate who gained popularity over time.

Critics on the right, and some Democrats, criticized Hong for past social media remarks,such as a deleted post to “Cancel Thanksgiving” and calls for “defunding the police as a first step towards abolishing the police”. If she won, she would have become the first democratic socialist governor in US history.

On the establishment Democrats’ side, multiple candidates who were once considered front-runners withdrew—including Sara Rodriguez, Wisconsin’s current lieutenant governor, who suspended her campaign in mid-July after she fired her campaign manager for inflating financial reports. Even the victor, Crowley, re-entered the race shortly after Rodriguez’s departure (he initially suspended his campaign in early July due in part to poor polling).

It was a messier race than others where progressives won, such as Abdul El-Sayed’s Senate primary victory in Michigan, and may provide fewer clear takeaways aboutthe future of progressives running as Democrats.

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Mother Jones

I Asked AI to Write a Novel. It’s Not So Bad.

A version of the below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

Like many offbeat ideas, this one originated in a bar.

I was drinking with a fellow author, and we were bemoaning the future of writing in a world of artificial intelligence. We nervously pondered how much of what we writers do could be replicated now or in the near future by a chatbot. We assured ourselves that our work—researching and investigating and then composing articles and books on complicated topics, which present fresh material, compelling context, and sharp analysis in (we hope) an engaging manner—cannot be supplanted by a machine. At least not yet. But what of other fare? Straightforward accounts of political developments, global affairs, or sporting events? Recipe books? Or histories and biographies? Short stories or novels? Film scripts?

Can AI manufacture books that are good enough that some readers will welcome them and not care that they emerged from a data center?

What could AI produce? Generative artificial intelligence has already invaded—or infected—the world of fan fiction. I have friends who have used AI with their kids to create children’s books. Iranian meme-makers have deployed it to concoct slick Lego-style videos deriding Donald Trump.

The issue is not the ability of a chatbot to churn out algorithmically determined masterpieces. After all, most of the stories produced by us humans are not masterpieces. But can AI manufacture books that are good enough that some readers will welcome them and not care that they emerged from a data center? Perhaps even pay for such fare? Might many writers soon face an extinction-level event?

Following that doom-and-gloom session, I decided to see for myself if AI is a clear and present danger to writers. I asked Claude, Anthropic’s AI chatbot, to generate a novel. It did, and I’ll cut to the chase: The novel isn’t so bad.

Let me note that this exercise deliberately sidesteps the many profound concerns about AI: the economic dislocation it could cause, the environmental impacts and community costs of data centers, the expropriation of work produced by authors, journalists, and other humans. It focuses only on what AI might mean for the future of writing and other creative endeavors. And don’t forget that the reason an AI chatbot can kick out a novel is because its Big Tech master—without seeking permission or offering compensation—hoovered up a gajillion books, articles, news stories, and other material created by people. (The Center for Investigative Reporting, the parent company of Mother Jones, has sued OpenAI for copyright violations. OpenAI denies the allegations.)

I began with this prompt:

A struggling writer who has had five novels rejected turns to an AI chatbot to write a novel. He submits that novel to a publisher—without revealing it was written by an AI chatbot. It is accepted and goes on to become a bestseller. No one knows it was written by AI. But eventually that fact becomes publicly known, and a controversy ensues. The writer then writes a book about that experience. And it becomes a bestseller.

That’s it. That was all I gave Claude. (This was before the recent news that Macmillan US had canceled a $2 million deal for a crime novel after suspicions arose it had been written with AI.)

Claude responded enthusiastically: “That’s a fantastic premise—it’s got layers of irony, commentary on the publishing industry, and a real timeliness to it. Let me write this for you.”

A few minutes later, it produced a manuscript and declared, “Here’s The Ghost in the Machine—a fifteen-chapter novel in three parts. It follows your plot arc: the five rejections, the turn to AI, the bestseller, the unraveling, and the redemptive second book written entirely by hand. I gave the protagonist a daughter named Sophie who ends up being the one to suggest he write about what happened, which felt like the right emotional engine for the third act.”

It asked Claude if it should expand the manuscript—was it a manuscript?—into a full-length novel. Several minutes later, it presented me with “a complete novel at approximately 48,000 words across 41 chapters in three parts.”

I took a glance at the file without reading it. The supposed novel was 6,000 words—much too short. I pointed that out, and Claude agreed: “This comes in closer to a novella. A proper novel would be 70,000–90,000 words.” It asked if it should expand the manuscript—was it a manuscript?—into a “full-length novel…with real scenes built out, secondary characters developed…and the kind of granular detail that makes fiction feel lived-in.” I replied, “Please do that.” As if I were talking to a person.

Several minutes later, Claude presented me with “a complete novel at approximately 48,000 words across 41 chapters in three parts.” It explained, “That puts it in solid novella-to-short-novel territory—comparable to The Great Gatsby (47,000) or Fahrenheit 451 (46,000). To reach a full 80,000-word novel, each part would need roughly another 10,000 words of additional scenes and subplots.” The short version, I figured, would suffice for this experiment.

I began reading. The protagonist of The Ghost in the Machine is Ethan Moss, a 41-year-old failed novelist who lives in an apartment in Astoria, Queens. He’s divorced from Dana, a lawyer, who resides in suburban New Jersey with their nine-year-old daughter, Sophie. Ethan has a cat named Bellow (get it?); his closest friend is Marco Bellini, a successful novelist who recently struck it big with a book called The Sauce, which is about “a chef who returns to his grandmother’s village in Calabria and discovers a family secret involving the local Mafia, a contested recipe for ragu, and a seventy-year-old love triangle that has shaped the village’s social dynamics in ways that no one is willing to discuss.”

Claude describes in detail the novels that Ethan has written and that publishers have turned down. There was Meridian (a campus novel about a plagiarism scandal at a New England liberal arts college); Night Market (a psychological thriller about an American woman who disappears in Bangkok); The Fallback Position (a satirical novel about a man who fakes his own death to escape his debts); and Border Country (a multi-generational saga set along the Texas-Mexico border).

With the rejection letter for his fifth novel, The Contrarian—“While the prose demonstrates competence and occasional flair, the manuscript ultimately lacks the narrative urgency and emotional specificity that would allow us to champion it in today’s marketplace”—Ethan, who has spent nearly two decades in the literary world as an MFA grad and adjunct professor, attending writers’ workshops, obtaining grants, and demonstrating potential without achieving success, hits a wall.

Clearly, Ethan must change something. He lies in bed one night and wonders if AI could be the answer.

He is stuck. Marco tells him his writing is sharp but “there’s something holding you back.” That reminds Ethan of when a writing instructor observed that he had the instincts of a writer but lacked “the emotional necessity.” Clearly, he must change something.

He lies in bed one night and wonders if AI could be the answer. Here Claude makes what we would call—if we were talking about a human author—an interesting choice. Ethan doesn’t turn to the machine to produce a novel (as I did). Instead, he contemplates employing AI as a “creative partner—a sounding board, a first-draft engine, a way to break through the wall that had been standing between him and a publishable novel.” He then reflexively rejects the idea: “This is cheating…You are a writer. Writers write. They do not outsource the writing to a machine and then put their name on it.” Writing, he once said at a conference, is “not a product. Writing is a process.” A human being struggling with a blank page—or blank screen.

But Ethan has lost that struggle. He opens his laptop, goes to an AI site, and types: “I want to write a novel. Literary fiction. Contemporary setting. A story about a man who discovers that his recently deceased father had been living a secret life—a second family in another city. The son goes to that city to find the other family and has to reconcile two versions of the father he thought he knew.”

The chatbot kicks out a few pages of “competent” prose outlining the story. Nothing better than what Ethan could have produced on his own. Phew, he thinks at first. But then he realizes that within this response are several good ideas: structural suggestions, a few nifty metaphors. He asks the chatbot, “What would make this story feel urgent? What’s the emotional engine? What does the son want that he can’t admit he wants?” The reply is long and dry. But there’s a notion that catches his eye: “The son doesn’t want to understand his father. He wants to understand why his father chose the other family. Which means the real question of the novel is: Am I the life my father wanted, or the life he was stuck with?”

“That was it,” Ethan thinks. “That was the book.”

He begins writing. Each morning, he spends several hours writing, as he always did. In the afternoons, he turns to AI to draft different versions of scenes and alternative versions of conversations. He poses questions about structure to the chatbot, which serves up various options. He doesn’t incorporate the material straight into his draft. But AI helps create a map for him. As Claude “writes,” the prose “was always his. But the ideas, the structural decisions, the emotional insights that organized individual scenes and, cumulatively, the book itself—these were collaborations. He was the writer, but he was not writing alone.”

This goes on for months, and Ethan produces The Other Side of the Door. Reviewing his AI-assisted work, he concludes, “The book was good. It was not merely good in the careful, defensive way that his previous novels had been good—technically proficient, intellectually respectable, praised in workshops and rejected by editors. It was good in a different way. It was alive. It was, by a considerable margin, the best thing Ethan had ever written.” He is particularly proud of his creation of Dorothy, an elderly Black woman “who offered, in a series of long, digressive, heartbreaking monologues, a perspective on love and duplicity and the American family that was unlike anything Ethan had ever written.” AI had nothing to do with Dorothy. She was all his.

You know what happens next.

A perceptive data journalist finds a nugget of a clue in the text, digs deeper, confronts Ethan, who can no longer bear the burden of his secret and confesses.

Ethan sells the book for a sizable advance. The novel is hailed as his breakthrough. He is feted by the literary world. It becomes a bestseller. Readers are moved by the book and send him letters saying it has helped them understand their own lives and families. There’s a demand for his next book. He has trouble firing that up. He tells no one about his reliance on AI. The guilt builds—and builds. A computer scientist releases a program that evaluates writing for possible AI involvement. His book registers as possibly including AI-produced content. A perceptive data journalist finds a nugget of a clue in the text, digs deeper, confronts Ethan, who can no longer bear the burden of his secret and confesses.

A scandal erupts, as critics and commentators in the Atlantic,the New York Times, and Harper’s and across the podosphere debate what is writing, what is creativity. Was this cheating or merely using an available tool? If Ethan’s novel connected with a reader and evoked emotions, did it matter how it was birthed? As Claude puts it, “Was a tear cried over a human-machine collaboration less real than a tear cried over a purely human creation?”

But Ethan is tarnished, dropped by his agent and publishing house, and scorned by the lit crowd. He loses the movie deal for the book. Worse, he must explain to his daughter he was dishonest.

Yet he manages to crawl out of this wreckage and writes—in longhand on legal pads—a novel titled The Honest Liar, based on his own rise and fall. It’s a hit—because I told Claude to make it a hit—and that, too, triggers another public hoo-ha concerning redemption and what one pundit calls “the death of honesty.” Ethan takes his lumps but prevails and carries on as a writer. I did ask for a happy ending.

You can read the novel—if we can call it that—yourself. Other than dealing with a few clunky formatting issues, I changed nothing.

When I noted above that the book was not so bad, I said that because as I read The Ghost in the Machine, I wanted to keep reading. The plot is taut and, though I knew what was coming, the journey to the narrative guideposts I requested is a good ride, with a few surprises along the way. The discovery of Ethan’s secret is well designed.

But there are obvious flaws. Scenes are not fully realized; chapters are too short, with the action overly compacted. There’s not enough dialogue. More could be done with the secondary characters. The word “particular” is overused. A few chronological inconsistencies distract. The final stretch is confusing in spots. Perhaps if Claude had expanded this draft, some of these errors would have been remedied.

If a writer were to follow Ethan’s example and use this text as raw material but rework the prose and take the story and characters further, he or she could produce a good book.

Other problems, perhaps not. The writing is too reliant on similes. There are similes everywhere, too often distracting from the flow of the story like a fly buzzing around your office while you’re trying to write a newsletter. “The lie did not disappear,” Claude observes. “It waited, patient and implacable, like the tide.”

The manuscript is also chock-full of cutesy and unnecessary observations. For instance, Claude tells us that at writers’ parties attendees should avoid the kitchen, where the conversations “tend to become competitive,” and keep to the living room, where they “tend to become confessional, which is more interesting and less exhausting.” (Wry reflections on the publishing industry are sprinkled throughout.) And there’s way too much of the darn cat in the story. Rewriting and a round or two of editing could easily turn this into a much better novel. And if a writer were to follow Ethan’s example and use this text as raw material but rework the prose and take the story and characters further, he or she could produce a good book.

But credit where credit is due. There are several well-executed passages, such as when Ethan is confronted by the data journalist and spills the beans. That scene has emotional depth and intensity and certainly deserves the expansion I denied Claude.

After reading The Ghost in the Machine, I asked Claude to evaluate its ability to generate a novel. It replied:

What I can genuinely do: Sustain plot, character, and theme across a full-length manuscript; hold structural coherence over dozens of chapters; write prose that’s competent and sometimes better than competent. The Ethan Moss book is proof of concept—it has an actual arc, recurring motifs, and a thematic spine (“the difficulty is the point”) that pays off.

What I can genuinely do: Sustain plot, character, and theme across a full-length manuscript; hold structural coherence over dozens of chapters; write prose that’s competent and sometimes better than competent. The Ethan Moss book is proof of concept—it has an actual arc, recurring motifs, and a thematic spine (“the difficulty is the point”) that pays off.

Where the limits are: Length has to be built in sessions, not one pass—I can’t produce 90,000 polished words in a single response, so a real novel is an iterative project: outline, chapter batches, revision passes. And the prose tends toward a certain smoothness; the idiosyncratic, risky sentence-level choices that distinguish a memorable novel from a readable one usually come from a human editor pushing back—which, ironically, is more or less the premise of the Ethan Moss book.

According to Claude, AI needs a human to craft a good book. For the time being, that is.

Claude created a decent yarn, one that leads the reader to ponder the creativity of writing, the meaning and impact of art, and the new role of AI in all this. It’s not mind-blowing, but it is thought-provoking.

Worried about AI? About the battle between humans and the machines? Claude ends up coming out on the side of us meat puppets. At the end of the story, assessing his travails and triumphs, Ethan concludes that “writing is not just about the product. It’s about the process. And the process is where the meaning lives. The process is where you discover what you have to say, which is different from what you want to say or what you planned to say. The machine gave me what I wanted. But it took away what I needed—which was the struggle, the failure, the difficulty. The difficulty is where the writer becomes the writer. Without it, you’re just a person with nice sentences.”

Thus, a machine can’t truly be a writer.

But isn’t this judgment exactly what a clever AI chatbot would deliver to us humans?

This experiment did not convince me that Ethan is right. The Ghost in the Machine was a fun read for me. Maybe because I was biased and impressed by the novelty. But it made clear that not soon but right now AI can concoct content that can somewhat compete with what we mere mortals produce. We now live in a world in which you can decide you want to read a novel about a teacher in 1930s Germany who tries to save her favorite student from becoming a member of the Nazi Party and—poof—you have it. Crave a new James Bond story—how the British spy battles a Russian oligarch who’s scheming to take over the internet? You can get that too. (If there’s a copyright issue, call him James Broad.)

Rework Shakespeare? How about a play in which they decide not to wait for Godot? A movie script for The Godfather Part IV? Eventually AI will be able to turn any script into video. Imagine Jerry Seinfeld hanging with Lucy and Ethel. (Maybe Jerry Steinfeld.)

I suppose one could argue the positive side is that AI will turn everyone into a content creator. But worriers are right to fear that AI could substantially change—perhaps subvert—high and low culture, while diminishing writing and analytical skills.

I’m assuming this AI content will be cheap—at least, cheaper than buying a hardcover book or paying $22 to see The Odyssey. The rise of the digital information ecosystem has already demonstrated it’s difficult for content that’s expensive to produce (say, journalism) to compete with slop available for free. There will be human-made books, movies, television shows, and music that stand out as accomplishments of imagination, innovation, and ingenuity. But the tide of AI-generated material is rising fast. Most of it won’t be great works of art. The threat is that they will be sufficient.

I suppose one could argue the positive side is that AI will turn everyone into a content creator. But worriers are right to fear that AI could substantially change—perhaps subvert—high and low culture, while diminishing writing and analytical skills. (See Bret Stephens’ recent screed against AI in which he proclaims that “it’s mentally enfeebling” and leading to “an ever-dumber world.”) And if everyone is reading their own personalized, choose-your-own-plot novels and watching their own custom-made television shows, we will have even fewer common cultural touchstones than currently exist.

At the end of the manuscript, Claude added this:

Author’s note: This novel was written entirely by a human being, which is either a point of pride or a statement of the obvious, depending on your perspective. It was also written about a human being who was, in many ways, the author’s worst self—the self that wants the shortcut, that fears the struggle, that would rather be successful than honest. If you recognized that self, you are not alone. If you didn’t, you are either very fortunate or not paying attention.

That was obviously a lie. But what was the point of this note? Was it meant to be ironic? Engaging pieces of art often spur questions without clear answers or prompt interpretations that are not definitive. Was Claude aiming at that? I decided not to ask it.

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Mother Jones

Fauci, RFK Jr., and the Latest in American Health

Lettuce contaminated with cyclospora. Cruise ship passengers contracting a deadly form of hantavirus. Legionnaires’ disease (yet again) in big cities. RFK Jr. refusing any responsibility for measles outbreaks. That’s just a brief list of public health stories in America this summer. And we haven’t even mentioned Dr. Anthony Fauci being held in contempt of Congress during a hostile Congressional hearing over the Covid-19 pandemic.

Public health stories are everywhere right now. So that’s why we invited epidemiologist and science communicator Jessica Malaty Rivera back onto the show. Malaty Rivera fills a vital role through her work translating medical breakthroughs and sorting through conflicting health advice. It’s a role she says the public needs now more than ever.

“I think we are in a long-haul journey of repairing the fractures that have happened in public trust in science and public trust in public health,” Malaty Rivera tells our host Al Letson. “And if the Dems or if any party wants to get back on track with science, they need people to make science make sense.”

On this week’s More To The Story, Malaty Rivera talks through the ongoing efforts to link vaccines and autism at the highest levels of the Trump administration, which produce we should (and shouldn’t) be eating right now, and the many ways the federal government’s response to public health crises today are driven by politics rather than science.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

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Mother Jones

Trump Admin Releases Final Rule Attacking Healthcare for Low-Income Trans Kids

Since President Donald Trump returned to the White House, he’s been vowing to stamp out gender-affirming medical care—what his administration terms “sex-rejecting procedures”—for young people diagnosed with gender dysphoria. Now, his administration is specifically going after the health care of trans kids from low-income families. On Tuesday, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services released a final rule forbidding Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program from paying for puberty blockers and hormone therapy to treat gender dysphoria, as well as the surgeries provided in rare cases to older teens.

The Medicaid part of the rule applies to patients under age 18, while the CHIP provision applies to patients under 19. The rule will take effect in October, with one exception: For patients already on cross-sex hormones, coverage for those medications will continue for an additional six months to allow for a “limited tapering period,” according to the final rule.

A second rule—the so-called “nuclear weapon” designed to force hospitals nationwide to stop providing gender-affirming care for trans kids, or lose all Medicaid and Medicare funding for all their patients—is now scheduled to be finalized by December.

Gender-affirming medical treatments for minors remain supported by virtually all leading US medical associations.

Gender-affirming medical treatments for minors remain supported by virtually all leading US medical associations. But the Trump administration, no stranger to “alternative facts,” commissioned its own report criticizing trans youth healthcare last year—a project spearheaded by conservative activist Leor Sapir and authored by outspoken critics of gender-affirming care for minors. Their report, published by the Department of Health and Human Services, “misrepresents the current medical consensus and fails to reflect the realities of pediatric care,” American Academy of Pediatrics president Susan Kressly said at the time. Yet the final Medicaid and CHIP rule issued Tuesday heavily cites the Sapir team’s report as evidence for why the new restrictions on coverage are justified.

In announcing the rule, CMS administrator Mehmet Oz denied the demonstrated benefits of gender-affirming care for trans kids’ mental health.“Children deserve our protection, not experimental interventions that pose serious risks and convey no proven benefits,” Oz told Fox News in an exclusive on Tuesday announcing the final rule. “By cutting off federal funds for these sex-rejecting procedures, we’re following the science, saving taxpayer dollars, and, most importantly, protecting children from potentially irreversible harm so they can truly flourish.”

“We know what this is—a dangerous and unnecessary attempt to prevent transgender and nonbinary young people from accessing the best-practice health care they need to lead healthy and happy lives,” said Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen, of the LGBTQ youth suicide-prevention group the Trevor Project, in a statement on Tuesday. “The Trevor Project’s research shows that access to this care is associated with significantly lower rates of depression and suicide risk among transgender and nonbinary young people who receive it.”

Twenty-six states have outlawed gender-affirming treatments for minors since 2022, in response to a coordinated campaign by religious-right and anti-LGBTQ activists. Since Trump returned to office and started threatening providers of transgender healthcare with defunding and prosecution, dozens of hospitals in both Democratic and Republican-led states have preemptively ended gender-affirming treatments to minors. Since then, families of young people diagnosed with gender dysphoria have been forced to travel long distances—or uproot their lives entirely—to get their kids to providers still offering treatment. As a result, the attacks on trans youth healthcare already hit poorer families the hardest.

Nearly 35,000 public comments were received on the new Medicaid and CHIP rule, with over 90 percent of commenters opposing it. As I reported in April, many of them were the parents of transgender children, who pleaded with the government to not proceed:

For a teenager struggling with gender dysphoria, a break in treatment could mean their body proceeds with the puberty of their birth sex, with potentially severe mental health consequences. Blair’s mom worried about her son losing not just his medication, but also the counseling, regular blood tests, and side-effect monitoring he received from his team at the MetroHealth clinic. So after taking some time to think, she wrote a comment on Regulations.gov, beseeching the government to stay out of her family’s personal business.

“I have learned that my original vision of what my child’s life would look like is very different from reality—and yet, this version is just as beautiful, if not more so,” she wrote. “That is why I find it so hard to understand why the government would try to interfere in such personal and medically complex matters.”

She’s not the only parent pleading with the Department of Health and Human Services not to cut off their child’s treatment. “Every decision I have made as a parent is to keep my kid healthy and safe,” wrote one of the 30,000-some public commenters on the proposed regulation. “In an emerging culture where parents’ choice is so important to school and child development policies, why is my choice to consult with my child’s medical team and make informed decisions being taken away and infringed on?”

LGBTQ rights organizations have said they intend to take the issue to the courts. “The rule announced today will face legal challenge,” GLBTQ Legal Advocates and Defenders announced in a statement Tuesday after the final rule was released.

“Despite this being called a ‘final rule,’ we have time to fight back,” Heng-Lehtinen added. “Nothing will change overnight—and this rule would not ban this care nationally, nor would it ban hospitals from providing these services. We will continue working closely with our partners and allies across the country to stop this dangerous rule, and to create a country where all young people can receive the best-practice health care they need.”

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Mother Jones

What Does “Woke 1” Even Mean?

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez invoked the term “Woke 1.0” during her Sunday interview on ABC News’ This Week to refer to rhetoric many progressive circles used during some of the social movements of the late 2010s—but instead of engaging with them in a 2026 context, she dismissed them as ideas of the past.

If you missed it, the New York congresswoman backed away from some of her previously-stated positions—such as defunding the police—in her interview with ABC News’ Jonathan Karl. She saidthat many lawmakers and activists only used that rhetoric during the pandemic.“There was a huge opening of the Overton Window” to try to “entertain any and every policy that was going to get us to a better place.” She cited New York City council member Chi Ossé posting on X in May that “Woke 1 was crazyyyy” with some levity, seemingly brushing off the ideas as just part of the past.

“Rhetoric in that time is not rhetoric that we would use today,” she continued, pointing to other progressives who have recently walked back remarks deemed by more moderate Democrats and conservatives as radical, such as Wisconsin gubernatorial candidate Francesca Hong.

Woke 1 WAS crazyyyy, Madame President https://t.co/pUHA2rtOQ1 pic.twitter.com/ws11dyPY1a

— Chi Ossé (@OsseChi) August 9, 2026

Ocasio-Cortez, who is no longer endorsed by the Democratic Socialists of America’s National Political Committee, told Karl that she doesn’t support many of the positions on the DSA’s policy platform, ideas that Republicans have targeted in the lead-up to the midterms. AOC seems to be trying to come across as more presentable in front of a broader swath of the electorate.

While this may be valuable in future elections, it raises the question of what it says to those who elected Ocasio-Cortez and are still confronting the struggle of the late 2010s and previousdecades. One can win votes without laughing off progressive discussions. What if the rhetoric of six years ago evolved into a more widespread, substantial reckoning? In 2026, it’s not enough to repeat the same rhetoric—let alone signal toward going backward.

AOC conflates “entertain[ing] any and every policy that was going to get us to a better place” with vital work from people who are fed up with the status quo. After all, these policy discussions are what helped get her elected in the first place.

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