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Indiana Republicans Just Defied Trump’s Pressure Campaign to Rig Their Congressional Maps

In an extraordinary rebuke to Donald Trump on Thursday, the Indiana state Senate rejected a gerrymandered congressional map relentlessly pushed by the president and his allies that would have given Republicans a lopsided 9-0 advantage in the state’s House delegation by eliminating the seats of two Democratic members of Congress. The final vote was 31-19 in the state Senate, where Republicans have a supermajority: Twenty-one Republicans joined 10 Democrats to defeat the legislation.

Republican state senators who opposed the gerrymandered map sharply criticized the months-long pressure campaign by Trump and his allies, which led to threats of violence and intimidation against at least 11 state lawmakers.

“I fear for this institution,” Republican state Sen. Greg Walker, chair of the Senate Committee on Elections, said during an emotional speech this week. “I fear for the state of Indiana and I fear for all states if we allow intimidation and threats to become the norm.”

Ultimately, the heavy-handed tactics employed by Trump backfired on the president and his allies.

Republican state Sen. Greg Goode, a key swing vote whom Trump called out by name and who was a victim of a swatting attack, cited the climate of fear and intimidation as a reason why he was opposing the bill.

“Misinformation. Cruel social media posts. Over the top pressure from inside and outside the statehouse. Threats of primaries. Threats of violence. Acts of violence,” Goode said on the Indiana Senate floor on Thursday. “Friends, we’re better than this, are we not?”

Trump reprised the playbook he used to attempt to overturn the 2020 election, attacking, bullying, and harassing Republican state officials in Indiana who would not automatically bend to his will.

The president summoned Republican state legislators to the White House and sent Vice President JD Vance to Indiana twice to lobby the state legislature. He vowed to support primary campaigns against Republicans who opposed the redistricting plan, calling out individual state legislators by name, and attacking the leader of the state Senate, Rodric Bray, as a “weak and pathetic RINO” after Bray said the senate didn’t have the votes to pass the measure.

Trump posted another rant on Truth Social against Bray on the eve of the state Senate vote, calling the Senate leader “either a bad guy, or a very stupid one!” and once again threatening “a MAGA Primary” against “anybody that votes against Redistricting.” That same night, a Republican member of the state House who voted against the redistricting bill was the victim of a bomb threat at his home.

Another GOP state senator opposed to gerrymandering who received a pipe bomb threat at her home posted on X that it was the “result of the D.C. political pundits for redistricting.”

Trump’s allies, including Turning Point USA and another dark money group led by former Trump campaign officials, escalated the pressure campaign by vowing to spend seven figures supporting primary challengers to Republican opponents of the map. Indiana Republican Gov. Mike Braun, who eventually fell in line, suggested the state could lose resources if it didn’t comply with Trump’s dictates.

“If we try to drag our feet as a state on it, probably, we’ll have consequences of not working with the Trump administration as tightly as we should,” Braun said.

Heritage Action, the dark money arm of the Heritage Foundation, claimed that Trump threatened to strip all federal funding from the state if redistricting failed, a new low in his authoritarian playbook if true.

“President Trump has made it clear to Indiana leaders: if the Indiana Senate fails to pass the map, all federal funding will be stripped from the state,” the group wrote on X. “Roads will not be paved. Guard bases will close. Major projects will stop. These are the stakes and every NO vote will be to blame.”

Other top Republicans went so far as to invoke the death of right-wing activist Charlie Kirk as a reason why the legislature should pass the new gerrymandered map. “They killed Charlie Kirk—the least that we can do is go through a legal process and redistrict Indiana into a nine to zero map,” US Sen. Jim Banks (R-Ind.) said a few days after Kirk’s murder.

Mid-decade gerrymandering is bad enough on its own. It’s even worse when accompanied by economic and political terrorism. The intimidation against Indiana state legislators, which included warnings of a pipe bomb and fake threats against lawmakers designed to produce a law enforcement response, called to mind the ire Trump and his supporters directed at former Indiana Gov. Mike Pence when insurrectionists broke into the Capitol on January 6 and said they wanted to “hang” the vice president because he refused to go along with the president’s unconstitutional plan to overturn the 2020 election.

But now, instead of overturning an election, Trump is trying to rig and predetermine the next one so that his party doesn’t lose power next November.

The 9-0 map was designed to eliminate all traces of Democratic representation at the congressional level in the state, giving Republicans 100 percent of seats in a state where Trump won 58 percent of the vote in 2024. Under the proposal, Trump would have carried every one of the new districts by at least 12 points. Indiana’s current map received an A from the Princeton Gerrymandering Project. The new one got an F.

To oust Democratic Rep. André Carson, the city of Indianapolis, which he largely represents, would be split four ways, creating districts that border three different states in the process. Carson’s new district would have shifted from favoring Kamala Harris by 40 points to Trump by nearly 20 points, one of the most outlandish examples of gerrymandering anywhere in the country. It would go from a compact urban district that is roughly 50 percent non-white to a sprawling rural district that is 80 percent white, dramatically diluting the power of minority voters in Indianapolis.

“Splicing our state’s largest city—and its biggest economic driver—into four parts is ridiculous,” Carson said in a statement. “It’s clear these orders are coming from Washington, and they clearly don’t know the first thing about our community.” (Republicans confirmed the map was drawn by a DC-based group, the National Republican Redistricting Trust, that has drawn pro-Republican gerrymanderers in other states, including Texas, this year.)

The targeting of Carson, who is Black, continued the trend of Republicans drawing new maps in 2025 that seek to dismantle districts held by Black Democrats, which has also occurred in Texas, Missouri, and North Carolina.

The Trump-backed map also attempted to oust Democratic Rep. Frank Mrvan, who represents a district in northwest Indiana alongside Lake Michigan that Trump narrowly lost. Mrvan’s district would sprawl from two counties to eight, with the Democratic cities of East Chicago and Gary outnumbered by the red countryside, in another example of how the map disenfranchises Black and urban voters.

The egregious nature of this gerrymander was too much for even the Republican supermajority in the Indiana state Senate to ignore. The map’s defeat is further evidence of how, despite the Supreme Court reinstating Texas’ gerrymander last week, Trump’s gerrymandering arms race hasn’t become the lopsided victory he initially envisioned. The parties may break mostly even in the end.

Voting rights supporters in Missouri submitted more than 300,000 signatures this week to hold a ballot referendum that could ultimately block the gerrymandered map passed by Republicans in September, although Missouri’s Republican Secretary of State is now absurdly claiming he can unilaterally declare the new referendum unconstitutional, which is sure to provoke another court battle. New Democratic districts in California, Utah, and potentially Virginia could also minimize Trump’s advantage heading into the midterms.

Trump is doing everything he can to break American democracy. For one day, at least, he failed.

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Mother Jones

We’d Never Deport Veterans, Noem Says in Earshot of Deported Veteran

In a contentious hearing that featured Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem telling Democratic committee members they should “all be fired,” House representatives repeatedly attempted to call attention to federal agents detaining non-criminal immigrants and US citizens. The secretary held the party line: she, and the Trump administration, were simply keeping Americans safe from threats.

The hearing to discuss “Worldwide Threats to the Homeland” came as President Donald Trump and Noem’s immigration enforcement continues to expand into cities across the US, often resulting in violent detainments and fostering an environment of fear for immigrants—documented or not—and, by design, people of color in general.

During the House Committee on Homeland Security’s hearing, Secretary Noem was repeatedly confronted with instances of her agency going after people who were neither violent nor criminal.

“How many United States military veterans have you deported?” Rep.Seth Magaziner (D-R.I.) asked Noem.

“Sir,” she responded, “we have not deported US citizens or military veterans.”

A staffer then held up a tablet behind Magaziner’s desk.

“Madam Secretary, we are joined on Zoom by a gentleman named Sae Joon Park. He is a United States Army combat veteran who was shot twice while serving our country in Panama in 1989.” Park was taken into custody by Customs and Border Protection agents at an airport in Honolulu and placed on a one-way flight to South Korea in June. Park, a green-card holder and a Purple Heart recipient, self-deported after he was placed on a deportation list.

The Trump administration isn’t the first to deport veterans. Officials across the administration, though, have repeatedly and falsely denied detaining or deporting US citizens or those in the country with other legal protections.

MAGAZINER: How many veterans have you deported?NOEM: We haven't deported veteransMAGAZINER: We are now joined on Zoom by a combat veteran you deported to Korea

Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) 2025-12-11T16:22:42.190Z

Magaziner details that Park “struggled with PTSD and substance abuse after his service,” adding that he was “arrested in the 1990s for some minor drug offenses, nothing serious, he never hurt anyone besides himself and he’s been clean and sober for 14 years.”

“Will you join me,” Magaziner continued, “in thanking Mr. Park for his service to our country?”

Noem said: “Sir, I’m grateful for every single person that has served our country and followed our laws.”

Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.), one of the representatives who called on Noem to resign—along with Michigan Democratic Rep. Shri Thanedar, a Democrat from Michigan, who told Noem he was “sick” of her “lies”—sparred with Noem on several points during the hearing.

“At your direction,” Thompson said, “DHS has illegally detained and deported US citizens, including US citizen children with cancer.” His staffer held up a photo of a 10-year-old girl who was recovering from brain cancer when she was removed with her undocumented parents in February.

Right before Rep. Julie Johnson, a Democrat from Texas, had her time to speak, Secretary Noem left the hearing early for what she said was a meeting on FEMA. That meeting had been cancelled, which Noem’s office says shelearned after the secretary had left the security hearing.

“This notion that we’re only going to pursue serious threats, it’s just not true,” Johnson said shortly after Noem left the room. “I visited an ICE facility outside of Dallas and over 70 percent of them were classified as the lowest threat level—as never having a criminal record at all.”

During her remarks, a staffer held up a poster board featuring American citizens who were arrested by ICE.

“The rule of law is founded on two fundamental principles,” Johnson said. “That if you are going to be subject to a criminal arrest in this country, that there is probable cause to do so. You can’t just snatch somebody walking into a coffee shop because of the color of their skin. There’s no probable cause for that. And also, that you will get due process, and that is not happening.”

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Mother Jones

Senate Republicans Blocked Yet Another Chance to Save Obamacare Subsidies

On Thursday, in a 51-48 vote, the Senate rejected a Democratic plan to extend Affordable Care Act enhanced tax credits, as well as a Republican alternative that boosted a health savings account model. It is now all but certain that the credits, which began under the Biden administration, will expire at the end of the year.

As I previously reported, that expiration will lead, for millions of Americans, to the greatest single rise in health care premiums ever.

In a video recorded after the votes, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) expressed her anger towards Republican colleagues.

“They voted to increase health care costs across the board, and now millions of Americans are left with the impossible decision of choosing between paying for health insurance or paying their rent,” Warren said. “They’ve all fallen in line behind Donald Trump and left American families in the dirt.”

On New Year’s Day, the Urban Institute estimates, at least four million ACA marketplace users will become uninsured. People seeking ACA insurance will have until Monday to select a plan in order to be covered on January 1.

Some of those people may now choose plans that are less comprehensive because it’s what they can afford, said University of Pittsburgh assistant professor Miranda Yaver, who focuses on health policy. That would leave an even greater number of Americans underinsured.

“The average American cannot accommodate an unexpected $1,000 emergency medical expense,” Yaver said. “It is not exactly hard to run up a thousand-dollar tab in the American health care system, and having a good health insurance plan can insulate us from that cost.”

American Public Health Association executive director Georges C. Benjamin said in a press release that Congress had failed its duty to safeguard the health of Americans.

“Rather than addressing a serious issue that has been on our radar for years, Congress, earlier this year, rejected the opportunity to extend the enhanced tax credits,” Benjamin said, “and instead passed legislation to gut the Medicaid program and make additional changes to the ACA that will result in 16 million Americans losing their health coverage.”

“We’re probably going to see more and more people forgoing coverage and care, which is only going to exacerbate existing health conditions,” said Marilyn Cabrera, the nonprofit Young Invincibles‘ health care policy and advocacy manager.

Yaver is also skeptical of the health savings account model being pushed by Republicans as an alternative. They are not practical, she says, for the low and middle-income people that the Affordable Care Act is supposed to help.

“You have to have the means to put a lot of money into your health savings account, and if you’re barely scraping by and living paycheck to paycheck, it’s just not going to happen,” Yaver said.

Among some people whose health insurance is now in jeopardy, there is anger at Congress on both sides of the aisle. Some Democrats, Yaver said, are willing to “sort of allow a certain amount of harm in the next plan year, not wanting to bail Republicans out from their unwillingness to extend the marketplace subsidies,” ahead of elections.

And for Republican politicians, Yaver said, “there is a real lack of connection to everyday Americans’ struggles with accessing health care, which is not a luxury item. It is basic survival for a lot of people.”

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Mother Jones

Trump’s Education Dept. Just Axed Biden’s Student Loan Plan

The Department of Education announced Tuesday that it reached a settlement agreement with the state of Missouri to end former President Joe Biden’s student loan forgiveness program.

The Saving on a Valuable Education (SAVE) program bases monthly payments on an individual’s income and family size. The plan protected more borrowers’ incomes, increasing monthly payment exemptions from 150 percent to 225 percent of the federal poverty level—equating to roughly $48,000 per year for a family of two.

In April 2024, Andrew Bailey, Missouri’s then-Attorney General, filed a lawsuit with the attorneys general of Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, North Dakota, Ohio, and Oklahoma to stop the SAVE plan. His argument was that it made student loans function more like grants, as many borrowers were paying as little as $0 per month, and that Biden had overstepped his authority by circumventing congressional approval with an executive action.

In February, a court ruled in favor of the states, and following the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, the plan was dead in the water with borrowers beginning to accrue interest at rates that for some exceeded 9 percent per year.

The Tuesday settlement, if approved in court, moves this deadline forward, although the Department of Education did not specify a timeline for the changes. The agreement states that the Education Department would no longer enroll new individuals in SAVE, deny all pending applications, and transfer all approximately seven million borrowers into different plans—either fixed payment or payments based on income.

Changing millions of payment plans is complicated. There’s already a backlog of applications on the three other federal income-based plans. All but one of those plans will be gone after July 1, 2028 because of the Big Beautiful Bill.

“For four years, the Biden Administration sought to unlawfully shift student loan debt onto American taxpayers, many of whom either never took out a loan to finance their post-secondary education or never even went to college themselves,” Under Secretary of Education Nicholas Kent said. “The law is clear: if you take out a loan, you must pay it back.”

According to a report from the Congressional Research Service in the Library of Congress, nearly 43 million people—or one in six adults in the country—have federal student loan debt, all of which totals more than $1.6 trillion. This increases the burden of rising living costs: a survey of federal student loan borrowers conducted by Data for Progress in September found that 20 percent of borrowers are currently in delinquency or default and 42 percent said their debt payments made affording essentials like food or housing difficult.

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Mother Jones

ICE Tackled a US Citizen in the Snow. He Says He Was Targeted For Being Somali.

A US citizen, who is Somali, was detained by immigration agents in Minneapolis on Tuesday after he repeatedly offered to hand over his identification, according to the man, a local elected official, and legal advocates. Mubashir, 20, who has chosen to go by his first name only, said at a news conference that he “felt targeted.”

A video of the incident published by the Sahan Journal shows a federal agent putting Mubashir in a headlock while handcuffed, bringing him to his knees in the snow, and forcefully placing him in the back of a vehicle before driving off. Multiple people chased after the vehicle, with one witness to the detainment standing in front of the car. Prior to the recording, Mubashir said that the immigration agents chased him on foot in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood of Minneapolis.

“I deserve to be here like anyone else. I’m a U.S. citizen,” Mubashir said. “I can’t even step outside without being tackled—no question—because I’m Somali.”

Before grabbing Mubashir, according to Sahan Journal, the agents were walking into nearby businesses in the Somali-heavy neighborhood, questioning people and asking them to show their passports.

Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement descended upon the twin cities last week in what federal officials are calling “Operation Metro Surge.” The operation is primarily targeting the Somali immigrants in the area, spurring locals to carry around their passports or even fear going outside at all, according to the New York Times. This week, Trump repeatedly referred to people from Somalia as “garbage.” The president said Somalia “stinks” and that immigrants from the country “come from hell and they complain and do nothing but bitch.” “We don’t want them in our country,” he said multiple times.

According to Mubashir, while en route to the immigration offices, which were about twenty minutes away, he repeatedly asked the agents to show his identification. But, he said, they refused.

Once they arrived at the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building, Mubashir said that the agents took his fingerprints, asked to take his photo, which he refused, and then eventually allowed him to show ID proving his US citizenship. Then, Mubashir, who has lived in Minneapolis since he was a year old, was allowed to leave.

“I asked them, ‘can you take me back to where you picked me up from?’ They said ‘no, you have to walk in the snow,'” Mubashir said. His parents then came to get him.

“I apologize that this happened to you in my city, with people wearing vests that say ‘police.’ That’s embarrassing,” Minneapolis Police Chief Brian O’Hara said during the press conference.

“This young man is a bright, hardworking member of our community,” Minneapolis City Council Member Jamal Osman said in a statement “and his experience is a stark reminder of the overreach and lack of accountability in ICE operations.”

The Minnesota chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, which organized the press conference where Mubashir shared his story, said they have received many calls from local Somali residents who are US citizens reporting that they were either arrested or questioned by immigration agents. “We believe this is a violation of our constitution,” Jaylani Hussein, executive director of CAIR-MN, said. Hussein said that at least two other US citizens were picked up by immigration officials and then released on Tuesday.

In a letter to Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem following these arrests, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz urged her to review all recent arrests in Minnesota. “The forcefulness, lack of communication and unlawful practices displayed by your agents will not be tolerated in Minnesota,” Walz told Noem in his letter.

According to a ProPublica investigation published in October, more than 170 US citizens were detained and held against their will—whether during immigration raids or protests—in the first nine months of Trump’s second term.

A representative from the Department of Homeland Security did not respond to Mother Jones’ request for comment on whether its immigration agents detain people without checking identification that is actively being offered.

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Mother Jones

The New CDC Leader’s Whooping Cough Scandal

Already this year, anti-vaccine activists have downplayed the risks of measles and polio. Now, they’re adding whooping cough to the list, even as cases of the disease surge, killing at least ten babies over the past two years. Two of those babies died in Louisiana, where a crusading state surgeon general, Dr. Ralph Abraham, waited months to warn the public about the outbreak and banned mass vaccination campaigns.

Given Abraham’s vaccine skepticism, it is unsurprising that he has earned a leadership position under RFK Jr.

Instead of discipline, Abraham has been rewarded: Last month, he was appointed to the second-highest leadership role at the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Abraham will now be the highest-ranking scientist at the agency. His background is unusual for the role. He practiced veterinary medicine at first, and only later was a family physician. Abraham also served as a representative for Louisiana in Congress from 2015 to 2021. (During the pandemic, Abraham promoted the anti-parasite drug ivermectin as a Covid cure, despite evidence showing it didn’t work.)

Whooping cough, also called pertussis, is caused by bacteria that produce toxins that damage the respiratory lining, resulting in prolonged bouts of coughing. Such episodes are especially dangerous for infants, in whom they can lead to life-threatening respiratory distress. Pertussis has been on the rise since the pandemic—according to the CDC, last year, there were more than 35,000 cases, compared to fewer than 8,000 the year before.

One factor that may be contributing to the soaring pertussis case counts is declining rates of vaccination: Last year, the CDC reported that just over 92 percent of US kindergarteners were vaccinated against the disease, down from 95 percent in 2017. The dip occurred against a backdrop of increasing anti-vaccine activism, embraced by the US Department of Health and Human Services under Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. In Kentucky, three babies have died this year of the disease—none of them were vaccinated, nor were their mothers, according to Kentucky’s Center for Health and Family Services.

Since 2024, the pertussis surge has been especially acute in Abraham’s home state of Louisiana. But this didn’t prompt swift movement from him or other officials. Despite high case counts, it wasn’t until May of this year, by which time two babies in the state had died of the disease, that Louisiana finally issued a health alert. Physicians criticized Abraham for failing to warn residents of the disease’s dangers—and the critical importance of maternal vaccination during pregnancy, since babies can’t be vaccinated until they are two months old.

Abraham has a history of anti-vaccine rhetoric. In February, Louisiana’s Department of Health officially banned vaccine promotion events in the state. That same month, Abraham and his deputy surgeon general, Wyche Coleman, published a letter on the health department’s website decrying what they saw as an overbearing public health system. “For the past couple of decades, public health agencies at the state and federal level have viewed it as a primary role to push pharmaceutical products, particularly vaccines,” they wrote. “Government should admit the limitations of its role in people’s lives and pull back its tentacles from the practice of medicine.” (The Louisiana Department of Health didn’t respond to a request for comment from Mother Jones.)

“They are minimizing the seriousness of whooping cough and also spreading false information about the effectiveness of the vaccines.”

Given Abraham’s vaccine skepticism, it is perhaps unsurprising that he has earned a leadership position under Kennedy. In his new role, Abraham will work on high-level agency strategy, as well as coordinate between divisions, and oversee both internal and external communication.

Against the backdrop of the whooping cough surge, anti-vaccine activists have been mounting a campaign against the immunization that protects people from the worst effects of the disease. Last week, Children’s Health Defense, the anti-vaccine group founded by Kennedy, devoted an episode of its TV show to whooping cough, inaccurately claiming that the vaccine actually caused more cases. In September, another anti-vaccine group, Physicians for Informed Consent, falsely claimed to its 117,000 followers on X that pertussis vaccines “have big gaps—surveillance, trials, even population data fall short.”

Dr. Fiona Havers, a respiratory disease and vaccine expert who led the pertussis work for the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices before the pandemic, said the anti-vaccine groups’ claims about whooping cough weren’t supported by evidence. While protection from the version of the vaccine that children receive can wane and require a booster, large, high-quality studies consistently show that the vaccines are indeed effective. Likewise, community immunization is critical for protecting babies who are too young to be vaccinated.

The anti-vaccine groups’ claims were “very consistent with the false information that the anti-vaccine movement, including RFK Jr, has been spreading about vaccines for years,” said Havers, who is also an adjunct associate professor at the Emory School of Medicine. “They are minimizing the seriousness of whooping cough and also spreading false information about the effectiveness of the vaccines, which are very effective in preventing disease in children.”

In its TV show episode, Children’s Health Defense suggested that a home remedy of Vitamin C could treat whooping cough. Social media wellness influencers offer similar treatments—one with the Instagram handle of the_detoxmama tells her 811,000 followers that a natural treatment works by “clearing out the barrier and allowing the immune system to get in and deal with the bacteria.”

Pediatric immunologist and social media health communicator Dr. Zachary Rubin said the only proven treatment for whooping cough is antibiotics, which are most effective when given early on in the illness. “Vitamin C does not neutralize the toxin, clear the infection, or shorten the course of illness,” he wrote in an email to Mother Jones. “Relying on vitamin C alone can delay appropriate treatment and increases the risk of complications, especially for babies.”

As of late November, there have been more than 25,000 pertussis cases this year, including three deaths of infants, two in Louisiana and one in Kentucky. Though this year’s total number of cases will likely be lower than last year’s, it will surpass counts in the few years before the pandemic; in 2019, there were fewer than 19,000 cases.

In recent weeks, pertussis has continued its rampage, especially in western states, including Washington, Oregon, and California. The CDC hasn’t yet issued any specific alerts about whooping cough, and the agency did not respond to questions from Mother Jones, except to confirm Abraham’s new role.

Havers sees Abraham’s appointment as part of a pattern of dubious public health leadership decisions—evidenced by his failure to warn Louisiana residents about the dangers of whooping cough. “Obviously, getting information out to the public and to clinicians that professors is circulating in a community is critical for protecting vulnerable infants and for stopping an outbreak,” she said. “It continues to be appalling, the type of people RFK Jr. is putting into high-level positions in CDC.”

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Mother Jones

Maybe Donald Trump Isn’t Immune to Political Gravity After All

A version of the below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

For over a decade—!!!—Donald Trump has defied political gravity. After descending that Trump Tower elevator surrounded by fake supporters who had been paid to attend his campaign announcement, Trump pulled one disqualifying move after another. He insulted war hero John McCain. He mocked a reporter with a physical disability. He made crass and crude comments. He lied relentlessly. He celebrated fringe players like conspiracy theory–monger Alex Jones. And with each of these misdeeds and missteps, the pundits declared he was kaput. But he wasn’t. Not even after the grab-’em-by-the-pussy videotape.

Trump was able to survive gaffes, controversies, and scandals that would blow away any other politician. In part that was because, as one of his early advisers told me, being an asshole was part of his appeal. It was baked into the cake. How many times since he was first elected president has a commentator said—or you thought—in response to some Trump outrage, no other politicians could get away with this? That includes bear-hugging Vladimir Putin, mismanaging the Covid epidemic (which led to avoidable deaths of tens of thousands of Americans), his first impeachment, his effort to overturn a legitimate election to retain power, his incitement of political violence that aimed to destroy American democracy, and the countless instances of grift and graft he and his clan have perpetrated.

It seemed that the rules of politics and public life did not apply to Trump. Yes, he lost the 2020 election, but he resurrected himself—yet again defying the conventional wisdom following the January 6 riot that he was finished politically.

Trump still survives revelations and scandals that would destroy past presidencies—swiping classified documents, paying off a porn star. But the good news is that this does not mean that the political universe has been permanently upended. In recent weeks, there have been signs that political gravity does still exist and that we are not adrift in a cosmos free of all rules.

There’s no open rebellion—except for Marjorie Taylor Greene—but the 100 percent obeisance of the GOP has dropped a point or two.

The most obvious indicator was the off-year elections. History suggested that Democrats would fare well, given Trump’s falling approval numbers and still-too-high prices. And they did, even better than expected in many places. (See Governor-elect Mikie Sherrill in New Jersey, and Eileen Higgins, who this week became the first Democrat to be elected Miami mayor in three decades.) Beyond those electoral returns, we are seeing other normal political occurrences.

Trump is technically a lame duck president. Given his hold on the GOP, which he has turned into a cult of personality, it might be expected that he could escape this diminished status and still dominate. And, mostly, that’s so. But there have been a few whiffs of Republican restiveness. His illegal military attacks on suspected drug boats prompted a few Hill Republicans to ask questions and even suggest the need for an investigation. That might not lead to a full-fledged inquiry. But it’s the most pushback we’ve seen from the GOP. And a handful of congressional Republicans have hinted that they are concerned by the dramatic hike in health insurance premiums that’s about to hit because Trump and the GOP killed the extended subsidies for Obamacare policies. Again, there’s no open rebellion—except for Marjorie Taylor Greene—but the 100 percent obeisance of the GOP has dropped a point or two.

Then there’s MAGA. As historians of political movements will note, none of them live forever. The tea party, BLM, Occupy, the nuclear freeze—eventually they lose steam and develop fractures; leadership fights and disagreements cause fissures and sometimes cannibalistic internal conflicts. We’re witnessing that with MAGA now. There have been numerous splits and disagreements these past few months, with almost a civil war over the release of the Epstein files (and that may still transpire, depending on what the Trump administration does in response to the new law that compels the release of these documents).

MAGA world had a major brawl over Tucker Carlson’s friendly and supportive interview with Nick Fuentes, the white nationalist and Hitler fanboy. On the right, there’s been a pitched battle regarding support for Israel. The aforementioned Greene, once a MAGA favorite, has cast herself out of Trump’s circle of trust after tussling with him over the Epstein records and calling Israel’s war on Gaza “genocide” and voicing worry over rising health insurance premiums. The manosphere—Joe Rogan and the army of Rogan-wannabes—have groused about the ICE raids going too far, especially when they round up day laborers outside Home Depot who are simply looking for work. Steve Bannon, the grand strategist of MAGA, is not happy Trump is handing Big Tech a blank check.

To get a sense of the insane vitriol and vituperation within MAGA land these days, check out this recent tweet from Laura Loomer, the avenging angel of Trumptown:

I don’t have the time, energy, or inclination to dissect and process this particular feud—for you or for me. But the point is clear: These people are nuts, and the internecine bloodlust is high.

I’m sure I’m forgetting some of the other fractures that have arisen recently. But MAGA is behaving in a familiar manner, with grifters and ideologues vying for attention, money, and turf. Trump won’t be around forever, and there’s scrambling for positioning in the post-Trump era. That’s true within the GOP for those who yearn to run in 2028, presuming there will be an election, and it’s also true for those who want to claim the MAGA mantle next. These may be separate power struggles.

Trump’s approval rating, according to the latest Gallup poll, has plummeted to 36 percent, with disapproval hitting 60 percent.

Here’s another sign of the reassertion of political gravity. After Trump won the election a year ago, there was much blathering about a strategic realignment in politics. He had increased his share of votes among Latinos, Blacks, and young people, especially men in these categories. Republicans were giddy, believing Trump had cracked a code that would bring these traditionally Democratic voters into the GOP coalition permanently. That was then. In the elections last month, these voters switched back to the Ds, even and especially young men. No, Trump did not deliver a history-defying permanent shift in electoral politics. It now looks like there’s a regression to the mean.

That brings us to Trump’s poll numbers. Cheap analysis focuses on this standard marker. But it shows us that Trump is not a supernatural politician. In recent decades, all presidents decline in popularity after they enter office. Trump is following that pattern—and more so. His approval rating, according to the latest Gallup poll, has plummeted to 36 percent, with disapproval hitting 60 percent. Some surveys have Trump a few points higher on approval. Yet it’s evident he’s getting close to hitting his floor.

My unscientific guesstimate is that about 30 to 35 percent of the nation fully buys Trump’s bunk. They believe his bullshit—America’s about to be destroyed by migrants; radical lunatics, commies, antifa, Democrats, and the media are scheming to annihilate the nation; the Deep State is out to sabotage Trump; and only Trump, the smartest, strongest, and most noble man in human history, can save the US of A. No matter what happens, they will stand by their man.

Yet the rest of the nation is not cottoning to his mass deportation crusade, his economic policies, his razing of the East Wing, his revenge-infused implementation of authoritarianism, his brazen corruption, his plutocratic policies, and his never-ending nastiness. It’s not wearing well. If you do a lot of crap that’s unpopular, you won’t be popular. That’s a rather basic rule of politics, and Trump is not escaping that. And Republicans, naturally, are wigged out that one of the major historical trends of American politics will likely hold next year: The president’s party gets socked in midterm elections.

It’s far too early to make any predictions. External circumstances can always change any political equation. What happens if there’s a war in Venezuela? Or if the White House can find a trans migrant who commits a heinous crime? And we all ought to worry about Trump and his crew concocting ways to screw with next year’s elections.

Don’t put on any rose-colored glasses. Trump has done so much harm and damage. According to Impactcounter.com, the ending of US foreign assistance and the demolition of USAID has led to nearly 700,000 deaths, including the deaths of 451,000 children. There’s still much harm and damage to come, here and abroad. But it is reassuring that the laws of politics remain partially intact. Trump, the GOP, and MAGA are not immune. But their opponents need to keep in mind that these vulnerabilities do not predetermine a downfall; they only provide an opportunity for a fight.

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Mother Jones

New Orleans Is Watching You

This column originally appeared on author Hamilton Nolan’s site How Things Work, which you can subscribe or donate to here.

Even stipulating that America is a nation of immigrants, and that the persecution of immigrants is an insult to our history wherever it occurs in this land, it must still be said that launching a violent government purge of immigrants is even more ludicrously monstrous when it happens in New Orleans. In New Orleans! A city that for centuries has collected drifters from Europe and dreamers from the Caribbean and schemers from Central America and prisoners from Africa, and has molded all of their descendants into a culture unmatched anywhere else in this plastic country. A city with its own city-sized Vietnamese population. A city that built a statue in Crescent Park to honor the Latino workers who rebuilt it after Hurricane Katrina. You want to bring a bunch of white racist clods in clownish tactical gear to run the immigrants out of New Orleans? The city of gumbo metaphors?

You villains. You dirty dogs.

The entire concept makes the skin prickle in reprehension. Yet here we are. ICE and CBP goons, balaclavas emphasizing the penis-like nature of their heads, have descended on New Orleans. Led by unapologetic Border Patrol boss Gregory Bovino, whose fascist high top haircut and affinity for black double-breasted trenchcoats cross the line from “unintentionally Nazi-esque” into “Nazi on purpose,” they are all over the streets of America’s Friendliest City, vowing to deport five thousand(!) people in the name of Purifying America’s Blood or some more publicly acceptable synonym of that purpose. This is Operation “Catahoula Crunch,” which sounds like an AI-generated name for a Louisiana breakfast cereal. In the first three days of raids, they arrested 38 people, fewer than a third of which had criminal records. Clearly, the motherfuckers are going to be here for a while.

I went to take a look.

You could park your car outside the entrance of the Naval Station in Belle Chasse that the agents are using as their headquarters and try to track them when they emerge each morning. But they can be hard to identify, and even harder to follow. They have the assistance of local and state police as well—one Ojos activist was pulled over twice in one day by a Louisiana State Police officer demanding that he stop driving in the vicinity of a convoy of CBP vehicles.

Alternately, you could make an educated guess about where la migra might show up and go there in advance and drive around hoping to catch them, becoming a fun house mirror version of a cop patrolling a high crime area. I tried this myself one day. I spent hours driving around Kenner, a working class New Orleans suburb out by the airport that has so far been the target of more immigration raids than anywhere else. For hours on a rainy Saturday, I circled down Veterans Boulevard and up Williams, stopping at the obvious places where ICE tends to pop up. I went to all three Walmarts in the Kenner area. I went to Lowe’s. I went to Home Depot. I did not see any immigration officers, but I did see Spanish-speaking families out shopping in stores that had translated their signs into Spanish, but had conspicuously not taken any actions to indicate that they disapproved of their customers being kidnapped on their property. Contrast this with small businesses across New Orleans that have posted fliers on their doors declaring that ICE is not welcome there. It makes you think about corporate responsibility, and cowardice, and things of that nature.

Without two-person teams—one to drive and one to navigate and monitor the chat and alerts and social media in real time—constantly on patrol in each neighborhood hot spot, it takes luck to catch officers in the act. Nor is it easy to know if you are parked right next to one. They tend to roll around in big American-made SUVs. Now go look at a Home Depot parking lot. See any big SUVs there, maybe with a burly guy wearing a baseball cap inside? Yeah. Everywhere!

I found myself peering hard at anyone who fit the profile. I hovered, camera ready, by an oversized white SUV with tinted windows and crash bars parked in front of Walmart, until the doors opened and an elderly Latino couple emerged. In downtown New Orleans, I crept up on a group of a half-dozen brawny white guys with beards, until it became clear that it was a group of gay tourists. Add to this the flood of well-intentioned people sharing rumors online—my friend saw a suspicious car parked outside this hotel, I wonder if they’re staying there?—and it becomes clear that ICE watching is a long game, and an imperfect science. It will require grace from all of us. As a white guy who looks a little bit like I could be a cop, I accept any future sideways looks I get as my tiny sacrifice for the cause.

Considering the challenges, Union Migranted and Ojos are shockingly effective. Every day they blast out multiple sightings, photos, and videos, all verified and confirmed. Over time, it is likely that this kind of community intelligence will save lives and prevent some families from being torn apart. And, on a much shallower level, it is just satisfying to watch a video of an activist filming agents desperately trying to be inconspicuous in a parked SUV, walking by them and drawling, “I’m with Neighborhood Watch. You guys good? You guys need any help?”

The people of New Orleans are also registering their pissed-off-ness by holding protests against the immigration action on a near-daily basis. I went to one on Saturday night, on the steps of Hale Boggs federal courthouse on Poydras Street. There were many “CBP OUT OF NEW ORLEANS!” signs and fliers for a teach-in about general strikes and constant honks of support from passing cars. A billboard for Zatarains loomed picturesquely across the street. A couple of right wing Youtube trolls also attended, prancing around in front of speakers and shouting pro-deportation slogans and aggressively shoving cameras in unwilling people’s faces and generally acting like dickheads. One of these people, a weak-chinned MAGA darling named Nick Sortor, harassed a woman so insistently that a scuffle broke out. In any other setting, he would have gotten his ass kicked, but the security volunteers went out of their way not to do so, just trying to steer him away from people over and over as he cried about being assaulted. All of this while people who were immigrants and who faced very real risks of life-changing government oppression were giving brave and heartfelt speeches just steps away. It really drove home how rude Nazis are. Their own repulsive, racist glee indicts them more effectively than any outside critics ever could.

Before the spotlight descended on New Orleans this month, many had been toiling quietly for years trying to insulate immigrants from the predations of America’s deportation system. One of those people is Angela Davis, an attorney who has spent the past decade running Project Ishmael, a nonprofit that gives legal support to immigrant children. In an office above a church off Canal Street, Davis told me that today’s outrages are different only in degree from what has come before.

She has done this work during the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. Though the work has changed, she said, “Under every single one of those presidents, many, many families are being separated, torn apart, and detained. That has not changed. The immense cruelty of the US immigration system has been consistent.”

Under Biden, at least, her clients with Special Immigrant Juvenile status were able to get “deferred action,” a temporary protection that made it easier for them to work and live here while their applications for lawful permanent residency were processed. In April, the Trump administration ended deferred action and began arresting people, including some of Davis’s clients. Though Project Ishmael’s services are in high demand, it is harder for them to take on new cases now, because every single case requires so much more work than it did when the government was somewhat less hostile.

To have militarized raids layered on top of the bureaucratic hurdles adds an almost surreal level of hardship to New Orleans immigrants’ lives. “People are scared to leave their home,” she says. “We’ve all read Anne Frank, and have very clear images of what it looks like to be in an attic afraid of forces of terror out in your streets. And that is what it is like. Something not too dissimilar.”

Davis carries on with her work, though she admits that she has doubts about how faithfully the government will adhere to the rule of law. “There are still wins in courts, and some of them are still enforceable. There are also many things the government just doesn’t follow.”

On my way out, she gave me a copy of the organization’s summer newsletter. In it was a story that a client from Honduras had written in her own words about her experience as an immigrant. She entered the country in 2018, and was imprisoned and separated from her five-year-old daughter for a month and a half. After being released and reunited, her son joined them here, and she has been dutifully going to all of her immigration appointments for the past seven years. Then, in May of this year, ICE put an ankle monitor on her to track her movements, and began demanding she go to more appointments, making it hard for her to earn enough money to survive. She began living in fear that ICE would track her down and arrest her on the street if she went out.

“If they did that, they could send you away without your children, so it was better for me to leave the United States. I feared for my life returning to Honduras, but I feared being separated from my children again more. I know the United States is about opportunity and I am grateful for my time here, but life is also too stressful and exhausting,” she wrote. She made the decision to risk her life and leave America, rather than risking losing her family. “On our flight back to Honduras, there were five families with me who had deported themselves.”

This, from our current government’s perspective, is a success story. To harass and persecute and terrorize a mother so fiercely that she chooses to bring her children back to an impoverished country where they may be killed is the best possible outcome that Stephen Miller and Gregory Bovino and their nationwide army of masked raiders could hope for. This is what they are about. This is what they accomplish. This is what their legacy will be. This is what they will have to declare at the gates of heaven, or hell.

The most memorable video from the New Orleans immigration sweeps is one taken last week in a residential neighborhood in Kenner, that instantly became famous. It shows federal agents with rifles surrounding a house where men are repairing a roof. As the cops hop out of their cars and approach, one of the roofers snatches the ladder and yanks it up, setting up an hours-long standoff between the agents on the ground and the men working above, unwilling to come down. The men on the roof reportedly got away in the end.

The symbolism in that clip is almost too perfect: Hardworking immigrants escaping deportation by pulling up the ladder behind themselves. But I’m pretty sure that the ICE and CBP agents, all children of people who were immigrants at one time or another, are too dumb to see it.

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Mother Jones

Trump’s Energy Secretary Wants to Bigfoot Tribes’ Stewardship of Their Land

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Early last year, the hydropower company Nature and People First set its sights on Black Mesa, a mountainous region on the Navajo Nation in northern Arizona. The mesa’s steep drop offered ideal terrain for gravity-based energy storage, and the company was interested in building pumped-storage projects that leveraged the elevation difference. Environmental groups and tribal community organizations, however, largely opposed the plan. Pumped-storage operations involve moving water in and out of reservoirs, which could affect the habitats of endangered fish and require massive groundwater withdrawals from an already-depleted aquifer.

The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, which has authority over non-federal hydropower projects on the Colorado River and its tributaries, ultimately denied the project’s permit. The decision was among the first under a new policy: FERC would not approve projects on tribal land without the support of the affected tribe. Since the project was on Navajo land and the Navajo Nation opposed the project, FERC denied the permits. The Commission also denied similar permit requests from Rye Development, a Florida-based company, that also proposed pumped-water projects.

Now, Department of Energy Secretary Chris Wright wants to reverse this policy. In October, Wright wrote to FERC, requesting that the commission return to its previous policy and that giving tribes veto power was hindering the development of hydropower projects. The commission’s policy has created an “untenable regime,” he noted, and “For America to continue dominating global energy markets, we must remove unnecessary burdens to the development of critical infrastructure, including hydropower projects.”

Wright also invoked a rarely used authority under the Federal Powers Act to request that the commission make a final decision no later than December 18. And instead of the 30 to 60 days generally reserved for proposed rule changes, the FERC comment period was open for only two weeks last month. If his effort proves successful, hydropower projects like the ones proposed by Nature and People First could make a return to the Navajo Nation regardless of tribal support.

More than 20 tribes and tribal associations largely in the Southwest and Pacific Northwest, environmental groups, and elected officials, including Representative Frank Pallone, a Democrat from New Jersey, sent letters urging FERC to continue its current policy.

“He wasn’t understanding that our region has a history of extraction, and that is coal mining and its impact on our groundwater.”

“Tribes are stewards of the land and associated resources, and understand best how to manage and preserve those resources, as they have done for centuries,” wrote Chairman William Iyall of the Cowlitz Indian Tribe in Washington in a letter submitted to the commission.

Tó Nizhóní Ání, or TNA, a Diné-led water rights organization based in Black Mesa on the Navajo Nation, also submitted comments opposing the proposed hydropower project. In the 1960s, after Peabody Coal broke up sections of the resource-rich region between the Hopi and Navajo tribes for mining, the company was accused of misrepresenting the conditions of its operations and the status of mineral rights to local communities. Environmental problems soon followed, as the company’s groundwater pumping exceeded legal limits, compromising the aquifer and access to drinking water. According to Nicole Horseherder, Diné, and TNA’s executive director, this led residents of Black Mesa to use community wells.

“They were now starting to have to haul all their water needs in this way,” she said. “That really changed the lifestyle of the people on Black Mesa.”

After the coal mines closed 20 years later, Black Mesa communities have focused on protecting their water resources while building a sustainable economy. But when Nature and People First’s founder Denis Payre presented the company’s plans, he seemed unaware of the tribes’ history in the region. During these presentations, Payre also made promises that if the company’s hydropower project went forward, it would benefit residents. The project would generate 1,000 jobs during construction and 100 jobs permanently, he claimed, and would help locals readily access portable drinking water.

“He wasn’t understanding that our region has a history of extraction, and that is coal mining and its impact on our groundwater,” said Adrian Herder, Diné, TNA’s media organizer. “It seemed like this individual was tugging at people’s heartstrings, [saying] things that people wanted to hear.”

If the commission decides to retract tribes’ ability to veto hydropower projects, it will mark a shift in the relationship between Indigenous nations and the federal government. Horseherder described such a move as the “first step in eroding whatever’s left between [these] relationships.” She is pessimistic about the commission’s decision and expects it will retract the current policy.

“The only thing I’m optimistic about is that Indigenous people know that they need to continue to fight,” she said. “I don’t see this administration waking up to their own mistakes at all.”

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Mother Jones

The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives Repeats a Familiar Problem: We Still Don’t Believe Women

Season three of The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives debuted on November 13, and among the routine infighting, there’s a heavier topic that has consumed the season’s conversations: the incremental revelations that most of the women in the cast have been sexually assaulted in their lifetimes. (Hulu didn’t include any trigger warnings in front of these episodes.) This isn’t surprising, given the self-reported rates of sexual violence. Similarly disturbing and unsurprising, though, is the fact that for one of those women, the cast and the audience have decided that she’s lying.

Demi Engemann shared this season that Marciano Brunette groped her without her consent while she visited the Vanderpump Villa, a different Hulu original reality show. Brunette, the lead server at the Villa, claims they shared a consensual kiss and denies assaulting Engemann. Vanderpump Villa producers released a statement that they had reviewed their footage and found her claims to be “unsubstantiated.” In early December, Brunette filed a lawsuit against Engemann, claiming she defamed him by lying that she had been assaulted.

For those who haven’t watched SLOMW, it follows a group of young women who grew up in the Mormon church, have large social media followings, and started their own “MomTok” group, infamous for a swinging scandal years ago. The group often discusses how they want to modernize the Mormon church and change its stance on traditional gender roles and LGBTQ+ acceptance.

I found that many of the police investigations hinged on the victim’s behavior instead of hard evidence: were they sad enough, did they try to fight back, were they flirting beforehand, and had their story been consistent through and through?

However, their treatment of Engemann’s allegation looks all too familiar to me, as a reporter who has read through dozens of police reports that labeled sexual assault claims as false. My reporting was featured in the Netflix documentary Victim/Suspect, which shows police interrogation videos and first-hand interviews with alleged victims who were accused of lying and charged with crimes.

I found that many of the police investigations hinged on the victim’s behavior instead of hard evidence: were they sad enough, did they try to fight back, were they flirting beforehand, and had their story been consistent through and through?

Now, for Engemann’s part, and separate from her allegation of sexual assault, she has been incredibly insensitive to others’ pain and discomfort. She chastised and mocked another wife, Jessi Draper, for having a consensual affair with Brunette (yes, the same Brunette). She orchestrated a very awkward and public Chippendales-like dance with a different cast member, Jen Affleck, who said she was uncomfortable and didn’t give consent.

As happens with a reality TV scandal, Engemann’s accusations turned the audience into pseudo-detectives. On camera at least, she is friendly with Brunette, hugs him, and doesn’t say outright that she’s uncomfortable with anything. Perhaps most suspicious to the online detectives and cast is that she kept in touch with her alleged assailant, sending him messages that included some sexual innuendos. But to be clear, none of these publicized messages mentions anything physical happening between the two of them, consensually otherwise.

This vigorous analysis of Engemann’s behavior hasn’t been applied to Brunette, whose character isn’t spotless. In a previous season of Vanderpump Villa, Brunette bragged that he had slept with an “extraordinary” number of his coworkers at an old job. In the Vanderpump Villa episode when Brunette meets the wives, he comments on their looks soon after meeting them, calling them “so f*cking hot”. And after he asks Engemann for a“therapy session”, she is the one who ends the conversation, and Brunette pulls her in for a hug, kissing the side of her head.

Instead, all the shame bore down on the two women involved with Brunette. Draper was excoriated by her husband, who said his own bad behavior toward her was excused because she cheated on him. And Engemann has been called a liar and a master manipulator who made up sexual assault allegations to cover up a consensual affair.

Reporting a sexual assault has always been fraught because these crimes usually have no witnesses, leave no physical injuries, and worst of all, credibility can be made or broken by a victim’s behavior before and after the alleged assault.

I want to be very clear that I don’t know if Engemann was actually assaulted — and neither do you.

Claire Fallon and her co-host summed up my feelings pretty perfectly on a podcast episode of Rich Text: “We both feel very uncomfortable about the fact that this is a half-season of a reality show about whether a group of women believe another woman’s claim that she was sexually assaulted.”

The way that the group of wives has characterized their doubt has been in service of other “real” victims. In a hotel room, Draper, Mickaela Matthews, and Miranda Hope discuss their feelings about the accusation. Miranda says while pinching her fingers together:

“You’re taking a situation that’s this big, and using your position as a woman to make it this big, which is actually so much worse for actual assault victims.”

Draper: “Yes, and it makes women not be believed when other women do shit like this.”

Reporting a sexual assault has always been fraught because these crimes usually have no witnesses, leave no physical injuries, and worst of all, credibility can be made or broken by a victim’s behavior before and after the alleged assault.

My reporting found that family, friends, and police all come up with remarkable excuses for why they think someone made up an allegation of assault. For a 12-year-old, police said she lied about her adoptive dad abusing her to get back at him for taking her phone away. For a college student, it was so she could get help with her grades. For a restaurant server, it was so she could extort money from her boss. All three of these people – even the child – were charged with crimes for lying. And all three saw their charges later dropped or were fully exonerated.

The season’s reunion aired last week, and during it, Engemann again said and did things to others which have no excuse — while pointing to her head, she asked Affleck what was wrong with her brain (after Affleck came out publicly that she recovered from prenatal depression and suicidal ideations). She assumed Affleck wasn’t a victim of sexual assault, which was quickly corrected, and to which Engemann responded, “OK, that’s great.”

But something else struck me while watching the reunion that was true for so many of the young women I’ve interviewed. While crying during a break, Engemann said, “It’s more painful to not be believed […] or to have to go over it over and over and over and feel the pain of past things than to just say ‘F*ck yeah, we kissed.’”

For so many victims, it is easier to dismiss the truth, push down their memories, and say that they weren’t assaulted – especially when there is a culture so ready to accept their admission of fault.

I have no idea where Brunette was that night during the reunion, but for certain, he wasn’t on national TV in front of narrowing and skeptical eyes, facing intense and repetitive questions.

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Mother Jones

Rubio Ends State Department Use of Calibri, Calling Font “Wasteful” DEI Move

Secretary of State Marco Rubio has identified a new enemy: Calibri. According to multiple reports, Rubio has ordered diplomats to stop using the font—a “wasteful DEIA program” from the Biden era, he called it— and return to Times New Roman in official communications.

The change follows a memo seen by Reuters and the New York Times entitled “Return to Tradition: Times New Roman 14-Point Font Required for All Department Paper,” which called Calibri “informal.” Returning to Times New Roman, the memo wrote, would “restore decorum and professionalism to the department’s written work.” The State Department had been using Times New Roman since 2004.

In January 2023, then-Secretary of State Antony Blinken adopted Calibri after the typeface was recommended by his diversity and inclusion office to improve accessibility for staff, including those with disabilities like dyslexia or low vision, or people who use assistive technology like screen readers.

When asked about why the State Department was spending time changing fonts amid languishing peace talks in Ukraine and Israel’s continue ceasefire violations in Gaza, aspokesperson told Mother Jones that the switch was necessary to align with “the same dignity, consistency, and formality” of the standard fonts used “in courts, legislatures, and across federal agencies where the permanence and authority of the written record are paramount.” The spokesperson also noted that, starting Wednesday, all papers submitted to the Executive Secretariat, which is responsible for coordinating internal communications in the Department of State, must use Times New Roman, 14-point font.

Rubio has since removed the department’s diversity and inclusion office as part of a broader move by the Trump administration to eliminate diversity policies in the federal government and universities.

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Mother Jones

US Wants 5 Years of Some Tourists’ Social Media to Enter the Country

The United States Department of Homeland Security’s Customs and Border Protection is planning to require visitors from countries on the Visa Waiver Program to provide up to five years of their social media history, along with other personal data, according to a CBP proposal posted to the Federal Register. The move could significantly increase the barrier to entry into the country and risks stifling potential tourism.

Countries a part of the waiver program include Australia, Chile, France, Germany, Ireland, Israel, Japan, and the United Kingdom, amongst many others. The program allows visitors to travel to the United States for tourism or business stays of 90 days or less without obtaining a visa, if they meet certain requirements.

Sophia Cope, a senior staff attorney for the digital rights group Electronic Frontier Foundation told the New York Times that, should this proposal be enacted, it would “exacerbate civil liberties harms.”

“It has not proven effective at finding terrorists and other bad guys,” Cope said, adding that these kinds of policies have “chilled the free speech and invaded the privacy of innocent travelers, along with that of their American family, friends and colleagues.”

The CBP stated that it is introducing these changes to comply with President Donald Trump’s January 2025 executive order, entitled “Protecting the United States From Foreign Terrorists and Other National Security and Public Safety Threats.”

This new proposal from CBP suggests adding social media as a “mandatory data element” for an Electronic System for Travel Authorization (ESTA) application, which all visitors to this program must submit. Also, “when feasible,” it hopes to require other sensitive data from travelers, like personal and business phone numbers used in the last five years, personal and business email addresses from the last ten years, IP addresses and metadata from electronically submitted photos, biometrics data like face, fingerprint, DNA, and iris scans, and the names, phone numbers, dates of birth, places of birth, and residencies of parents, spouse, siblings, and children.

These “High Value Data Elements” would be required in addition to what is already expected under the current system. Right now, applicants from visa waiver countries must enroll in the ESTA program, pay $40, and submit an email address, home address, phone number and emergency contact information. Then, the authorization is good for two years.

Just last week, the State Department instructed its staff “to reject visa applications from people who worked on fact-checking, content moderation or other activities” the administration considers “censorship” of Americans’ speech, per reporting from NPR. The department also announced that H-1B visa applicants and their dependents would be required to set their social media profiles to “public” so they can be reviewed by US officials.

That move, Trump’s January order, and the CBP’s latest ask allow the US government to have an immense amount of power in deciding what online speech supports, as the president puts it in his order, “the overthrow or replacement of the culture on which our constitutional Republic stands.” They also grant leeway to deny entrance to those who support groups the administration has deemed dangerous—like pro-Palestinian student activists, who Trump and his administration have repeatedly sought to deport.

According to CBP, the proposal is open for a 60-day public comment period.

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Mother Jones

RFK Jr.’s Airport Pull-Ups Are a Lie

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s affinity for public exercise was once again on display this week, with the 71-year-old health secretary and his transportation counterpart, the former reality star Sean Duffy, staging a pull-up contest inside Ronald Reagan National Airport to promote Make Travel Family Friendly Again, an offshoot of the department’s larger push to bring “civility” back to American travel.

“Yes, sir!” spectators cheered on, impressed by the performance of brawn before them.

“He’s coming for you!”

“Woot!”

RFK Jr. just did 20 pull ups at Reagan National Airport.

He’s 71-years-old.

This is insanely impressive. pic.twitter.com/VXMLqx8G5o

— johnny maga (@_johnnymaga) December 8, 2025

Yet amid the delight of Kennedy’s onlookers, I registered a rising discomfort. This felt especially strange considering that I should have been relieved to see Kennedy with a shirt on. That, for once, we did not have to bear witness to the sight of this man’s pectoral muscles. But no, instead, a creeping instinct that what I had witnessed was not in fact real began to overwhelm me. Something about the jerking motions and the form with which Kennedy managed to “beat” Duffy in this contest struck me as profoundly wrong.

Were these actual pull-ups? Was the government lying to me?

I was in no position to sound the alarm. So I reached out to Casey Johnston of the newsletter, She’s a Beast.

“The correct way to do a pull-up is from a dead hang at the bottom (arms fully extended), then pulling oneself all the way up to the point that the chin passes the upper side of the pull-up bar, all the way back down, repeat,” Johnston wrote in an email. “We can see that all of RFK’s pull-ups are about 1/4 of this range in the middle, neither fully extending all the way down, nor pulling himself up above the bar.”

My heart stopped. My theory that something was off was starting to prove correct. That’s when Johnston reflected my horror back to me:

Crucially, this also must be done without any thrashing of the body or kicking of the legs, as this extra momentum takes a lot of the work out of actually pulling oneself up with one’s upper body. Around count 15, Kennedy starts to kick his legs. At no point does RFK do an actual pull-up. They count 20, but the number of actual pull-ups done here is zero.

There we have it: another conspiracy unrivaled; the government appears to have falsified information in its efforts to promote a $1 billion program that does not address far more systemic issues facing American travel. But through investigation, I have uncovered a small truth: RFK Jr. did not perform a single pull-up at Reagan National Airport.

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Mother Jones

A Year of Hell for Immigrants

The image was grotesque.

In March, a camera-ready Kristi Noem posed in front of a group of shirtless, shaved, tattooed men crammed inside a metal holding cell in a foreign prison. The photo-op (and video message) was taken during the Homeland Security secretary’s tour of El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, where the Trump administration had sent more than 230 Venezuelan migrants on flimsy evidence. Noem’s performance at CECOT was a triumphant show of ruthlessness as well as a warning: If you’re an immigrant unlawfully present in the United States, you too could end up shipped off to another country and held in one of the world’s worst prisons—perhaps indefinitely.

The message is clear: No immigrant living in the United States is to feel safe or welcome. No one will be spared.

The administration’s apparent satisfaction in arranging the CECOT ordeal has been emblematic of the second Trump term’s ever-increasing callousness toward immigrants and willingness to treat the constraints of the law as mere suggestions. Last month, Human Rights Watch and the watchdog organization Cristosal documented evidence that the Venezuelans removed to El Salvador endured “torture” and “enforced disappearance.” (As we reported after their release, and confirmed by the report, men said that following Noem’s visit, they received more beatings and had their food taken away by the prison guards.)

That image of Noem and the saga of the Venezuelans the US government exiled to a notorious gulag—without a semblance of due process—should be seared into America’s collective memory. But in the months since it happened, and as those men are made to live with the trauma inflicted on them, I’ve wondered whether it will.

Displays of inhumanity were a normalized phenomenon in 2025. A peril of having punitive theater as a central tenet of governance is that, eventually, the shock factor and public outrage risk wearing out. The horror may never fully register. When there’s a barrage of previously-unbelievably-unconscionably-legally dubious acts and brutal policies, how does one begin to wrap their head around each uniquely reprehensible episode, let alone a year’s worth of anti-immigration cruelty?

Think of all you’ve seen this year. The same month as Noem’s video, a Tufts University student was descended on by masked men and sent to detention for the grand offense of co-writing an op-ed critical of Israel. An unknown number of people have been dragged out of cars, chased down streets, and forced to the ground during immigration raids. We’ve all watched the videos. But there are simply too many examples to keep track of; the recordings start blending into each other. The impact of individual stories starts to dilute in an overwhelming news cycle where everything is “unprecedented” and too horrific to contend with. We look away.

But the sheer volume does not stop Trump’s war on immigrants from raging on in full force.And it is vital to look at just how wide and encompassing this assault has been: This year, the White House routinely made the lives of immigrants—all immigrants—and their families in the United States hell.

This is an imperfect attempt to take stock of it.

As previously mentioned, the Trump administration disappeared hundreds of Venezuelan men to CECOT—a gulag that has elicited comparisons to a concentration camp—in brazen defiance of court orders. Noem admitted in a declaration filed last week in response to an ongoing inquiry by a federal judge in Washington, D.C. into possible criminal contempt that she made the decision to continue to fly the men to El Salvador despite a ruling blocking their transfer. (The Justice Department all but dared the judge to pursue a referral for prosecution.)

Then there is US Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The administration enabled ICE—now the most well-funded police force in the country—to snatch people up with little accountability and authorized the agency to make arrests at and near hospitals, churches, and courthouses. Masked agents began to show up at hearings and routine check-ins. The agency started recruiting so-called “Homeland Defenders” to go after immigrants for a $50,000 signing bonus. (The FBI recently issued a warning about instances of criminals impersonating ICE agents.) “Collateral arrests” of people who have lived in the United States for decades became common occurrences.

At the same time, Trump stripped immigrants of legal protections, making them newly deportable. The administration has taken away protected status from hundreds of thousands of people in what amounts to the largest de-legalization push in recent US history. They arrested, detained, and deported Dreamers—immigrants brought to the United States as children—despite valid protection from said deportation.

It goes on: Trump further gutted refugee resettlement, with the notable exception of South Africa’s white Afrikaners; banished immigrants to third countries and nations where they face potential harm (in flagrant violation of the international law principle of non-refoulement); purged the immigration courts and weaponized them as a deportation-first tool; tried to take away the citizenship of American-born children; dispatched a militarized border patrol and other federal agencies with camera crews to terrorize Democrat-led cities; and instituted a policy of mandatory detention designed to break people’s will to fight their cases. (One lawyer I talked to recently recounted a client telling him he would rather spend 10 years in prison in Venezuela than another 10 days in US immigration detention.)

Many of those measures made headlines and elicited outcry. (I’ve failed to list other events of note, I am sure.) But there are countless other ways immigrants across the United States are quietly bearing the brunt of an administration that—fighting a self-perceived battle for the survival and presevation of a blood-and-soil idea of America as a nation—demonizes entire communities and casts foreign-born people as an existential threat. (An exception? If you have $1 million lying around to purchase a “Gold Card” fast-track visa and path to residency to “unlock life in America.”)

Looking at the immigration system as a whole, virtually every part of it has been made harder and riskier, as if repurposed only to punish people for one of the most universal experiences there is: migration.

Every day, immigrants are being penalized for interacting with the legal immigration system. The Trump administration has gotten out of its way to make the citizenship civics test harder to pass while also increasing scrutiny through the expansion of a values-based “moral character” standard. They have eliminated the automatic extension of employment authorization for people renewing their work permits. Under the guise of restoring “integrity” to the system and making the country safer, they expanded the enforcement authorities of US Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency in charge of visas and other immigration benefits, empowering special agents to make arrests.

The State Department has revoked thousands of student visas and is tightening vetting for fact-checkers and workers in the disinformation field. Following the shooting of two National Guard members in D.C. by an Afghan immigrant, the administration halted all asylum decisions, shortened the duration of work permits for various groups from five years to 18 months, ordered the review of approved green cards for immigrants from “every country of concern,” and began canceling naturalization ceremonies. Unsurprisingly, a growing share of immigrants with legal status, and even naturalized US citizens, report worries about immigration enforcement.

The message is clear: No immigrant living in the United States is to feel safe or welcome. No one will be spared. Not a college freshman visiting family on Thanksgiving. Not even the mother of the White House press secretary’s nephew. “The distinction between legal and illegal immigration becomes meaningless when both can destroy a country at its foundation,” a spokesperson for USCIS said in a press release email that landed in my inbox in November.

Much of the current immigration policymaking—if this rampant clampdown and unleashing of brutalizing force can be called that—seems to be now distilled to a simple modus operandi: we do it because we can. Little does it matter if families are separated again or if US children with cancer end up being removed from the country. Any means fit for this end: to get as many people out as possible and stop others from coming.

Every disturbing news report about a wrongful deportation or military-style raid of an apartment building should come as a reminder that the US government is using its prosecutorial discretion—it is choosing—to normalize casual cruelty and overt racism. And it’s doing so ostensibly in the name of “protecting” the American people.

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Mother Jones

This Green Queen Raised a Million Bucks for Charity by Hiking 100 Miles in Drag

This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Pattie Gonia, the drag queen and environmentalist, arrived in San Francisco on Friday afternoon and crossed the Golden Gate Bridge with $1 million more than when she set out on her journey last week.

The diversity and inclusion advocate completed the 100-mile trek from Point Reyes national seashore to San Francisco in full drag with her voluminous red wig and smokey eye. The effort was part of a campaign she launched to raise $1 million for eight nonprofits that aim to expand access and make the outdoors a more “equitable place.”

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“Don’t let anyone ever tell you that you can’t make a difference,” she wrote on social media after completing the journey. “When I started being Pattie, everyone told me I was crazy. When I told people I wanted to do this fundraiser, [they] laughed in my face.

“Seven years later and I hope I can be a little bit of proof to you that combining who you are and what you’re good at to fight for the change you want to see in the world works.”

Pattie Gonia has become one of the most visible drag queens in the US in recent years. In 2024, Donald Trump’s campaign used footage of her with Kamala Harris as part of an attack ad against the then vice-president. Earlier this year she helped organize a demonstration at Yosemite, where LGBTQ+ climbers hung a trans pride flag on El Capitan.

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“We flew the Trans pride flag in Yosemite to make a statement: Trans people are natural and Trans people are loved,” she said in a statement at the time. “We are done being polite about Trans people’s existence. Call it a protest, call it a celebration—either way, it’s giving elevation to liberation.”

Recently, she playfully challenged the US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, to a pull-up competition in a video that contrasted footage of her lifting herself with ease with video of Hegseth appearing to struggle through the exercise.

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For the last week, she was on a solo trek on the California coast, getting in drag daily and setting up camp each night, while filming videos documenting the journey. She is set to perform her final show of the year in San Francisco on Saturday, “That is, if I can make it in time,” she said. Video posted to social media on Friday evening showed her strutting across the Golden Gate Bridge and ending her journey with cake.

By Friday, a GoFundMe for the project had raised more than $1 million from almost 35,000 individual donations.

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Mother Jones

Downballot Democrats Are Gearing Up for “2010 in Reverse”

Democrats’ resounding victories in the New Jersey and Virginia governor’s races got most of the headlines, but the most dramatic results in last month’s elections were downballot. In Virginia, Democratic challengers flipped 13 seats in the Virginia House of Delegates, to secure their largest majority in the chamber in four decades. New Jersey Democrats grew their margin in the assembly by five seats—winning their largest majority since Watergate. Coupled with the party’s string of upset victories and double-digit shifts in special elections last year, the results have some party leaders dreaming big.

How big? A new post-election analysis from the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, which supports Democratic candidates in statehouse races, argues that the current electoral climate presents the best chance in years for Democrats to consolidate power in blue states, flip battleground chambers, and loosen Republicans’ grip on power in solidly red states like South Carolina and Missouri.

“This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to fundamentally transform legislative power.”

By the group’s calculations, Democratic candidates over-performed the partisan leaning of their districts this fall by an average of 4.5 points—a shift that would put as many as 651 state legislative seats in play across the country in a midterm election year, and position the party for a bit of long-awaited payback.

“This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to fundamentally transform legislative power,” said DLCC president Heather Williams. While the November results have many Democrats talking enthusiastically about a repeat of the 2018 blue wave, Williams goes back further: “We are looking at the makings of an environment that looks more like 2010 in reverse.”

That year, powered by fallout from the Great Recession and the tea party wave, and assisted by tens of millions of dollars in spending down the stretch, Republicans picked up nearly 700 seats and flipped 22 state legislative chambers. Because those legislatures would go on to control the decennial redistricting process, Republicans were able to not just seize power, but hold onto it for a decade—or longer. The stakes for redistricting this time around are not as clear-cut, but still very much real. For the time being, thanks to Texas’ decision to redraw its maps at President Donald Trump’s request, and California’s own retaliatory effort, every legislative session is a potential redistricting session. In response to Republican efforts earlier this year, the DLCC pushed for Democrats to “go on offense” on redistricting in states they control.

“At the end of the day, it is state legislators who are drawing these maps,” Williams says. “This mid-cycle process has both put a spotlight on that, but it’s also sort of clarified the fact that the way that you prevent this from happening in the future—or the way that you get Democrats in this room to have this conversation—is you elect them first.”

When I last spoke with Williams, in 2024, the DLCC’s map looked quite a bit different. That year, facing the same headwinds that doomed Democrats at all levels, the organization went into the fall hoping to flip five legislative chambers but ultimately picked up none and—with the exception of an unsuccessful effort to break a Republican supermajority in Kansas—largely confined its efforts to presidential battleground states.

This time around, it’s aiming to compete in 41 chambers in 27 states. That includes efforts to break Republican supermajorities in both chambers of the Florida and Missouri legislatures; the Iowa, Indiana, and Ohio, and South Carolina houses; and the North Carolina senate (where Republicans have been able to override some of Democratic Gov. Josh Stein’s vetoes). In November, Democrats already succeeded in breaking Republicans’ supermajority in the Mississippi Senate, after a court struck down the existing legislative maps for violating the Voting Rights Act. The goal, Williams says, is to get more state parties out of the “superminority” status and “into a place where you are at least in the negotiating room.”

“Democrats in the states lost a lot of ground in 2010 and in the couple of elections after that, and in that rebuild process, the map changed a lot,” Williams says. “What we are saying in this update to the target map—and frankly, our broader strategy—is that we must show up in these red states. When you think about the long term trajectory of Democrats and our success as a party, we need to recognize these moments of power, and these states where Republicans have been competing, and we need to show up for voters.”

But there are also a lot of chambers up for grabs. Part of what makes the map so encouraging for Democrats, Williams argues, is how thin the line currently is between conservative governance and Democratic rule.

“Flipping just 19 seats on this map could establish four new Democratic trifectas and six new Democratic majorities,” she said. “The path there is not complicated—it’s really crystal clear.”

The DLCC has its eyes on potential governing trifectas in Arizona, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and Wisconsin. And the group sees potential for new Democratic supermajorities in 10 chambers across eight states—both chambers of the legislature in Colorado and Vermont; the lower levels of the legislature in Delaware, Nevada, New Mexico, and Washington; and the senate in New York; Oregon; and Washington.

In at least one way, though, this will be nothing like the tea party wave. This year, the DLCC is aiming to spend $50 million on its national effort in 2026—which the group is billing as the its largest-ever single-year sum. When Republicans swept the table in 2010, the DLCC spent just $10 million.

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Trump’s Gilded White House Makeover Is All About Power

The second Trump administration has made tearing down parts of the federal government a priority. And some of those efforts have been literal. In October, President Donald Trump ordered the demolition of the White House’s East Wing to make way for the construction of a massive 90,000-square-foot ballroom. He’s also given the White House a gilded makeover, bulldozed the famed Rose Garden, and even has plans for a so-called “Arc de Trump” that mirrors France’s Arc de Triomphe.

So what’s behind all of this? Art historian Erin Thompson—author of Smashing Statues: The Rise and Fall of America’s Public Monuments_—_says that whether it’s Romans repurposing idols of leaders who had fallen out of favor or the glorification of Civil War officers in the American South, monuments and public aesthetics aren’t just about the past. They’re about symbolizing power today.

“The aesthetic is a way to make the political physically present,” Thompson says. “It’s a way to make it seem like things are changing and like Trump is keeping his promises when he’s actually not.”On this week’s More To The Story, Thompson sits down with host Al Letson to discuss why Trump has decked out the White House in gold (so much gold), the rise and recent fall of Confederate monuments, and whether she thinks the Arc de Trump will ever get built.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

This following interview was edited for length and clarity. More To The Story transcripts are produced by a third-party transcription service and may contain errors.

Al Letson: What is an art crime professor?

Erin Thompson: Well, someone who’s gone to way too much school. I have a PhD in art history, and was finishing that up and thought, “Oh, I’m never going to get a job as an art historian. I should go to law school,” which I did, and ended up back in academia studying all of the intersections between art and crime. So I studied museum security, forgery, fraud, repatriations of stolen artwork. I could teach you how to steal a masterpiece, but then I would have to catch you.

So is it fair to say that The Thomas Crown Affair is one of your favorite movies?

No. Least favorite, opposite-

Really?

… because they make it seem like it’s a big deal to steal things from a museum, but it’s really, really easy to steal things from museums, as the Louvre heist just proved.

I was just about to say, I think the thieves at the Louvre would agree with you.

It’s hard to get away with stealing things from museums, which is why they got arrested immediately.

So how did you move from studying museum pieces and art crime into monuments?

Well, so my PhD is in ancient Greek and Roman arts, and when monuments began being protested in the summer of 2020 after the murder of George Floyd, people were commenting online, “Civilized people don’t take down monuments. This is horrible.” And I was thinking, “Well, studying the ancient world, everything that I study has been at one point torn down and thrown into a pit and then buried for thousands of years.” Actually, as humans, this is what we do. We make monuments and then we tear them down as soon as we decide we want to honor somebody else. So I thought I could maybe add some perspective. And then having my skills in researching fraud, I started to realize that so many of the most controversial monuments in the U.S. were essentially fundraising scams where a bunch of money was embezzled from people who wanted to support racism, essentially, by putting up giant monuments to white supremacy. So I thought, maybe that’s some interesting information for our current debates.

They got got, as they should.

Yeah. Yeah, yeah.

As somebody who grew up in the South, I would just say as a young Black man growing up in the shadow of these monuments, watching them go down felt like finally, finally this country was recognizing me in some small way. And I was completely unsurprised at the uproar from a lot of people who wanted to keep these monuments up. But when you dig into why these monuments were placed down, a lot of them were done just … Especially when we’re talking about Civil War monuments in the South and in other places, they were primarily put there to silence or to intimidate the Black population in a said area.

Yeah, I call them victory monuments. They’re not about the defeat of the Confederates, they’re about the victory of Jim Crow and other means of reclaiming political and economic power for the white population of the South.

Yeah. And so talk to me a little bit about the monuments themselves and how a lot of those were scams. I had never heard of that before.

So for example, just outside of Atlanta in Stone Mountain, Georgia is the world’s largest Confederate monument, a gigantic carving into the side of a cliff of Lee and Jackson and Jefferson Davis. And that was launched in 1914 by a sculptor, Gutzon Borglum, working with the United Daughters of the Confederacy. The Klan enthusiastically embraced the project. They stacked the board. They took a bunch of the donations. Essentially, no progress was made for years and years and years until the 1950s when as a sign of resistance to Brown v. Board, the state of Georgia took over the monument and finally finished it. So it wasn’t finished until the 1970s. And to me, the makers said it should be a shrine to the South. It’s more like a shrine to a scam.

The Klan leaders who led the project even fired Borglum at a certain point because they thought he was taking too much money. But he landed on his feet because he persuaded some Dakota businessmen to sponsor him to carve what turned into Mount Rushmore. So he defected from glorifying the Confederacy to carve a monument to the Union. So he didn’t really care about the glory of the Confederacy, he just wanted to make some money.

So in the United States, how have monuments historically been funded?

Well, the American government, both state and federal has always been a bit of a cheapskate when it comes to putting up public art. So most monuments that we see were actually privately fundraised, planned, and then donated to local governments. So they’re not really public art. They were put up by small groups for reasons. If you look, for example, at the Confederate monument that used to be in Birmingham, Alabama, this is a little weird that Birmingham had a Confederate monument in the first place because they were founded as a city well after the close of the Civil War. And the monument went up in two parts, both of which were in response to interracial unionization efforts. So the leaders, the owners and managers of the mines, when the miners were threatening to strike said, “No, no, no, no, no, no. We need to remind our white workers that they have to keep maintaining the segregation that their fathers or grandfathers fought for, so let’s put up this Civil War Monument.”

So monuments don’t tell you very detailed versions of history, but also even thinking about history is kind of leading you on the wrong track when you look at, well, who is actually paying for these monuments top people put up and what did they actually want from them?

So tell me, just pulling back a little bit, what’s the relationship between monuments and society?

Monuments are our visions of the future. We put up a monument when we want people to aspire to that condition. We put up monuments to honor people to inspire people to follow their examples. So that sounds good and cheerful, right? It’s nothing wrong with having models and aspirations, but you have to think about, well, monuments are expensive. So who has the money to pay for them? Who has the political power to put them in place permanently? And you’ll often see that monuments are used to try and shape a community into a different form than it currently has. I live in New York City, for example, and almost all of the monuments put up until the last few decades are of white men. And what kind of message does that send to this incredibly diverse community of who deserves honor?

And you said earlier that throughout time we have erected monuments and taken them down. Can you talk that cycle through with me?

Yeah. Well, take the Romans, for example. Roman emperors would win a victory at war and put up a big victory monument, a triumphal arch or portraits of themselves. And then after the emperor died, the Senate would vote and decide, was this a good one or a bad one? Do we want to decide officially that they have become a deity and are to be honored forever, or do we want to forget their memory? And it was about a third, a third, a third. A third was no vote, a third were deities, a third were their memories were subjected to what we call damnatio memoriae. And if that happened to you, they would chisel the face off your statues and carve on your successor. The Romans were thrifty that way. They reused sculptures-

Wow. So they recycled.

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

Wow.

Or they would break things up or melt it down and make it into a new statue. So this was a pretty common strategy of, just like we do it in a much more peaceable form, when a new president is elected, you take down the photo of the current president from the post office and put up the successor, etc, etc. So in the ancient world they had a more intense version of this, but you can think about the tearing down of statues of Saddam after his fall or the removal of statues of Lenin across the Soviet satellite states. This is something that we do when there are changes in power, and usually we don’t notice it because it’s more peaceful. There’s an official removal of the signs of the previous regime and a substitution with the others.
So what was special and different about the summer of 2020 was the change came from below. It was unofficial. We mostly saw people not tearing down monuments with their bare hands, that’s obviously hard to do, but modifying monuments by adding paints, signage, projections, etc.

And that’s exactly like what you looked at in Smashing Statues is the shift that, to me, in a lot of ways had been a long time coming. There had been movements here and there that were kind of under the radar for most people. But then after George Floyd, it’s like it got an injection of adrenaline, and suddenly all over the country you start seeing this stuff happening.

Yeah, and I think people lost patience. What wasn’t obvious to a lot of observers was that changing a monument or even questioning a monument is illegal in most of the U.S., or there’s just no process to do so. So I interviewed for the book Mike Forcia, an indigenous activist in Minnesota, and he had been trying for his entire adult life to get the state legislator to ask why is there a statue of Columbus in one of the cities with the largest concentrations of an urban indigenous population in the world? And all of his petitions were just thrown away. So he eventually had to commit civil disobedience, I would describe it, by pulling down the statue. There’s no other way to have that conversation.

Let me ask you, just to go back a little bit, how do these monuments shape and perceive history? Because you saying that this is what we’ve always done and the Romans would switch out faces and statues, that’s totally new to me. And so as somebody who grew up with Confederate statues around or Confederate names always around, I think it’s shaped the way I view the world. And also as they were coming down, not knowing that in the long arc of history that this is what we always do, it challenged the perceptions, I think of a lot of people.

Monuments are inherently simple. You can’t tell a full historical story in a couple figures in bronze. So I think they communicate very simple messages of this is the type of person that we honor. And they speak directly to our lizard brain, the part of us that sees something, “Oh, something big and shiny and higher than me is something worthy of respect.” So you can’t tell them a nuanced story in a monument, and that is used as a strength. I also think it’s a strength that they become boring. They fade into the background of our lived landscape, and then we don’t question their messages if we just think of the monument as something, oh, we’re going to tell each other, “Meet at the foot of this guy for our ultimate Frisbee game,” or something. So it is these moments of disruption that let us think, “This is supposed to stand for who we are as a people. Do we really want that guy up on the horse telling us who we are?”

In the aftermath of George Floyd’s death and these statues and monuments are coming down or they’re being defaced, my little sister lives in Richmond, Virginia and I went to visit her. And I’ve been to Richmond several times. And I think I’d seen pictures of the monuments in Richmond being graffiti on them, but I had not seen them in real life up close. And it was kind of stunning to me. Also, what was stunning about it, because in Richmond, if you’ve never been to Richmond, Richmond has like this … I don’t know what street it is, but this long row-

Monument Avenue.

Monument Avenue, thank you. Has Monument Avenue with all of these different monuments. After George Floyd, they were spray painted, and people were gathering around these monuments in a way that I’d never seen before.

I think those monuments went up to create a certain type of community. Monument Avenue was designed as a wealthy neighborhood, and how do you prevent the quote, unquote, “wrong type of people” from moving into your nice neighborhood? Well, put up some nice monuments celebrating Civil War generals. So it’s not-

You tell them they’re not welcome.

Yeah, exactly. So it’s a community created by exclusion, is what these monuments were put up for. And we actually see that again and again. In Charlottesville as well, the sculpture of Robert E. Lee that was recently melted down was put up to mark the exclusion of people from a neighborhood that had formerly been a neighborhood of Black housing and businesses, which they were condemned by eminent domain and turned into a cultural and park space that was intended to be whites only in the 1920s. So monuments are a powerful course for creating community. But you’re absolutely right that the removal can be a powerful force for creating community as well. And what saddens me is if you go to Richmond today, some of the bases of those monuments are still there. The Civil War monuments have been removed from Monument Avenue, but all of the graffiti has been scrubbed off. There’s no more people gathering there. It looks just like a traffic median again. And that’s true of almost everywhere in the U.S. The authorities are always a bit nervous about this type of spontaneous use of public space, I would say.

Yeah. Listeners to this podcast have heard me say this 101 times because it’s my thing, but I just believe that America is a pendulum, that it swings hard one way and then it comes right back and swings the other way. Which means that in the long-term, America sees progress in inches, but the swings are where you can see exactly where the country is right now. And so I think if we look at what happened after George Floyd died, that was a hard swing the other way. I’m curious if what we see right now coming from the Trump administration, and not just like in military, he’s reverting the names or changing the names of military bases back to people whose names have been taken off these military bases, all of that type of stuff, but also he’s planning to put an Arc de Trump in D.C., the East Wing Ballroom, all of that stuff, do you feel like that is the opposite swing of what we saw during George Floyd’s death?

Oh, yeah. And even literally, recently the Trump administration said that they were going to reverse removal of statues. So they re-erected a Confederate general statute in D.C., and they’ve said that they’re going to put up the Arlington Confederate Monument, which would cost millions and millions and millions of dollars to put up. So we will see if that actually happens. But just declaring that you’re going to do it is enough of a propaganda victory, I think, in this situation.

Right.

It might seem silly or not worthy of attention to look into the Trump administration’s aesthetic decisions, all of the gold ornamentations smeared all over the Oval Office and ballrooms and Arc de Trumps, and etc, but the aesthetic is a way to make the political physically present. It’s a way to rally people’s energies. It’s a way to make it seem like things are changing and like Trump is keeping his promises when he’s actually not. I think he hasn’t really changed Washington in the way that he’s told his base he’s going to change. The elite are still in control of political power and wealth, but he is literally changing the White House by tearing part of it down. And you can channel people’s attention into rooting for that type of change instead of actual change.

And the style choices that he’s making are very congruent with his political message, in that he’s appealing to a vision of the past, which is greater than the present. But in both his political message and his aesthetic style, this vision of the past, you can’t pinpoint it. It’s not an actual time. It’s a fuzzy, hand-wavy, things were prettier and nicer than. And so you can’t fact-check that type of vision. You can’t see if we’ve actually gotten closer to it. And so putting up a gilded tchotchke counts as progress towards that, and he can claim the credit, which he’s happy to do.

Yeah. And I think that’s intentional, because if you can’t land on the specific time period, you can’t be held accountable for how that time period played out for the disenfranchised.

Or for the powerful of that time period.

Right. Right, exactly.

Appealing to making the White House look like Versailles. We all know what happened to the French kings, but apparently we’re not paying much attention. And there’s another current right tendency to appeal to the glory of Caesar. Everybody wants to be like Julius Caesar when that’s really not a good life choice, if you want to end up like him.

I think the other thing when I think about Trump’s aesthetic, so I grew up in the South but I am originally from New Jersey, and I remember Trump when I was really young, primarily because my dad was from Pleasantville, New Jersey, which is right outside of Atlantic City. And so there were conversations that I didn’t understand as a kid, and Trump was a part of those because he had his casinos and all of that type of stuff. And I just remember being a little kid and seeing a commercial for, I guess either it was Trump’s properties or it was a casino or whatever. And I just remember looking at it on the TV and seeing gold everywhere. That was his thing, gold. And the older I get, the more I realize that the way Trump sees gold and all the fittings that he has around, really is like him surrounding himself what he perceives of as wealth, and what people who don’t have wealth perceive of as wealth.

But the actual uber-rich, usually from what I’ve seen, do not decorate their houses in all gold, do not flaunt. Their wealth is present but quiet, whereas Trump’s wealth is present but loud. And that speaks to a lot of people who do not have the wealth. And in a sense, him putting gold around the White House is a secret, in my opinion, aspirational message to poor folks who do not have that, “One day you can have.” I don’t know, it’s just like a theory that I’ve been cooking in my head since I was a little kid.

I think absolutely. We have the proverb, “All that glitters is not gold” because people keep needing to be reminded. And yeah, again, in our primitive lizard brains, we think shiny equals good and I want that, and we don’t look below the surface. And I think that Trump’s focus on glitzing up the White House, on making these new constructions now in his second term is not accidental, because you often see populist leaders focusing on aesthetic projects towards the end of their political life. In Hitler’s last days in the bunker, he was still pouring over models for a museum that he was building in his hometown of Linz, in which he was planning to put all of the masterpieces seized from victims of the Holocaust from other museums across Europe. It was going to have 22 miles of galleries, all stuffed full of the artistic wealth of the world.

And I think there’s a comfort in this idea. Like, if I make something spectacular and beautiful enough, all of the cruelty that went into making it will be justified. I will be forgiven. So when I’m feeling depressed about the world, I think maybe this focus on the gold now is such an obsession because he recognizes that he’s on his way out.

What does it mean to a society that some of the tech leaders are now turning their attention towards building statues? You were just talking about how leaders when they’re beginning their twilight are … I guess they’re thinking about their legacy, and so they’re putting up these monuments and doing other things. But what does it mean for us when we have these tech bros that are doing it now?

Well, we’ve always seen this. Think about the Pantheon in Rome, that big circular temple. Across the front of it, you can still see the shapes of the letters that it used to have that was erected not by an emperor, but by a wealthy Roman who was doing so in service of the imperial cause. So big donors making big, splashy public projects have always been realizing that this is a good way to get in with the regime to shape things, to get loyalty from the public to their point of view as well. So today you look at people’s reactions to Elon Musk is very similar, I think to what you were talking about, the idea of, “I can also have this splashy level of wealth maybe someday, so I will follow somebody who I could see as a model of getting wealth, rather than someone who is actually going to do anything that’s actually good for me.”

Do you think that the Arc de Trump will ever be built?

That’s the thing about these Trumpian aesthetic actions, you can just put out the promise, you can release a picture of the renderings and claim victory, even though you haven’t actually done anything. I very much doubt that this arch is going to go up for a huge variety of reasons, but if it would go up, I don’t understand how it can be justified to spend that much money. When on the one hand you’re saying we are trying to cut government expenditure, there’s no justification for having tens of millions probably going on an arch to yourself.

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Disabled Voters Are Challenging South Carolina’s Draconian Ballot Laws

Three South Carolina voters with disabilities, represented by the NAACP, filed a lawsuit on Friday against the state’s election commission and Republican attorney general Alan Wilson to challenge rules that limit how disabled voters can receive voting assistance, and who is eligible.

South Carolina only allows voters “who are unable to read or write or who are physically unable or incapacitated from preparing a ballot” to receive ballot assistance, limiting that assistance to an immediate family member or “authorized representative”—and imposes felony penalties on any individual who helps more than five voters by either requesting or returning an absentee ballot.

The three voters challenging the law currently live in nursing homes, where many residents rely on staff members they trust to help them vote.

They contend that South Carolina’s draconian voting restrictions violate Section 208 of the Voting Rights Act, which commits to protecting the right for “any voter who requires assistance to vote by reason of blindness, disability, or inability to read or write” to receive such assistance from a person they choose.

The Voting Rights Act has come under consistent attack by GOP-governed states, particularly in the wake of Republican upset losses and near-losses; those attacks have largely been upheld by the Supreme Court under the leadership of Chief Justice John Roberts, which has gutted some of the act’s crucial provisions and opened the door for an unprecedented wave of anti-voter state statutes.

The new suit calls for the court to permanently block South Carolina from enforcing these limits and order the state’s election commission to oversee the revision of voter guidance to comply with the VRA.

The South Carolina attorney general’s office did not respond to a request for comment; the state’s election commission said that it does not comment “on active legal matters.”

As my colleague Julia Métraux wrote last year, polling stations are failing disabled and chronically ill voters in both Democratic- and Republican-leaning areas: “What may be accessible to some disabled people may not be for others. That’s why it’s crucial to move towards more accessible options.”

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Mother Jones

The Supreme Court Ponders Giving Billionaires Even More Power Over Elections

The Supreme Court heard oral arguments on Tuesday in a case that could unravel the final remaining limits on the ultra-rich writing unlimited checks to their preferred federal candidates, opening the door even wider to political corruption. The liberal justices were clearly opposed to further weakening campaign finance rules, a path long-favored by the court’s Republican wing and that the Democratic-appointed judges have been dragged down kicking and screaming. Today’s oral arguments were no exception. If the court’s majority is going to make it even easier for the Elon Musks of the world to buy elections and reap the rewards, the dissenters will at least call it out.

Every few years, the GOP majority pushes us closer and closer to a system of election by oligarchs.

The Federal Election Campaign Act limits how much money individuals can give to federal candidates in hopes of limiting quid pro quo corruption—deals like, for example, I give you a million dollars and you give me a subsidy. Likewise, FECA limits the amount that parties can spend in coordination with a candidate, an acknowledgement that unlimited coordinated spending would effectively greenlight large donations to the candidate from a single source. For this reason—despite the court’s steady erosion of campaign finance law—for now unlimited donations must go to vehicles like super PACs, which are technically barred from coordinating with candidates, while donations to parties and candidates remain subject to Congressionally-set limits.

In 2022, the Republican Party arms that work to elect Senate and House members, the National Republican Senatorial Committee and the National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, alongside then-Senate candidate JD Vance and another Ohio Republican candidate, challenged these coordinated spending limits as a violation of the party’s First Amendment free speech rights.

The case is a partisan brawl. The Republican litigants are opposed by Democratic committees seeking to keep the limits in place. Republicans have recently relied more heavily on the unlimited spending of super PACs; a decision in their favor would allow the party to bring that massive but uncoordinated super PAC spending in-house and let donors write large (but still limited) checks to the parties to spend in open coordination with GOP candidates.

Elon Musk, for example, used his own PAC in 2024 to funnel upwards of $300 million to Republican candidates, mostly Donald Trump. In return, he got to spend months dismantling the federal government, investigations against his companies were dropped, and new contracts wereawarded. If Republicans win the case, next time, Musk could donate some of that directly to the GOP to spend in direct consultation with Musk’s preferred candidates.

During oral arguments, attorney Noel Francisco, a former solicitor general during Trump’s first term, argued on behalf of the Republicans that eliminating the coordination limits would not increase the actuality or appearance of quid pro quo corruption, claiming no such corruption has ever occurred. Justice Sonia Sotomayor indignantly schooled him on the relevant history.

“You keep saying there’s no evidence of this kind of coordination resulting in a quid pro quo or the appearance thereof,” Sotomayor told Francisco. “But the whole campaign finance law is based on just such evidence… The dairy industry channeled millions of dollars to President Nixon through the Republican Party and its committees. The industry landed a $100 million subsidy from President Nixon in return. Was there a quid pro quo? There certainly was an appearance of quid pro quo. That’s what started the entire campaign finance reform legislation.”

“If there’s not direct evidence, it’s because our umbrella is working,” Sotomayor continued, referring to a famous dissent by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in which she analogized striking down a law that works to block bad behavior to “throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.”

A few minutes later, Sotomayor noted the gobs of money that Trump and President Joe Biden both raised in 2024 through committees jointly run with the parties. When Francisco responded that this enormous fundraising didn’t lead to any—or even the appearance of—quid pro quo corruption, Sotomayor brought up an obvious rejoinder from that election: Musk.

The best argument the Republicans’ lawyer had was to pretend he didn’t understand the question.

“You mean to suggest the fact that one major donor to the current president, the most major donor to the current president, got a very lucrative job immediately upon election from the new administration does not give the appearance with pro quo?” she pressed.

Francisco feigned ignorance. “Your Honor, I’m not 100 percent sure about the example that you’re looking at, but if I am familiar, if I think I know what you’re talking about, I have a hard time thinking that his salary that he drew from the federal government was an effective quid pro quo bribery,” Francisco said with a chuckle. “Maybe not the salary, but certainly the lucrative contracts,” Sotomayor responded.

It was a striking moment. It appeared that the best argument that a talented lawyer had in the face of clear evidence of corruption was to pretend he didn’t understand the question. This refusal to see what is apparent will be likely resurface if the conservative justices decide to jettison yet more restrictions on billionaires influencing elections—even as it stares them in the face.

While the case was technically over the First Amendment and the definition of speech, there was very little talk about that. Instead, several GOP appointees voiced concerns that political parties have been weakened thanks to the rise of super PACs, and that allowing unlimited coordinated spending by parties would restore the parties’ power by encouraging donors to send their money there. Francisco embraced the argument. But it is obvious why this reasoning was maddening to the liberals.

First, that’s not a First Amendment determination, but a policy preference, and pushing one through is not what the court is supposed to do—though that isn’t likely to stop the GOP-appointed majority. Second, the only reason super PACs have so much money is that the Supreme Court lifted outside contribution limits, first in 2010’s Citizens United and, again, in a 2014 case called McCutcheon. Francisco’s argument that the court needs to unravel yet more of Congress’ rules because its meddling has already messed things up is not a strong one. It’s a bait and switch: Now that you gave us what we wanted, you actually have to give us more of what we want.

Indeed, Francisco acknowledged that if his GOP clients win and the limits are lifted, they will soon be back before the court asking for even more. And this time, the logic of any restrictions on campaign donations will be in Constitutional jeopardy.

Attorney Roman Martinez, whom the court appointed to defend the limits because the Trump administration declined to do so, called out that risk, and how this case would cascade into a total erosion of campaign finance law. “This wolf comes as a wolf,” he said, quoting a 1988 dissent by the late Antonin Scalia that is beloved by conservatives.

Francisco, Martinez said, “has basically told you that they’re going to keep litigating to knock down every single one of the restrictions, and that includes the limits on donors to candidates directly.” Martinez continued to lay out this dark future: “It’s going to leave the donor with the ability to give infinite money to the party… and then the party can make unlimited coordinated expenditures—which, by the way, aren’t just about speech. It’s paying the electric bill, it’s paying the florist bill, it’s paying the pizza bill. It’s any expense that the campaign wants.”

The Republican majority has a history of aiding the GOP, and this case may become just the next example. But several of the conservative justices were mostly mum on Tuesday, leaving the outcome a little unclear. It’s possible the court could, to avoid the appearance of another win for Republicans ahead of the midterms, dismiss the case on the grounds that the plaintiffs lacked standing. But if the court continues as it has, both in its support for the GOP and its ultra-wealthy benefactors, then they will likely make it easier for the two to work together.

We started down this road with Citizens United, and every few years since, the court’s GOP majority has pushed us closer and closer to a system of election by oligarchs. The rich do not spend billions of dollars on elections out of the goodness of their hearts, but because presidents and representatives will return the favor. We’ve already seen it happen this year. We’re getting pretty close to where this road ends. Whether or not this case takes us another mile toward an oligarchic free-for-all, we’re already in the bad place.

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Mother Jones

The Story Behind the “Misconduct” Allegations Against RFK Jr.

A version of the below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

The saga of Olivia Nuzzi consuming the polimedia-sphere has prompted me to think about my own journalistic failing regarding Robert F. Kennedy Jr. No, I didn’t become smitten by RFK Jr. while covering the anti-vaxxer and conspiracy theory–spewing oddball. Nor did I not report what I knew about him during the confirmation process that landed this deceitful promoter of disinformation and fake science in a position to oversee our public health system. But at a critical time, I did not succeed in drawing attention to an important story about Kennedy. And that haunts me.

Allow me, dear reader, to explain.

While I was chasing several stories about Kennedy after Donald Trump tapped him to head the Department of Health and Human Services (see here and here), a source who was once close to Kennedy told me that the scion had at least twice settled cases brought against him by women who claimed he had engaged in misconduct. In one of these instances, this source said, Gloria Allred, the famous attorney, supposedly represented the woman.

When covering famous people, it is not uncommon to encounter gossip and tips about bad personal behavior, and this was not a surprising lead. A babysitter who had once worked for Kennedy had accused him of sexual assault. Her allegation had appeared in a Vanity Fair article. In a subsequent text to her, Kennedy said, “I read your description of an episode in which I touched you in an unwanted manner. I have no memory of this incident but I apologize sincerely for anything I ever did that made you feel uncomfortable or anything I did or said that offended you or hurt your feelings. I never intended you any harm. If I hurt you, it was inadvertent. I feel badly for doing so.” That was not a denial.

I contacted Allred by email and asked if she had handled such a case. I noted that we could talk off the record, if she preferred. Her reply was short: “Sorry. No comment.” I tried her again. Silence.

I pursued other avenues and reached out to Kennedy intimates who might have been in a position to know of any settlements. I found no one with first-hand knowledge, and one person who would likely have been aware of such an arrangement did not respond to my many calls, texts, and emails.

“I have no other comment unless I receive a subpoena, and even then I would have to consider what I would say,” Allred replied.

While doing this, I came across an article published in the Daily Mail a few months previously in which Allred said of Trump’s Cabinet appointees, “I think all nominees should be asked, ‘Have you entered into any confidential settlement with a person who accused you of sexually inappropriate behavior? And if so, will you agree to release the person with whom you settled from the non-disclosure clause from which he or she agreed?’” Coincidence? Or did she know something specific?

As Kennedy’s confirmation hearings were beginning, I pestered Allred again, emailing her that I had just read an “interesting article” and linking to the Daily Mail piece with her highly relevant comment. This did not change her stance. She replied, “I stand by my quote in the Daily Mail article. I believe that all cabinet nominees should be asked if they have entered into settlements with women (or men) who have made allegations against the nominee involving inappropriate sexual conduct. I have no other comment unless I receive a subpoena, and even then I would have to consider what I would say.” Did that mean she had something to say? Or was this merely legal boilerplate?

As I continued to investigate, I contacted members of the two Senate committees holding hearings on Kennedy’s appointment, as well as their staffers, and I asked if they were aware of any such cases or settlements. Had anything come up during their research and preparation for the hearings? No one had any concrete information.

After the first of the two hearings, which was conducted by the Senate Finance Committee, Democrats on the panel sent Kennedy a list of written questions. It included these queries:

Yes or no, have you ever reached a settlement agreement with an individual or organization that accused you of misconduct or inappropriate behavior?

Yes or no, have you ever agreed to or been subject to a non-disclosure agreement with any individual or organization?

The following day, during the hearing held by the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) raised the issue of personal misconduct with Kennedy. She referred to the former babysitter’s allegation. Kennedy denied the accusation, contradicting his response to the babysitter. Murray then asked, “Are there any other instances where you have made sexual advances toward an individual without their consent?” Kennedy replied, “No.”

As to the queries about reaching a settlement following an allegation of misconduct or inappropriate behavior and being a party to a non-disclosure agreement, Kennedy answered in each case with one word: “Yes.”

Murray did not question him about any other allegations or settlements. I bugged Allred again and asked what she thought of this exchange. Her answer was terse: “That was not the question I suggested should be asked of a cabinet nominee.”

With the hearings now behind him, Kennedy replied to the long list of written questions the senators had submitted. As to the queries about reaching a settlement following an allegation of misconduct or inappropriate behavior and being a party to a non-disclosure agreement, he answered in each case with one word: “Yes.” He supplied no further explanation. The tip had been accurate.

I contacted Kennedy and asked, “Will you disclose what those agreements were? What was the misconduct? Who were the individuals or organizations that accused you? Did this involve women who accused you of personal misconduct? Will you release anyone who has an NDA with you related to any of those settlements from that NDA?” He did not respond. But Katie Miller, the wife of Stephen Miller and MAGA advocate who was then serving as a spokesperson for Kennedy, shot back: “As a matter of policy, we don’t respond to Mother Jones.”

I thought Kennedy’s acknowledgment of these settlements—and his reluctance to explain further—was a story that warranted widespread notice. But no Democratic senator raised a fuss. Once again, I reached out to Allred. Crickets.

The senators did follow up with another written question they sent to Kennedy:

Please describe the nature of the financial settlements (including total amounts) and non-disclosure agreements reached and what these agreements involved. Please also indicate how many of these settlements and non-disclosure agreements you have signed.

RFK Jr. replied:

Twice, I have been targeted by frivolous, unfounded allegations, which I strenuously denied at the time and continue to deny. I entered into confidentiality and non-disclosure agreements to prohibit these individuals from continuing to make these allegations.

This was not a full answer. The Senate Democrats had asked for the total amounts of the settlements, and Kennedy did not provide that information. Nor did this response indicate what “misconduct or inappropriate behavior” had been alleged. He was not being forthcoming.

Once more, I returned to Allred and asked if one of these cases did indeed involve a client of hers, would that client care to challenge Kennedy’s characterization. Allred replied, “I have not stated that I have a client in this matter, but if I did have one the client would be informed about all of your requests and questions.”

What was most surprising was that Senate Democrats dropped the matter.

It was clear: If Allred represented such a client, that woman had no interest in saying anything. Hardly a surprising circumstance. One could easily imagine the assault that would befall a person who might violate an NDA and come forward with allegations about Kennedy. Possibly my original source had been wrong about the Allred connection. Allred never confirmed to me that she had such a client. But if I had to guess…

And that was it.

What was most surprising was that Senate Democrats dropped the matter. After Kennedy refused to provide details about these cases of alleged misconduct, there were no further efforts to press him for more information. No press conferences with senators complaining that he was stonewalling them. He was off the hook. Perhaps he had been unfairly accused. Perhaps he had done something horrible. Kennedy would keep the public—and the senators who had to vote on whether to allow him to take this position of great responsibility—in the dark.

I wrote about all this (here and here), but Kennedy’s acknowledgement of these settlements received little attention elsewhere in the media. It seemed that in the second Trump era, the possibility that RFK Jr. had engaged in misconduct or inappropriate conduct did not matter. After all, Fox News commentator Pete Hegseth had been credibly accused of sexual assault, alcohol abuse, and financial mismanagement, and he had won Senate confirmation to become secretary of defense. Such transgressions were apparently not disqualifiers in Trump 2.0. The Democrats appeared to have no appetite for demanding details about possible Kennedy misdeeds, and I did not unearth any further information on these episodes.

I failed to crack the case. Kennedy was confirmed and went on to implement calamitous policies at HHS, denigrating vaccines, pulling the plug on critical scientific and medical research, and increasing the nation’s (and the world’s) vulnerability to pandemics. If the specifics of his alleged misconduct had been revealed, might that have sunk his nomination and prevented the disaster he’s wreaking? We will never know.

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Mother Jones

As Federal Funding Lags, a Critical Ocean Weather System Nears a Breaking Point

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Years of underfunding and new delays in federal grantmaking threaten buoys and ocean monitoring assets run by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) that protect fishermen, cargo ships and endangered species across the country. With key grant deadlines now passed and new awards still pending, regional operators warn that some of those services could go dark at the peak of hurricane season.

In the Northeast Channel, where warm, salty Gulf Stream waters collide with frigid meltwater from the Arctic, sensors that hung from a buoy like ornaments on a tree were stationed at the entrance to the Gulf of Maine. The sensors fed scientists and forecasters rare data from one of the Atlantic’s strangest crossroads.

But in 2022, the buoy’s operator, the Northeast Regional Association of Coastal Ocean Observing Systems (NERACOOS), was forced to pull it from the water as stagnant federal funding made routine servicing impossible. Faced with hard choices, the group prioritized buoys closer to shore that are more critical for marine safety over the Northeast Channel buoy, which primarily supported research.

Unlike many NOAA programs, the Integrated Ocean Observing System (IOOS)—“the eyes of our ocean,” a network of regional associations that collect and track ocean data—enjoys bipartisan support in Congress. But year after year, federal appropriations have fallen short of what the program needs to properly service and maintain its buoys, sensors, gliders, and other equipment.

After the program was authorized by Congress in 2009, an independent study found that the program would need about $715 million to deliver on lawmakers’ vision. Since that study, the most the program has received is $42.5 million—a level it has effectively been stuck at for years.

That number was always ambitious and would require slow, steady growth, according to Kristen Yarincik, executive director of the IOOS Association, a nonprofit that represents the 11 regional IOOS associations. But flat funding in recent years, combined with inflation and rising equipment costs, has made routine servicing and upgrades increasingly difficult.

“If one of our buoys goes offline, I hear about it from fishermen [first]. What that tells me is that even a short outage really affects people.”

This year, federal appropriations may offer some relief, matching the IOSS Association’s $56 million request—but only if the money actually moves on time. IOOS regions operate on five-year cooperative agreements with NOAA; the current agreements, covering 2021–2026, end on June 30 for most regions.

IOOS sources say the next round of funding may be delayed by new layers of federal review within the Department of Commerce and the Office of Management and Budget. The situation is further complicated by the fact that Congress has not passed a full-year appropriations package, leaving agencies to operate under the president’s budget proposal, which zeroes out IOOS.

“It’s so important that Congress finalize a full-year appropriations package for 2026 as soon as possible,” said Rep. Chellie Pingree (D-Maine), a member of the House Committee on Appropriations. “Both the House and the Senate have proposed a funding increase for IOOS Regional Observations, and it’s my sincere hope that both chambers will push the administration to adopt these spending levels.”

Regional associations say they need to submit proposals by the end of January. Because Notice of Funding Opportunities (NOFOs) to federal contractors are legally required to stay open for about 60 days, they need to have been published by the end of November to avoid problems next summer, according to Yarincik. “After that, the timeline, and therefore continuity of data collection, becomes at risk,” she said.

As of early December, those NOFOs still have not been released. The question now is how long awards will be delayed, and how long a funding gap may persist come July.

Once proposals are submitted, NOAA must still review, negotiate, and approve awards—a process that has been slowing under new rules requiring the secretary of commerce, Howard Lutnick, to personally sign off on grants over $100,000.

“They are a ways behind on this,” said Jake Kritzer, executive director of NERACOOS. According to Kritzer and Yarincik, NOFOs are typically published a year before the start date, making this round more than six months late. If a funding gap arises because of the delay, it would only exacerbate problems IOOS regional associations are already struggling with.

A funding gap next summer could hit just as hurricane season reaches its height.

In the Northeast, buoys lobstermen and cargo ships rely on are starting to show their age, Kritzer said. “Think of it like a car,” he said. “It may last 10 or 20 years, but over time the maintenance becomes more and more expensive.” And replacing an old buoy requires even more money up front.

While the Gulf of Maine has lost a number of buoys, those that remain aren’t being serviced frequently enough. Buoys that should be serviced five times a year may see only a single visit, according to Kritzer. As sensors float at different depths, salt and biofouling buildup can degrade data quality, and sometimes the instruments go dark for hours or even days.

“If one of our buoys goes offline, I hear about it from fishermen before our data guys or sensor technicians,” Kritzer said. “What that tells me is that even a short outage really affects people.”

Fishermen use subsurface temperature data to find the most cost-effective places to fish and rely even more on IOOS data to decide whether it’s safe to leave the dock at all.

“Maine lobstermen monitor the buoy readings and NERACOOS data products daily to understand sea conditions, make informed decisions about when it is safe to leave the dock, and be prepared for the conditions they will face at sea,” the Maine Lobstermen’s Association (MLA) said in a statement. “It directly impacts their ability to determine whether or not it is safe to go fishing.”

The association also noted that NERACOOS data helps protect lobster populations and other sea life, including endangered whales, from human impacts. Sensors that monitor algal blooms and zooplankton help ensure lobsters have enough prey to feed on. Water-quality monitoring tracks pollution that can harm marine life. And acoustic monitoring systems help keep ships away from migrating whales.

Cargo ships depend on that same real-time wave and wind data to plan safe transit in and out of port, avoid dangerous seas, and reduce costly delays. “Congress and NOAA should continue to fund and efficiently administer the IOOS and other navigation programs for the safe and efficient operations of our maritime industry,” said a representative from the American Association of Port Authorities.

IOOS data supplements the National Weather Service’s own observation networks, sharpening coastal forecasts for local communities. The National Weather Service can still draw on its radars, satellites and other federal, military and private data, but IOOS-backed tide gauges and wave buoys help monitor flood risk and storm surge—data that allows emergency management to make more informed decisions.

IOOS officials warn that if regional systems go dark, many coastal forecasts would become less precise and less locally tuned.

But the work that allows lobstermen to empty their traps, cargo ships to safely reach port, and coastal communities to get accurate flood warnings depends on steady funding.

Supplementary funding sources can help keep IOOS regions afloat if a funding gap is realized, but IOOS leaders warn even a one- to two-month lapse in federal support could delay maintenance and force key services to go dark.

If that happens, Yarincik said, “the availability of real-time data and accuracy of data products will be reduced, at a minimum, and this will impact navigational safety for commercial shipping, fishermen and recreational boaters; local flood monitoring for coastal communities; and weather forecasting, especially for hurricane intensity forecasts.”

IOOS helps supply the water-temperature data forecasters use to gauge how intense hurricanes may become. A funding gap next summer could hit just as hurricane season reaches its height, leaving lives and entire coastal communities vulnerable.

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Mother Jones

SCOTUS’s GOP Justices Are About to Hand Trump Way More Power

Oral arguments at the Supreme Court on Monday over the president’s power to remove the commissioners of independent agencies left little doubt that its Republican-appointed justices are about to fundamentally reorder our system of government. They appear ready to eliminate most pockets of expertise and nonpartisanship that we rely on as stewards of important economic, political, scientific, and regulatory power.

They will do this, if this morning’s arguments are any indication, without grappling with the predictable and disastrous fallout, with the endpoint of their own logic, or the historical record to the contrary. Instead, the six Republican appointees appear ready to race headlong into a Trumpian future in which no agency or decision is beyond the reach of the precedent’s political cronies.

“You’re asking us to destroy the structure of government,” Justice Sonia Sotomayor observed Monday, “and to take away from Congress its ability to protect its idea that the government is better structured with some agencies that are independent.”

FTC Commissioner Rebecca Slaughter, a Trump and Biden appointee whose case is now before the court, sued after Trump fired her in March for not aligning with his agenda, despite his being prohibited from removing commissioners except for “inefficiency, neglect of duty or malfeasance in office.”

Slaughter’s case hearkens to the earliest days of the republic, when Congress first created independent agencies with limits on the president’s ability to remove the commissioners who run them. In their modern incarnation, beginning in the late 19th century, Congress has placed these agencies under the direction of a bipartisan group of commissioners who serve set, staggered terms and can only be removed for cause. The goal is to create expertise and independence, so that some of the government’s work is insulated from the abusive pull of political decision-making.

In 1935, a unanimous Supreme Court upheld the for-cause removal protections for independent agency commissioners in a ruling known as Humphrey’s Executor. But since taking office in January, Trump has removed the Democratic commissioners from several of these agencies, in violation of the Humphrey’s Executor precedent and multiple laws, seeking to eliminate their independence. He’s fired Democratic commissioners of the National Labor Relations Board, the Merit System Protection Board, the Consumer Product Safety Commission, and the FTC’s Slaughter.

It wasn’t a mystery where this case was headed. For years, the Roberts Court has sought to weaken and undermine Humphrey’s Executor, to reshape the federal government as a quasi-monarchical institution in which the president controls everything in the executive branch. This goal is intellectualized through the unitary executive theory, an invention of Ronald Reagan’s administration—in which Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito both served—to arrogate more power to the White House when Democrats had an unshakeable hold on Congress.

This is the whole problem in a nutshell: The majority does not really think it is bound by its own logic.

This year, the GOP wing of the court has been so eager to overturn Humphrey’s Executor that it actually couldn’t wait for the chance to issue a decision to render the precedent a nullity in practice. Thus, since Trump began firing Democratic commissioners, in January, the Supreme Court has repeatedly stepped in to allow those firings to take effect while the litigation over them proceeds, even though the firings clearly violated both the law and Humphrey’s Executor.

Despite the obvious direction this court was moving, it was still unsettling to hear six justices completely unwilling to acknowledge and wrestle with the consequences of overturning a 90-year-old precedent that acts as a pillar of the separation of powers that endeavors to protect key government functions from the corrosive effects of partisan politics.

Take this exchange between Justice Elena Kagan, Solicitor General John Sauer, and Alito. Kagan began by pressing Sauer on the logical consequences of his argument that all the executive power rests with the president, such that he must be able to remove anyone engaged in executive branch functions. What about courts set up by Congress—separate from federal courts under the federal judiciary—such as the Tax Court and the Court of Federal Claims? What about civil servants and government employees?

Sauer demurred that laws protecting civil servants and other employees haven’t been challenged—yet.

“I know you haven’t challenged it,” Kagan responded. “It’s really, the question is, ‘Where does this lead? What does it take you to, given what your primary rationale is?”

Then Alito piped up to suggest that maybe the court could just blow up our system of government without thinking through these pesky details.

“Suppose we were to decide this case in your favor without reaching some of the agencies that have been mentioned, like the Tax Court and the Claims Court and the Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces,” Alito asked Sauer. “What would you propose that we say so as to reserve decision on those agencies?” Sauer happily responded that the court could simply say that it was withholding judgement on them.

An exasperated Kagan jumped back in. “Our logic has consequences,” she said. “Once you use a particular kind of argument to justify one thing, you can’t turn your back on that kind of argument if it also justifies another thing in the exact same way. And so, putting a footnote in the opinion saying we don’t decide X, Y and Z, because it’s not before us, doesn’t do much good if the entire logic of the opinion drives you there.”

This is actually the whole problem in a nutshell. The majority does not really think it is bound by its own logic. Next month, the Court is going to decide whether Trump can remove a governor of the Federal Reserve Board, a removal that could spook the markets and have more immediate and disastrous economic consequences than his takeover of the FTC.

And so the court appears poised to allow the president to take over the agencies it wants to transform into political entities, and preserve the independence of the ones it wants to keep independent, and use words like “uniquely structured” and “distinct historical tradition” to pretend this isn’t a consequentialist, results-driven exercise in hackery. On the other hand, if the justices want to embrace the logic that civil service laws violate the president’s executive power, then it will continue in this vein until it has replaced all experts and meritorious hires with cronies and nepo babies.

Just as the Republican justices avoided this logical incongruity, they also avoided the consequences of reordering some of the government, from an arrangement in which experts, scientists, and bipartisan commissions control at least some sensitive and technical decision-making to one in which political favoritism and corruption rule. Jackson pushed that issue repeatedly at oral argument.

The entire oral argument was infused with contempt for Congress’ authority and democratic legitimacy.

“My understanding was that independent agencies exist because Congress has decided that some issues, some matters, some areas should be handled in this way by nonpartisan experts,” she said. “So having a president come in and fire all the scientists and the doctors and the economists and the PhDs, and replacing them with loyalists and people who don’t know anything, is actually not in the best interest of the citizens of the United States.”

Relatedly, Jackson continued, why should the president’s desire to control everything take precedence over Congress’ judgment that some functions should be run by independent agencies? “Given the history of the monarchy and the concerns that the Framers had about a president controlling everything,” she asked, why shouldn’t Congress’ judgment prevail?

Jackson returned repeatedly to the idea that Congress has the authority to create independent agencies, as well as to the idea that Congress oversees them. Justice Amy Coney Barrett portrayed independent agencies as “not answering to either the President or to Congress”; Justice Brett Kavanaugh called them “unaccountable” and worried that they cause “real-world problems for individual liberty,” though he didn’t name any. Sauer alleged a “power vacuum” in which independent agency commissioners exercise enormous control without answering to the president.

“I really don’t understand why the agencies aren’t answering to Congress,” Jackson said. “Congress established them and can eliminate them. Congress funds them and can stop. So to the extent that we’re concerned that there’s some sort of entity that is out of control and has no control, I guess I don’t understand that argument.”

Indeed, the entire oral argument was infused with contempt for Congress’ authority and democratic legitimacy. The Republican-appointees prefer to give the president unlimited power than to allow Congress to create the agencies it sees fit; and they see Congressional oversight not as part of its constitutional function but as a problem.

Finally, though the conservative justices have spent decades touting their originalist methodology—which seeks the answer to constitutional and statutory questions in historical analogues and the Constitution’s original public meaning—they almost completely ignored the actual history of independent agencies. Since the Roberts Court began to move rapidly toward the unitary executive theory, historians and legal scholars have gone back to the archives to see whether there’s actually historical evidence for eliminating independent agencies and giving the president unfettered removal power. It turns out there are lots of historical examples of independent agencies and restrictions on presidential removals going back to the Founding era—as multiple amicus briefs in this case laid out.

“Independent agencies have been around since the founding,” Sotomayor said. “The Sinking Fund, the War Commission—we’ve had independent agencies throughout our history. So this is not a modern contrivance.”

But the conservatives saw our status quo—in effect, in some form, for 250 years—as the real threat. Chief Justice Roberts, for example, worried that Congress might get power-hungry and decide to transform federal agencies like the Department of Education into independent agencies run by independent commissioners. That example is far-fetched at the moment: Congress created the department and now is sitting idly by as Trump unilaterally dismantles it. Nevertheless, this seemed a bigger worry for the conservative bloc than the actual, predictable consequences of letting Trump get his hands on every pocket of independence: further self-enrichment, retribution, chaos, and the other tragedies that stem from clowns running the circus.

This is what it looks like when Supreme Court justices are completely unburdened by history, the logical conclusions of their own reasoning, and the real-world consequences of their own actions. And we are all along for the ride.

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Alina Habba Will Stop Pretending to Be a Federal Prosecutor—for Now

Alina Habba has finally stepped down as New Jersey’s lead federal prosecutor after a three-month court challenge found her appointment without Senate confirmation illegal.

The US Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit concurred with a lower court ruling that Habba, formerly Trump’s personal attorney, was gifted the position of acting US attorney through a “novel”—and unlawful—“series of legal and personnel moves.”

Habba announced her resignation as acting US attorney for the District of New Jersey in a social media post Monday afternoon to “protect the stability and integrity of the office.” Habba, who helped defend Trump in his New York civil fraud case and defamation trials, has no experience as a prosecutor.

pic.twitter.com/wIhEvXXZoh

— Alina Habba (@AlinaHabba) December 8, 2025

“But do not mistake compliance for surrender,” Habba wrote, announcing that she would continue to serve the Department of Justice as Attorney General Pam Bondi’s “Senior Advisor” for US attorneys.

It remains uncertain who will head the New Jersey US attorney’s office following Habba’s resignation.

Despite the earlier federal ruling on her position, Habba remained in her post after Bondi deemed her “Special Attorney to the Attorney General,” a title the White House has used in other attempts to force through other prosecutorial appointments without Senate confirmation.

Bondi wrote on X that the Department of Justice would “seek further review” of the decision against Habba and that she was “confident” it would be reversed. Bondi complained that “politicized judges” were pausing trials to “countermand the President’s choice of attorneys.”

Habba was only the first of Trump’s US attorneys to be embroiled in a court battle over their appointment. Judges have stated that circumventing Senate confirmation by placing acting US attorneys—and obvious Trump devotees—in lead prosecutor positions was illegal.

Lindsey Halligan, the US attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, met the same fate last month. Halligan’s criminal cases against former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James were subsequently dismissed. In September and October, respectively, the US attorneys in Nevada and the Central District of California were also found to have been appointed illegally.

In a Monday statement posted on X about Halligan, Bondi and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche accused the judges of conducting an “unconscionable campaign of bias and hostility.”

Habba’s resignation may indicate that the Trump administration is nevertheless beginning to see such appointments as a losing battle.

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Mother of Karoline Leavitt’s Nephew Released From ICE Custody on Bond

Bruna Ferreira, the mother of White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt’s nephew, has been released from Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody after a US immigration judge on Monday ordered her release on a $1,500 bond.

Ferreira, who was born in Brazil and still faces possible deportation, was arrested on November 12 in Massachusetts on the way to pick up her 11-year-old son from school and was sent to South Louisiana ICE Processing Center.

The White House has since attempted to villainize Ferreira as an absentee mother and a “criminal illegal alien” despite the lack of public records showing any criminal convictions. Ferreira stated in an exclusive interview with the Washington Post on Sunday that these were “disgusting” lies; she told the Post that she had even chosen Leavitt to be her son’s godmother.

The Department of Homeland Security declined to respond to questions about whether Ferreira’s release signaled any changes in policy regarding bond releases for detained undocumented immigrants. (DHS, under the Trump administration, has typically opposed such releases.) Spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin instead replied, “The facts remain [Ferreira] has a previous arrest for battery.”

Ferreira emigrated from Brazil with her parents when she was about 6 years old. She obtained temporary protection from deportation and work authorization through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals immigration program. But as my colleague Isabela Dias wrote in November, DACA recipients, who were long promised a safety net, are now being targeted by the Trump administration for deportation.

Those attacks include detention and more insidious methods. As Isabela reports, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services now excludes DACA recipients from coverage through the Affordable Care Act’s marketplace, and in July, the Department of Education launched an investigation into five universities over scholarships for students with DACA status.

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Congress Moves to Ban Trans Women From Military Academy Sports

On Sunday, US lawmakers released the annual defense policy bill authorizing a record $901 billion in national defense spending in 2026. The bill was somehow $8 billion more than President Trump requested, and bans transgender women from competing in sports at military universities.

The 3,086-page bill states that the Secretary of Defense will ensure military academies do not permit a person “whose sex is male to participate in an athletic program or activity that is designated for women or girls.” The text codifies “sex” as “a person’s reproductive biology and genetics at birth.”

The bill has already been negotiated between Republicans and Democrats and is set to go to a House vote this week, likely leaving little room for significant changes.

But the new version does drop the ban on Defense Department funding on gender-affirming surgeries. Previous versions passed by both the House and the Senate incorporated the ban.

The House bill approved in September also prohibited gender transition services for family members through the Exceptional Family Member Program: “No gender transition procedures, including surgery or medication, may be provided to a minor dependent child through an EFMP.”

Last year’s National Defense Authorization Act restricted TRICARE, the health care program that provides civilian health benefits for US military personnel, their dependents, and retirees, from covering “certain medical procedures for children that could result in sterilization.”

The NDAA is must-pass legislation as it sets the defense budget and determines the policies it will apply to each year. NDAA laws from previous fiscal years thus have a knock-on effect, opening the door for lawmakers to flood the new bill with anti-trans provisions that would likely not pass on their own and force Democrats to block them while on limited time.

The House bill that was passed in September contains several anti-LGBT amendments in addition to the ban on “gender transition procedures” for servicemembers’ children. Many of Rep. Nancy Mace**‘s** (R-SC) proposed additions were adopted—including prohibiting coverage for “gender-related medical treatment,” defined to include puberty blockers, hormone therapy, and surgeries, as well as mental health care for transgender young people and requiring the use of single-sex facilities such as restrooms and locker rooms according to their “reproductive system.”

Every year’s NDAA will likely prompt discussions on what anti-transgender provisions could be forced through. As my colleagues Madison Pauly and Henry Carnell wroteinJanuary, President Donald Trump is restricting access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth. This has led institutions like the NCAA and government departments such as the Department of Veterans Affairs to bow to his orders. The NDAA is just one piece of this coordinated effort.

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The Problem with Palantir’s New Neurodivergent Fellowship

On Sunday, Palantir announced that the company, which counts Peter Thiel as its chairman, and is doing work for the United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement, will have a “Neurodivergent Fellowship.” The X post sharing this news noticeably did not have captions, making it inaccessible for some disabled people.

While cross-country skiing this morning, Dr. Karp decided to launch a new program: The Neurodivergent Fellowship.

If you find yourself relating to him in this video — unable to sit still, or thinking faster than you can speak — we encourage you to apply.

The final round of… pic.twitter.com/2Xdrc13uj5

— Palantir (@PalantirTech) December 7, 2025

Neurodivergent people face barriers when it comes to employment in all industries, due to biases about disability and failure to give adequate accommodations. Disabled people can also very much participate in technofascism and also lateral ableism of other disabled people—as I previously reported, Elon Musk is a very strong example of this—and this fellowship will do nothing to break down barriers that neurodivergent people face.

Virginia Tech professor Ashley Shew, author of Against Technoableism, noted to me that some disabled people being seen as better than other disabled people is not new. Hans Asperger, after all, chose which autistic people were worth saving and which children were sent to their death under the Nazi regime.

“Disabled people know keenly the dangers of surveillance technology, about what it means to be reduced to data and misread, and the societal impetus to scrutinize our lives and lived expertise,” Shew told me. “It’s a terrible shame that disability gets the most celebration and investment when it is coopted by corporate and industrial interests.”

“Being a disabled token for a morally questionable industry is by no means a step toward disability liberation or true inclusion of any sort, but rather leads us in the other direction,” Shew added.

University of North Carolina at Charlotte assistant professor Damien P. Williams, who researches how technologies are impacted by values, concurs with Shew that this fellowship is very harmful.

“A ‘neurodivergent fellowship’ at a corporation like Palantir isn’t meaningful inclusion or representation so much as it’s an exercise in having an often punitively surveilled population be complicit in making platforms of weaponized surveillance, to build and be the systems and tools of their own and others’ oppression,” Williams said.

Looking at how the job is described, Seton Hall University assistant professor Jess Rauchberg—who researches the cultural impacts of digital media technologies— finds that the fellowship dives into harmful tropes of neurodivergent people.

“Some of the language the job call uses about neurodivergent people as ‘able to see past performative ideologies’ reinforces really dangerous rhetoric that disabled people aren’t human,” Rauchberg told me. “It also presents neurodivergent people using the supercrip trope: that these are disabled people whose ‘savant’ status makes them not like other disabled people, especially intellectually and developmentally disabled people.”

Shew, in general, feels “pretty gross about most neurodiversity hiring programs.” Shew notes that these programs tend to misunderstand the neurodivergence umbrella and focus on autism.

“These programs are rarely about thinking bigger about how to include people with a range of disabilities and neurotypes in all places and still reify impairment models in how they describe the hired workers, which too easily results in situations where people hired in this model cannot meaningfully advance and are seen in specific and limiting ways,” Shew continued.

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Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro Takes Flack for Ditching Regional Carbon Pact

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Last month, Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro withdrew from the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, or RGGI (pronounced “Reggie”), a cap-and-trade program that establishes a regional limit on carbon emissions from power plants located in the Northeast.

Here’s how RGGI works: Each year, credits allowing the power plants to emit a certain amount of carbon dioxide, up to the cap, are auctioned off. The proceeds from these auctions go to RGGI member states, which can reinvest them into clean energy and consumer affordability programs. Crucially, the emissions cap gradually lowers over time, theoretically ensuring that total emissions continue on a downward trend.

Pennsylvania is a giant within the program, because it has higher power sector emissions than all of the other RGGI states—Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and the District of Columbia—combined, so Shapiro’s exit sent shockwaves through the system. The Democrat withdrew from the program as part of a compromise to convince Republicans in the legislature to pass the state’s budget, which has been delayed since June, forcing schools and public transportation to dip into rainy day funds or take on debt to support services.

“To add insult to injury here, we were about to have the answer from the [state Supreme Court]. And now we never will.”

As he signed the withdrawal bill, Shapiro said that state Republicans have used RGGI “as an excuse to stall substantive conversations about energy.” (Though Pennsylvania joined the regional pact in 2022, the move was immediately tied up in litigation, which was ongoing at the time of Shapiro’s withdrawal, meaning the state had yet to actually participate in the auctions.)

“Today, that excuse is gone,” Shapiro added. “It’s time to look forward—and I’m going to be aggressive about pushing for policies that create more jobs in the energy sector, bring more clean energy onto the grid, and reduce the cost of energy for Pennsylvanians.”

But some other Democrats and environmental advocates argue that the governor has essentially given away the store. “I would describe it as Faustian, except Faust got so much more out of his bargain with the devil,” Nikil Saval, a Democratic state senator, told Spotlight PA. Jackson Morris, senior state policy director at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said that Shapiro lost a chance to claim credit for a substantial environmental victory during a potential presidential run, which he is rumored to be considering.

Democrats “basically got rolled,” said Morris. “The political calculus of all this is baffling.”

Pennsylvania first moved to join RGGI in 2019 through an executive action by then-governor Tom Wolf, a Democrat, but the program attracted pushback from Republicans immediately. A 2022 court order prevented the state from formally joining RGGI that year, and then the Commonwealth Court ruled Wolf’s executive action unconstitutional in 2023. That decision is currently being reconsidered by the state Supreme Court, where Democrats retained their majority in elections last month. But Shapiro’s move renders that process moot.

“To add insult to injury here,” said Morris, “we were about to have the answer from the court. And now we never will, because they gave up.”

“It’s not just that we fumbled the ball on the 1-yard line, but then [we] picked it up and ran it into the other end zone,” said Patrick McDonnell, president and CEO of the Pennsylvania environmental group PennFuture. (The governor’s office declined to speak with Grist on the record.)

RGGI has produced about $8.6 billion thus far for participating states. Virginia, fresh off the heels of Democratic governor-elect Abigail Spanberger’s victory, is poised to rejoin the program after being forced out by the current Republican governor, Glenn Youngkin. When Youngkin’s withdrawal was found to be unlawful in court, Spanberger campaigned on returning to the compact.

Some are more cautious in their criticism of Shapiro. “This decision [on RGGI] doesn’t feel final to me,” said Dallas Burtraw, a senior fellow at the research nonprofit Resources for the Future.

In early 2025, Shapiro unveiled his “Lightning Plan,” a jobs-and-energy proposal that included something called the Pennsylvania Climate Emissions Reduction program. Known as PACER, it’s essentially a Pennsylvania-specific version of RGGI—a cap-and-trade program that gradually reduces emissions, creates tradable carbon credits that would (theoretically) be interchangeable with those of RGGI member states, and reinvests the profits toward lowering consumer electricity costs. “Pennsylvania is an elephant compared to the rest of RGGI,” said Burtraw, explaining the reasons that the state would want to create its own program and later link it to RGGI.

“It would have been amazing to see Pennsylvania join RGGI,” he said. “But I think that we might be setting down a pathway that’s turned out for the better.”

Others are less convinced. Joining RGGI was feasible, they say, only because it was implemented through executive action. The odds of anything like PACER making it through the state’s Republican-controlled senate are slim.

“Pennsylvanians need and deserve serious plans to curb greenhouse gas emissions, lower energy bills, and deliver revenue,” said state Senator Saval in a statement to Grist. “So far, senate Republicans have shown little interest in even meager efforts to do any of this. It’s hard to imagine the abrogation of RGGI would help them, as it were, to find religion on this front.”

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Stephen Miller’s Rhetoric “Reminds Me” of “Nazis,” Says Rep. Ilhan Omar

During a Sunday interview on CBS News’ “Face the Nation,” Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) said that Homeland Security Advisor Stephen Miller’s late November comments about “migrants and their descendants” reminded her of how Nazis talked about Jewish people in Germany.

This is the great lie of mass migration. You are not just importing individuals. You are importing societies. No magic transformation occurs when failed states cross borders. At scale, migrants and their descendants recreate the conditions, and terrors, of their broken homelands. https://t.co/09HumIaZuL

— Stephen Miller (@StephenM) November 28, 2025

Host Margaret Brennan brought up Miller’s Thanksgiving day post on X, when the top White House adviser and architect of President Donald Trump’s immigration agenda bemoaned what he called the “great lie of mass migration.”

“You are not just importing individuals. You are importing societies,” Miller commented over a Wall Street Journal editorial on avoiding collective punishment following reporting that the man alleged to have shot two National Guard troops is an Afghan national. “No magic transformation occurs when failed states cross borders. At scale, migrants and their descendants recreate the conditions, and terrors, of their broken homelands,” he continued.

Omar, a refugee from Somalia, said of the comments: “When I think about Stephen Miller and his white supremist rhetoric, it reminds me of the way the Nazis described Jewish people in Germany.”

Rep. Ilhan Omar: "When I think about Stephen Miller and his white supremacist rhetoric, it reminds me of the way the Nazis described Jewish people in Germany."

Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) 2025-12-07T16:00:45.361Z

The representative’s statement comes as Trump and Miller’s immigration enforcement apparatus has descended on Minnesota’s Twin Cities and aimed its campaign specifically at immigrants from Somalia, leading some US citizens to carry their passports out of fear.

In a speech that spurred widespread outrage this week, Trump repeatedly referred to people from Somalia as “garbage.”

At the end of a cabinet meeting at the White House, Trump said Somalia “stinks” and that immigrants from the country “come from hell and they complain and do nothing but bitch.” “We don’t want them in our country,” he said multiple times.

“We could go one way or the other, and we’re going to go the wrong way if we keep taking in garbage into our country,” Trump said. He then singled out Representative Omar: “She’s garbage. Her friends are garbage. These aren’t people who work. These aren’t people who say, ‘Let’s go, come on, let’s make this place great.’”

In a New York Times guest essay following Trump’s comments, Omar defended her community, writing, “The president knows he is failing, and so he is reverting to what he knows best: trying to divert attention by stoking bigotry.”

As for Miller, his anti-immigrant comments are anything but new.

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Mom of Karoline Leavitt’s Nephew Speaks Out From ICE Detention

In an exclusive interview with The Washington Post, Bruna Ferreira, the mother of Karoline Leavitt’s nephew, who has been in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement since November 12, details her arrest, her long relationship with the Leavitts, and how the White House, in her own words, is spreading “disgusting” lies about her.

“I asked Karoline to be godmother over my only sister,” she said Thursday in a video interview from a remote detention center in Louisiana. “I made a mistake there, in trusting….Why they’re creating this narrative is beyond my wildest imagination.”

Since being picked up by ICE, the White House has painted Ferreira as a criminal and an absentee mom who hadn’t spoken to Leavitt in years. According to the Post, “Court records, family photos and Ferreira’s account tell a different story.”

Ferreira, born in Brazil, is facing possible removal after living in the United States for most of her life. She’s also a part of the cohort who received protection through the 2012 program Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, and is now being targeted for deportation. Her case has gained national attention because of her connection to White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, who remains a staunch supporter—and mouthpiece—for President Donald Trump and his administration’s ongoing mass-deportation campaign across the country.

Ferreira’s arrest has raised the question of if there was personal involvement from the Leavitt family in ICE’s actions, a claim that Michael Leavitt, Karoline’s brother, has denied. “I had no involvement in her being picked up by ice,” he wrote Wednesday to the Post. “I have no control over that and had no involvement in that whatsoever.”

In their exclusive reporting, the Post’s Maria Sacchetti and Todd Wallack piece together more than 11 years, from Ferreira and Leavitt’s relationship to their separation to contentious co-parenting, all the way to Karoline coming to the White House.

According to Ferreira, Michael and his father, Bob Leavitt, have in recent weeks told her sister that Ferreira should “self deport”—a common refrain from the White House to scores of immigrants across the country. Yet, if she did that, under federal law, Ferreira would be barred from coming back to the United States for a decade.

Her lawyer, Todd Pomerleau, has advised against it: “It’s a trap.”

Read the full report here.

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Ben, Jerry Told to “Hand Over” Ben & Jerry’s by Corporate Big Wigs

Ben & Jerry’s boss thinks the company’s founders and board members ought to hand over pass the company to the next generation, amid a long-simmering fight for control of the ice cream brand.

Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield are both in their seventies and have grown increasingly upset with their brand’s parent company, Unilever, claiming that executives there have repeatedly tried to stifle the brand’s activism. The frustration culminated in Greenfield deciding to quit Unilever in protest in September.

“Standing up for the values of justice, equity, and our shared humanity has never been more important. And…Ben & Jerry’s has been silenced, sidelined for fear of upsetting those in power.”

And it has been fired up again:Peter ter Kulve, chief executive of Unilever’s ice-cream offshoot Magnum Ice Cream Company, recently told the Financial Times that it’s time for the pair to move on.

The ice cream brand’s co-founders’ “commitment to the brand, to the causes, has been immense,” ter Kulve told FT, “but at a certain moment you need to hand it over…we need to move on.” The comments, per the FT, also pertained to trustees of Ben & Jerry’s charitable arm, Jeff Furman and Liz Bankowski.

“Unlike Magnum,” Cohen said in response, “I don’t think there is an age limit on campaigning for social justice and peace. This is another attempt to silence the social mission that we are all too familiar with, as Unilever attempts to wash their hands of Ben & Jerry’s through this IPO.”

“But,” he continued, “Ben & Jerry’s social mission has always been inseparable from the brand itself, and it is legally protected.”

The back and forth comes as Magnum is demerging from its parent company, Unilever. Shares of the new ice cream offshoot start trading in Amsterdam on Monday. The Ben & Jerry’s brand, which the pair launched nearly five decades ago, sold to Unilever for $326 millionin 2000. Unilever announced the spin-off last year “as part of a plan to slim down the sprawling multinational through lay-offs and divestments,” according to FT.

According to Reuters, a recent audit of the Ben & Jerry’s Foundation by Magnum “found that it had deficiencies in financial controls and governance” and “deficiencies in other compliance policies such as conflicts of interest.” Ter Kulve told FT that he “can’t continue to fund” the foundation “unless we basically have complied with the conclusions of the audit, and we’re working on that.”

Counsel for the Ben & Jerry’s board dismissed what they called Unilever’s “phantom allegations,” alleging the claims are part of a campaign against Anuradha Mittal, who chairs the independent board, because she is trying to “protect the independence of Ben & Jerry’s under the merger agreement.”

With the demerger, Magnum is set to inherit a contentious legal battle between the Ben & Jerry’s board and Unilever. The board has accused Unilever of blocking its call for a ceasefire in Gaza, preventing it from supporting Palestinian refugees, and otherwise attempting to thwart the charitable arm of the company. In May, Cohen was arrested after disrupting a Senate hearing to protest the US government’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza.

In the note announcing his decision to quit, Greenfield said that the independence they fought for some 25 years ago was effectively “gone.” “Standing up for the values of justice, equity, and our shared humanity has never been more important,” he wrote.

“And yet,” he continued, “Ben & Jerry’s has been silenced, sidelined for fear of upsetting those in power.”

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