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Everyone’s Fleeing Trump’s Freedom 250 Concerts

It hasn’t even been two days since Freedom 250, the Trump-tied group organizing a bunch of celebrations ostensibly in honor of America’s 250th birthday, announced the lineup for its Great American State Fair concert series. But the series already appears dead on arrival, with more than half of the scheduled performers fleeing.

The latest? Bret Michaels of Poison fame, who announced on Instagram:

“Unfortunately, what was presented to us as a celebration of our country has evolved into something much more divisive than what I agreed to be a part of. Concerns have also been raised regarding the safety of my fans, band, crew, family and myself, including threats that are completely unfounded and unforgivable. Because of that, I have made the difficult decision to step away from this performance.”

As of this writing, Michaels is now one of six of the originally scheduled nine acts to pull out. Some cited the overwhelmingly negative response to their participation in the Trump-backed events; others claimed they didn’t realize the events would be politically charged. They include Milli Vanilli, Martina McBride, Young MC, The Commodores, and Morris Day & The Time. Somewhat up in the air is C+C Music Factory, after its lead vocalist complained on social media that he “doesn’t fuck with Trump.” For now, Vanilla Ice and Flo Rida remain steadfast in their commitments, but anything can change.

So, what other bottom-of-the-barrel performers might we expect to save the fledgling series? Kid Rock? The Village People? Can a country’s humiliation get worse? Yes, it seems so.

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Mother Jones

The GOP Is Targeting Black Voters in the Former Confederacy With Surgical Precision

Republican attempts to erase Black representation in the wake of the Supreme Court’s destruction of the Voting Rights Act have hit a few roadblocks in recent days. A federal court found that Alabama’s map, green-lit by the Roberts Court, intentionally discriminated against Black voters and blocked it for November. And the state senate in South Carolina adjourned a special session without passing a map that was designed to oust Democratic Rep. Jim Clyburn, the state’s lone Democratic House member and the first Black Congressman elected from South Carolina since Reconstruction.

But that shouldn’t distract from the damage that the Supreme Court’s Louisiana v. Callais decision has done to multiracial democracy. Republicans are already moving to eliminate at least half a dozen majority Black districts in the Deep South between now and 2028. That would trigger the largest drop in Black representation since the end of Reconstruction. On Thursday, the Louisiana legislature was set to pass a new gerrymandered map eliminating the district of Black Democrat Cleo Fields.

Watch our new explainer to learn how Republicans are reviving Jim Crow by targeting Black voters with surgical precision in the former Confederate states.

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Mother Jones

Wildfire Smoke Is Affecting People’s Sperm and Embryos, Studies Show

This story was originally published by High Country News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Fertility isn’t a topic that tends to come up in the macho, male-dominated world of wildland firefighting—at least not according to Jasper Kehoe, 23, who served as a Colorado wildland firefighter for four summers.

But whenever Kehoe talked about his job in the off-season—working as a student researcher at Colorado State University to assess the impact of wildfire smoke on semen—his colleagues’ ears perked up.

Even more surprising to Kehoe, they wanted to get involved: When he posted about the study in an industry Facebook group, he received more than 150 messages from firefighters who wanted to participate.

“After you get over the stigma of talking about fertility, somewhat of a taboo subject in our community,” Kehoe said, “these firefighters are concerned with the ability to conceive.”

Kehoe helped recruit 144 wildland firefighters to submit pre-, mid- and post-fire season semen samples over the past year. He hopes that his work helps lead to a greater understanding of smoke’s health consequences, as well as more protections for wildland firefighters and others.

“It’s not yet understood whether these impacts on sperm may translate to a change in pregnancy.”

When it’s published later this year or the next, the firefighter study will join a new body of research on how wildfire smoke influences human fertility. In comparison to smoke’s effects on pregnancies, it’s a topic that’s been understudied. But with climate change causing more fires, especially in the West, and infertility affecting 1 in 6 people worldwide, interest in the field is growing. And so far, the results hold some warning signs for Westerners who want to have children.

Several recent studies involve episodes of poor air quality in the Pacific Northwest. Portlanders, for example, suffered from 10 days of severe smoke from nearby wildfires in 2020. At the time, the city’s air quality index, or AQI, almost went off the current scale altogether, with ratings near 500—the highest and most dangerous level, indicating a health serious health hazard.

When researchers at Oregon Health & Science University (OHSU) studied the situation later, comparing before-and-after semen samples from men who’d been undergoing fertility treatment, they discovered that the men’s sperm quantity and motility had dropped in the months following the smoky air’s sudden arrival.

Another study, published earlier this year, analyzed semen samples from 84 men before and after smoke events in Seattle in 2018, 2020 and 2022. Following the exposures, the researchers found that most men’s sperm quality and count declined.

“The changes we found were fairly subtle, and it’s not yet understood whether these impacts on sperm may translate to a change in pregnancy or truly a change in fertility,” said Tristan Nicholson, an assistant urology professor at the University of Washington and senior author of the paper. “But I think this has really motivated, for me and others, an interest in expanding this as [an area of] study.”

The male side of infertility has historically gone underexamined, Nicholson said, and she hopes her research will draw much-needed attention to it.

“Men, my patients, are often the forgotten partner,” she said. “There’s been a lot of focus on infertility being a women’s problem, and I think it really is beneficial to raise awareness that the male partner has an important contribution.”

During that same period of hazardous air in Portland in 2020, OHSU researchers also examined whether wildfire smoke had any impact on embryos made during in vitro fertilization, or IVF.

As part of that process, female patients undergo about two weeks of drug treatment before their eggs are retrieved and fertilized with sperm. After roughly five days, any resulting embryos are mature enough for transfer into the patient’s uterus.

For this retrospective study, the researchers grouped IVF patients according to when in their cycle the smoke episode occurred: in the weeks prior to their egg retrieval, during their embryos’ development, or after their embryos had already matured.

The patients whose embryos developed during the period of hazardous air were far more likely to find that none of their embryos did well enough to be suitable for transfer. Those whose embryos did mature ended up with a median number of two—55 percent fewer than those whose embryos had finished growing prior to the episode.

“I would advise [families trying to conceive] to avoid wildfire smoke exposure, given what we know so far.”

Even though the lab had several filters, its air still smelled faintly of smoke, said Molly Kornfield, an IVF doctor and the study’s lead author. Her new lab has a “submarine mode” that can prevent outside air from entering at the press of a button.

Kornfield said it’s well-known that long-term exposure to bad air can harm fertility. But she was alarmed to see that “even this acute episode of only 10 days—which, of course, is really severe—can have a negative impact.”

Still, she cautioned that the study had a small sample size. And some of the results were unexpected: Patients who had been exposed to poor air during the weeks before their eggs’ retrieval did not see significant harm to their embryos’ development. Kornfield, who was surprised by that finding, said it underscored the need for more research.

Nicholson agreed. One big question, she said, is whether fertility can bounce back following severe smoke events—and if so, how long it takes. Such information, she said, would help aspiring parents know just how cautious to be.

At the moment, the government’s air-quality recommendations have stricter guidelines for “sensitive groups,” a category that includes children, older adults, pregnant people and those with heart or lung issues.

“What I wonder, and I don’t know yet, is whether people who are trying to conceive, who are trying to start their families, should fall into that category,” Nicholson said. “But I would advise patients to avoid wildfire smoke exposure, given what we know so far.”

Regardless of fertility goals, Westerners should monitor air quality using a reliable data source like airnow.gov. To reduce exposure to unhealthy air, consider limiting outdoor time, keeping windows and doors shut, and wearing an N-95 mask when venturing out.

People who live in smoke-prone areas should consider investing in an indoor air purifier and changing the filters regularly. If that’s not financially possible, some cities have programs that help residents buy or borrow purifiers for fire season. It’s also relatively easy to build an air filter using a box fan and other materials.

After spending years researching the impacts of smoke as an undergraduate student, Kehoe started washing his hands and face as often as he could while on the fire line. He also tried to avoid getting into his sleeping bag when he was dirty. Back home in Kansas City, Missouri, he now has air purifiers running 24/7.

There’s still a lot left to learn. But one thing has come through the smoke: Breathing it in doesn’t seem great for anybody.

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Mother Jones

The Kennedy Center Was Part of DC Life. Trump Destroyed It.

On a glorious Sunday morning in May, a friend and I arrived at a Metro station in Northwest Washington, DC, to board a special coach organized by the Washington National Opera. Its destination was Baltimore, and we were going to their production of West Side Story. Ticketholders had received conflicting emails, and the last one said the bus would leave promptly at 11 a.m. But when 11 a.m. rolled around, and all the elderly patrons had loaded their walkers into the hold, and most of the seats were filled, an opera employee said they’d wait until 11:30 to accommodate a few stragglers. A revolt ensued; we had pre-theater brunch reservations! The mutineers prevailed, and the bus finally headed up I-95 about 15 minutes late.

I couldn’t blame the WNO for the delay. After all, it is an opera company, not a travel agency. No, the inconvenience was President Donald Trump’s fault. For 44 years, the WNO had performed at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, adjacent to the infamous Watergate by the Potomac River. But after Trump single-handedly destroyed the capital’s premier arts venue in just a few short months, the WNO decamped, along with most of the Center’s donors, patrons, and scheduled artists. Trump plans to shutter the venue for good in July, under the guise of “renovations.”

That’s why I was on a bus heading to Baltimore’s Lyric Theater, 40 miles away, where the WNO would be performing a show that would have been an easy walk for me only a few months earlier. When the WNO offered us a ride, my friend and I thought it might be fun—an opera party bus! Instead, it became yet another depressing reminder of all we have lost in our city during Trump’s second term in office.

I’ve lived in DC for more than 30 years, and for those of us who live in the metropolitan area, which includes suburbs in Virginia and Maryland, the Kennedy Center isn’t just another white-marbled national monument. It’s our beloved, if stodgy, local arts venue, as parochial as Salt Lake City’s Capitol Theater or Proctor’s in Schenectady, but with the world-class offerings of Lincoln Center. It’s where we would go for the annual free tuba Christmas concert, take out-of-town guests to see a Broadway musical, and the place where my kids learned to love the arts. Which is why Trump’s destruction of it feels so intensely personal.

It’s where we would go for the annual free tuba Christmas concert, take out-of-town guests to see a Broadway musical, and the place where my kids learned to love the arts. Which is why Trump’s destruction of it feels so intensely personal.

As our chariot left DC and the Mormon Temple loomed on the horizon, I thought about how much the Kennedy Center has been part of my life, and the lives of my children. I took my daughter there for the first time on a preschool playdate. During the day, when the stages are dark and the weather bad, the building was an informal gathering place for city toddlers. Escaping the deluge of rain outside the massive lobby windows, my daughter and her friend wore themselves out running up and down the tatty red carpet, past the giant head of JFK, while their parents spread out picnic blankets on the floor and opened snacks.

I have lost count of how many Nutcrackers our family has seen at the Kennedy Center. But I can’t forget the first one, when we made the epic mistake of bringing a three-year-old to the Balanchine matinee. I grew up in Ogden, Utah, and my mother was a ballet lover. She started taking me to the Ballet West Nutcracker on the campus of Weber State College when I was about five years old. Later, we would see it in Salt Lake at the Capitol Theater.

But a Nutcracker matinee in Utah is kid-centric. At the Kennedy Center, we ended up sitting behind NPR’s Supreme Court reporter extraordinaire Nina Totenberg, who was wearing a fur coat. She was not even slightly amused when, as the curtain rose, my daughter cried out, “I have to go to the bathroom!” We watched that one on the TV screen in the hallway.

Later, we ferried the kids and their stuffed animals to the National Symphony Orchestra’s Teddy Bear concerts, complete with instrument petting zoos, and countless family theater productions. The center has long partnered with DC public schools for all sorts of free arts education programs, a setup that saw my husband once walking a class of first-graders there for Mo Willems’ Knuffle Bunny. In 4th grade, my daughter’s ukulele class played Bruno Mars’ “Count on Me” in the lobby. Even as a college junior, she still thinks of the Kennedy Center as a “magical place,” especially the gift shop full of ballerina Christmas ornaments that now grace our Christmas trees.

When my son’s middle school teacher assigned the class to see a cultural event and write a paper on it, he went to see the National Symphony Orchestra perform the Saint-Saëns organ symphony on the center’s 4,972-pipe Casavant Bros. pipe organ—a work that can be performed in only a handful of US venues. He’s now a regular patron of organ concerts.

During my son’s years of singing with the Children’s Chorus of Washington, he performed Carmina Burana with the NSO on the Kennedy Center main stage. The chorus also had a joint performance at the Millennium stage, the center’s free venue, with the local Sticks & Bars Marimba Youth Ensemble—the sort of annual event Trump dubbed too “woke” and quickly eliminated from the schedule when he took over.

And then there were the musicals: Matilda, Moulin Rouge, Les Misérables, the Girl Scout trip to see Back to the Future. We saw the Phantom of the Opera swing from the massive chandelier, though we passed on Trump’s favorite, Cats. During the holidays, we once took my parents to see the British musical Choir of Man, fresh off the Edinburgh Fringe Festival. My daughter and I saw a weird Royal Swedish Ballet production of Romeo and Juliet where dancers rode Segways to the Tchaikovsky score.

The first time I ever sang in a choir was at the Kennedy Center for the Martin Luther King holiday’s free “Let Freedom Ring” concert, headlined by Aretha Franklin. Hosted by Georgetown University, the impromptu community chorus was conducted by the amazing local talent Nolan Williams Jr., who let amateurs like me join without so much as an audition and somehow managed to turn us into a beautiful, unified voice. The concert had been a fixture of the King holiday for 23 years. That is, until this year, when Georgetown joined the Trump-instigated exodus of performers and directors and moved the event to Howard University.

A month after I sang on the King holiday, Williams brought our chorus back to perform in a special event at the Kennedy Center to celebrate the birthday of his friend Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.). The surprise special guest turned out to be the newly inaugurated President Barack Obama, who led the audience in “Happy Birthday” as Kennedy beamed from his seat. The lion of the Senate died six months later of a brain tumor.

Segway ballets aside, the Kennedy Center was never the venue for risky new productions. For those of us who live in the community, it was like an old shoe, a well-worn place to enjoy the classics, expertly performed by some of the greats, where you might just as easily see a Supreme Court justice or a president as bump into someone you know.

Until Trump came along, Washingtonians took for granted that the Kennedy Center was an institution in the most literal sense, both an edifice and a fully-engaged part of the community that was impervious to change. It is, or was, kind of stuffy, a venue where you’re likely to be shushed for crinkling a candy wrapper or singing along to the music of the night. Fierce ushers in red blazers, affectionately known as the “red meanies,” kept latecomers corralled until the appropriate break in the action, and ensured adherence to various house rules.

Trump was not wrong when he observed the Kennedy Center can feel a little down at the heels, a place where patrons in evening wear trod over crushed red carpet that occasionally bunches up from wear. But it was far from “on the verge of collapse” as Trump claimed when he took over, and its shabby chic is hardly justification for shuttering, gutting it, and slapping uncomfortable marble armrests on the red-velvet seats.

President Donald Trump looks down from the Presidential Box in the Opera House at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts.

President Donald Trump participates in a guided tour and leads a board meeting on March 17, 2025 in Washington, DC. Chip Somodevilla/Getty

During the ride to Baltimore, my friend and I lamented the absurdity of our situation. In August 2025, we’d purchased a three-show opera subscription for nosebleed seats at the Kennedy Center. By then, it was already in trouble. In February last year, Trump admitted that he’d never seen a show there. Nonetheless, he announced that he was taking it over. “We don’t need woke at the Kennedy Center, and we don’t need—some of the shows were terrible,” he told reporters. “They were a disgrace that they were even put on.”

“We don’t need woke at the Kennedy Center, and we don’t need—some of the shows were terrible. They were a disgrace that they were even put on.”

He crowned himself chairman and ousted the center’s president, the bipartisan board, and much of the experienced staff. He installed one of his minions, former US Ambassador to Germany Richard Grenell, a man with no arts management experience, to run the place. Soon after, Hamilton yanked its 2026 run. People had started boycotting long-planned shows and cancelling subscriptions.

Many Washingtonians faced a tricky choice: we didn’t want to endorse the changes, but we also wanted to support the artists. My friend and I also wanted to see the opera—so we bought a subscription and hoped for the best.

In early November, everything seemed almost normal for the performance of Verdi’s Aida. But when we went back for Mozart’s Marriage of Figaro a few weeks later, the Kennedy Center had the quality of a stately old home where the patriarch had recently died. The windows that normally offer a panoramic view of the terrace overlooking the Potomac River had been blacked out.

The lobby outside the Eisenhower Theater looked like a storage unit, full of cheesy white leather couches stacked up in piles surrounded by marble-topped tables. The changes, we realized, were preparations for Trump’s last-minute move to host the final FIFA draw for the World Cup. The event would occupy much of the space—for free—for three weeks and displace planned holiday concerts and symphony performances, so the soccer teams could be chosen in DC.

That was the last time I went to the Kennedy Center. In December, Trump plastered his name on the building and immediately sent the venue into a full-on death spiral. WNO artistic director Francesca Zambello had seen what was coming. In November, she intentionally triggered a crisis by giving an unauthorized interview to the Guardian in which she disclosed that thanks to Trump’s takeover, 40 percent of the season’s tickets had gone unsold and donors were fleeing.

“They say things like: ‘I’m never setting foot in there until the “orange menace” is gone.’ Or: ‘Don’t you know history? Don’t you know what Hitler did? I refuse to give you a penny,’” she told the Guardian. “People send me back their season brochure shredded in an envelope and say: ‘Never, never, will I return while he’s in power.’”

Zambello said the WNO was thinking about leaving the Kennedy Center. Within days, Grennell had kicked them out, liberating the opera from Trump’s sinking ship. The WNO became itinerant. We got a refund for the last performance in our subscription, but then the WNO offered us tickets to see the show in Baltimore, so we reupped, and even got a ride.

After lunch, we hustled back to the Lyric with about 10 minutes to spare, only to discover that dozens of people were still waiting just to get inside the building. Unlike the Kennedy Center of old, the smaller Lyric entrance was set up with metal detectors. Opera patrons unused to toting clear plastic purses got stuck in security checks. Once we got through, the lobby was still packed with people, some buying popcorn from the—gasp!— snack bar, which, to be fair, had far better offerings than the meager fare offered by the black-tie-clad waiters at the Kennedy Center. Others made a mad dash to the restroom, which, unlike the Kennedy Center’s, was big enough to handle a crowd.

The show had already started by the time we entered the theater, despite the dozens of people standing in the back, grousing and jostling for a better view of the stage. Overwhelmed ushers tried to figure out how to let them find their seats without disrupting the performance.

Once we sat down, I was briefly annoyed by a woman kicking my seat, fuming that such a thing would never happen at the Kennedy Center. Channeling the red meanies, I turned and gave her the stink eye. Afterwards, I discovered that she was wearing an “opera mom” button. She had come from New Jersey because her daughter was in the show. She was so excited she’d been tapping along to the music. We apologized to each other.

After the final bows, we shuffled out to the bus and discovered it had started to rain. And got stuck in I-95 traffic. An older woman sitting behind us took a phone call and learned she had been fired. She had a complete meltdown, sobbing loudly all the way home. It somehow seemed fitting. We envied the intrepid folks sitting in front of us who’d brought a little cooler with box wine and their old plastic take-home Kennedy Center cups. Finally, we made it back to the Metro and boarded a train for home. The show had been good, but the nine- or 10-hour adventure left us deflated.

In the big scheme of Trump administration horrors, the Kennedy Center’s demise is admittedly a small one. No one has died because Hamilton got cancelled. At the same time, Trump’s assault on the Kennedy Center just heightens the feelings of powerlessness in a city long known as “the last colony,” whose disenfranchised residents are already subject to the whims of a Congress that doesn’t represent us. Trump’s finger is in many local pies: taking over the public golf courses, installing racist statues in Freedom Plaza, deploying the National Guard in our neighborhoods. And that doesn’t even include all our public servant friends and neighbors who’ve been DOGE’d out of federal jobs and are trying to figure out how to survive in an expensive city with a perilous job market.

My friend Amy Austin is the CEO of Theatre Washington, a local nonprofit that sponsors the Helen Hayes local theater awards. “Here, in our home,” she said, speaking for many of us at the event earlier this month, “armed soldiers have walked the streets for months now. Institutions and careers we once believed were permanent and critical have vanished seemingly overnight. We feel what’s happening, and it’s not something that we will shake off.”

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Mother Jones

A Bernie-Backed Community College Professor Fights for the Soul of the Democratic Party

At campaign stops across California’s Central Valley, Randy Villegas asks a simple question: Do you or someone you know drive to Tijuana to get medicine or fix your teeth? Almost inevitably, hands go up.

For Villegas—a 31-year-old community college professor running for Congress in a largely Mexican American district—the outrage has a personal dimension. In the wealthiest nation in the world, many of his neighbors are forced to seek healthcare from the country his own parents left behind.

I first heard Villegas ask about the trips to Tijuana during a forum in Stratford, an unincorporated community about 40 miles south of Fresno. The border is more than six hours away, but, in an area where the poverty rate exceeds 30 percent, people still make the journey. The solution, said Villegas, who has been endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders, is Medicare for All and a recognition that healthcare is a human right.

“Tell me who you’re with and I’ll tell you who you are.”

This is not the typical message in the 22nd Congressional District, which includes parts of the city of Bakersfield, as well as vast rural tracts that are well known for sending moderates from both parties to Sacramento and Washington. That describes Villegas’ Democratic primary opponent, State Assembly Member Jasmeet Bains, a family doctor attuned to the realities of representing an area where the local economy is often dominated by agricultural giants and oil companies. It also describes Rep. David Valadao, the Republican incumbent in what political analysts say is one of the most competitive House races in the country.

Voting is already well underway in advance of the June 2 primary. The intraparty contest gets at some of the biggest questions now dividing Democrats in races across the US. Is Sanders-style progressivism or pragmatic centrism a more promising strategy for winning back working-class and Latino voters who have abandoned Democrats in recent years? Should Democrats speak out against Israel’s actions in the Middle East, even if it means inviting opposition—and massive negative ad buys—from groups aligned with AIPAC? Should party leaders in Washington continue to elevate moderates over populist candidates on the left?

Three women stand in a grassy park talking. One holds a "Villegas for Congress" yard sign.

Volunteers chat after a morning of canvassing in Bakersfield.Adam Perez

Just before I arrived in Bakersfield earlier this month, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee—the party’s official campaign arm for House races—formally backed Bains over Villegas. Later that week, the super-PAC Democratic Majority for Israel started buying commercials on local stations attacking Villegas. Neither development was good news for Villegas, though they play directly into the slogan he uses in ads and campaign stops to emphasize his independence from the party establishment:“Dime con quién andas y te diré quién eres.”

“Tell me who you’re with and I’ll tell you who you are.”

No one I spoke with felt confident predicting who would win the primary. They assume the race is close, but there’s hardly any public polling. Whoever prevailswill have the best chance of unseating Valadao since 2018, when the congressman lost by less than 900 votes before staging a comeback two years later.

Support for Donald Trump surged in the district in 2024—one of many places around the country where Republicans made inroads with Latino voters. But Mike Madrid, an anti-Trump veteran of the California GOP and a leading national expert on Latino politics, is betting that Democrats will win again in November, regardless of who emerges from the primary. The backlash to the president is simply too great. “I’ve been asked about this district…a hundred times in the past decade,” Madrid told me. “The only other time I said that Valadao was going to lose was 2018.”

If Madrid is right that a Democrat will win—and there’s no guarantee he is—the bigger question will become: What kind of Democrat? Villegas sees the race as a fight for the “soul” of the party, while Bains rejects that premise entirely. “You’ll never hear me say that,” she told me over the phone. Nor, she noted multiple times, would voters hear her “whine” about who is endorsing her opponents, which is how she describes Villegas’ complaints about the party’s campaign committee. “You’re going to see Dr. Bains doing a press conference on the things that matter to voters,” she added. “It is a point of privilege to have so much time in your life that you’re going to put things together to whine about endorsements. That is sick.”

A plowed field with sprinklers watering it.

California’s Central Valley makes up less than 1 percent of the nation’s farmland but produces a quarter of its food.Adam Perez

The Central Valley has long been a place where migrants accustomed to country life come to find a more prosperous version of home. Over the years, there have been shepherds from Basque country, Okies escaping the Dust Bowl, and African Americans fleeing the South. All three candidates in this year’s contest are children of immigrants. Valadao’s parents were part of a wave of Portuguese migration to the valley from the Azores. Bains’ parents are Sikhs from Punjab in India. Villegas’ family comes from the Mexican states of Guerrero and Michoacán.

Latinos make up most of the Central Valley’s population, including about 75 percent of residents and 65 percent of voting-age citizens in the 22nd District. It’s one of the youngest congressional districts in the country, as well one of the poorest. Despite making up less than 1 percent of the nation’s farmland, the Central Valley produces a quarter of its food. But the money often doesn’t stay where it’s made.

The Democratic Party “needs to stop picking candidates and pushing candidates out. It needs to focus on bringing voters in.”

In theory, these economic inequities—combined with Trump’s attacks on immigrants—should have galvanized Democratic power in the region. Instead, the party’s support among Latino voters collapsed between 2016 and 2024. Consider Arvin, a city near the site of a New Deal project that once housed Depression-era migrants and features prominently in The Grapes of Wrath. In 2016, voters in Arvin, which is now 95 percent Latino, backed Hillary Clinton by a 67-point margin. In 2020, Trump closed that gap by 15 points. In 2024, he improved by another 32 points—finishing with more than three times as many votes in the city as he did during his first run. A similar story played out across the valley.

I saw that firsthand during the final days of the 2024 campaign. Voters there told me over and over that they were frustrated by the economy, especially the rising cost of living. They decided to go with Trump, whom they often credited with delivering something closer to prosperity during his time in the White House.

One of the most insightful people I spoke with at the time was a Democratic consultant named Pedro Ramirez. He told me that he was encountering a strange phenomenon: young Latino Democrats who wanted to know if local Democratic candidates were backing Trump—and who were hoping the answer was yes. It happened so many times that Ramirez had to double check to make sure the voters on his lists really were Democrats.

A man hands a flyer to a person at their front door.

A canvasser with the Community Water Center Action Fund in BakersfieldAdam Perez

Earlier this month, I met with Ramirez again at his office in Fresno. In a reflection of what polls show nationwide, he’s now seeing Latino voters revolt against Trump and his broken promises to control the cost of living. He added that the president’s persecution of immigrants has been particularly salient among the young Latino men who moved right in large numbers in 2024; he attributes that partly to social media making the reality of Trump’s crackdown more stark than the TV news programs favored by older generations.

Esmeralda Soria, one of Bains’ fellow Central Valley–based Democratic Assembly members, has seen a similar anti-Trump shift among her own constituents. Like Ramirez, she attributes it to economic turmoil and horrifying immigration raids like the ones launched in the valley by former Border Patrol chief Gregory Bovino shortly after the 2024 election. Operation Return to Sender, as Bovino called it, was a wake-up call for locals who’d voted for Trump under the assumption that his administration would mostly target violent criminals, Soria said. “Oh my God,” she continued, summarizing the response, “what did we do?”

Soria has endorsed Bains, while Ramirez has stayed neutral. Ramirez says he is happy to see a competitive contest that he hopes will produce the strongest possible challenger to Valadao. He wishes the national party hadn’t chosen sides, though the move did not surprise him. Madrid was also critical. “They need to stay the hell out of it,” he said about the party’s campaign committee getting involved in the race. “Any party needs to stop picking candidates and pushing candidates out. It needs to focus on bringing voters in.”

A man, seen from behind, leans against a tree in a park. The back of his T-shirt reads: "It takes a valley / randy.vote / Paid for by Villegas for Congress / Not by corporate donors."

In the Central Valley, Democratic support among Latino voters collapsed between 2016 and 2024.Adam Perez

By early May,Villegas had his stump speech down to a tight two minutes. Son of Mexican immigrants. Political science professor and small business owner. Make gas and food more affordable. Running against opponents who accept money from big corporations and a congressman who voted to cut Medicaid. Endorsed by Sanders and labor leader Dolores Huerta. “Dime con quién andas y te diré quién eres.”

Despite forswearing donations from corporate PACs, he’s managed to outraise Bains, a two-term Assembly member with half a million constituents and a record of supporting wealthy Central Valley industries. He’s been showing up at events all over the district, while Bains has been less visible on the campaign trail and has declined to debate Villegas.

After the forum in Stratford, I joined Villegas for the city of Hanford’s weekly night market. I had expected something relatively small but arrived to a massive event with a carousel, live music, and thousands of attendees. The first person I spoke with had just voted early for Villegas. His reasoning was straightforward: He didn’t have much time to decide, so he went with the guy who was most obviously like him. “I’m going to be honest, he just appealed to me because he’s Latino.”

As the event wrapped up, two young men recognized the candidate. They said they had just turned 18, and Villegas wasted no time in showing them how to register to vote. The more talkative of the two, Emmanuel Peña, was wearing a Stussy T-shirt and gym shorts. He knew Villegas was running for something but he wasn’t sure what.

A switch seemed to flip on in the professor. There are two national legislative bodies, he explained: the House and the Senate. He’s running for the House.

“The House of California, though?” Peña asked. “Not like the country?”

No, the whole country.

“Oh, shit,” Peña replied. “David Valadao is that big?”

Peña wanted to know if Villegas identified as a social Democrat and appeared skeptical when the candidate didn’t immediately embrace the label.

“Basically, it’s us against them.”

Instead, Villegas called himself a populist. “Basically, it’s us against them,” he said. “I’m endorsed by Senator Bernie Sanders—I love Bernie, he’s like my political hero—but I’ve talked to people at the door who were Republicans who were like, ‘Yeah, gas is crazy. Why are we spending a billion dollars a day in Iran?’”

“It’s the top vs. the bottom,” a won-over Peña interjected. “There’s no war but the class war.”

Peña said Sanders had been robbed in 2016 by the Democratic establishment. He was only 8 years old at the time, but it was clearly central to his understanding of the party. Four years later, Sanders defeated Joe Biden in the Democratic presidential primary in the Central Valley and in other heavily Latino parts of the country. Now, in his first election as an adult, Peña has the chance to support a fellow Mexican American who’s been inspired by the Vermont senator.

A high with large mural that reads, "Bear Country, Arvin High School."

California’s 22nd Congressional District, which includes the city of Arvin, comprises vast rural tracts that are well known for electing moderates from both parties.Adam Perez

In the booth of a brightly lit Mexican restaurant a few minutes away, Villegas described a journey not all that different from Peña’s. After immigrating from Mexico, his father worked as a car mechanic. In 2006, he decided to open his own business after noticing that nobody nearby specialized in BMWs. Villegas remembered the family driving around to put business cards under the wipers of every Bimmer they could find to promote the shop, which Villegas now co-owns. Another family hustle was selling animals—and, at one point, fake Yu-Gi-Oh! cards—at the Bakersfield swap meet.

Judging by our conversations, as well his posts on Instagram, Villegas spent much of his youth devoted to three things: a high school sweetheart who is now his wife, playing the snare competitively on drumlines, and politics—ranging from a college selfie with Carl Bernstein to later praise for the historian Michael Kazin’s analysis of populism. While in college in Bakersfield during the 2016 campaign, he met Sanders when the senator came to town. “I was like, holy shit, this man is someone I believe in and someone I can get behind.”

In 2017, Villegas became the first person in his family to graduate from college, then left Bakersfield to get a PhD at the University of California, Santa Cruz. He said he spent his first year overcoming imposter syndrome. He still laughs about wearing a Spider-Man T-shirt to an admitted students day as Ivy Leaguers arrived in business casual.

He now serves on a local school board while also teaching at the College of the Sequoias, a community college with three campuses in the Central Valley. He tries to meet his students where they are—including an extra credit assignment in which they use memes to illustrate a concept learned in class. One student recently went with a photo of Will Smith slapping Chris Rock at the Oscars. Smith represented “Super Pacs and interest groups”; Rock was labeled “Having a fair election.”

Two men walk down a sidewalk in a rural town.

In the Central Valley, the local economy is often dominated by agricultural giants and oil companies.Adam Perez

As a child, Jasmeet Bains lived just up Highway 99 from Bakersfield in Delano, a city known nationally for a historic grape strike launched by Filipino farmworkers in 1965. Her mom came to the United States from India on a journalism visa, while her father joined a brother already in the country. They lived in Ohio until her dad visited a friend in Delano when Bains was a toddler. He was shocked, Bains later recalled, to discover a place in America without snow, and they moved immediately.

Like Villegas’ father, Bains’ dad worked for a time as a car mechanic; he eventually acquired his own Chevrolet dealership. After college in Chicago, Bains sold cars for him for a time, then enrolled in medical school. She graduated in 2013, returned to the valley for her residency, and began working as a doctor of family medicine.

She was elected to the Assembly in 2022, when she was 37, to represent a district that overlaps with much of the one she is running for now. In Sacramento, she has established a reputation as one of the state’s most moderate and business-friendly Democrats. In some cases, she has broken with her party to defend the oil and agriculture companies that are central to the Central Valley’s economy. Whether her voting record has always benefited the workers at those companies is more debatable.

In 2024, Bains declined to vote on legislation that that requires California to reevaluate the use of paraquat, a pesticide that has been linked to increased risk of Parkinson’s disease and is prohibited in more than 70 countries.Not voting is a common practice in Sacramento when lawmakers want to avoid taking controversial positions, and Bains has employed that tactic repeatedly—including on bills limiting security deposits charged by landlords and so-called “junk fees” that companies add to the price of goods and services.

A woman, holding her hands in front of her with the palms facing up, speaks to a man, whose back faces the camera.

California Assembly Member Jasmeet Bains talks with colleagues during a session in 2023.Hector Amezcua/The Sacramento Bee/ZUMA

Still, her legislative record has earned her plenty of supporters, and she’s endorsed by the California Federation of Labor Unions, a key player in state politics. Tania Salinas, president of the AFL-CIO’s labor council in and around Bakersfield, said Bains has excelled at getting funding for the district and protecting the jobs of the union members she represents—many of whom work in the fossil fuel industry. Salinas said she worries that Villegas’ refusal to take corporate money would hinder his ability to attract investment to the district. “How does that translate when you’re talking about industry?” Salinas added. “If you cannot talk to industry…how is that going to translate to jobs?”

The party leadership clearly sees Bains as the more electable of the two. Rep. Suzan DelBene, chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, has said the committee gets involved only in “primaries when we feel that one candidate stands out as the strongest possible nominee to ensure that we win in the general election.” DelBene argued that Bains will benefit from contrasting her work as a doctor with Valadao’s vote to cut Medicaid spending as part of Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill.” The GOP’s Congressional Leadership Fund, which has sent mailers designed to push Democratic primary voters toward Villegas, appears to agree that Bains would be harder to defeat.

“It is a point of privilege to have so much time in your life that you’re going to put things together to whine about endorsements. That is sick.”

Right or wrong, most of these political insiders seem to be motivated by pragmatic calculations rather than any personal objections to Villegas. Bains is a different story. Beyond blasting Villegas for “whining” about the campaign committee’s endorsement, she wanted to make sure I knew that he lives outside the district. She’s not wrong about that, but Villegas is hardly a carpetbagger. He grew up in Bakersfield, co-owns an auto shop there, and now lives 15 miles or so from the boundary line.

I was also eager to get Bains’ perspective on one of the stranger controversies of the campaign. During a Zoom event hosted in February by the Fresno County Young Democrats, both candidates were asked whether they believed Israel was committing genocide in Gaza. Both gave the same one-word answer: “Yes.” But weeks later, after a video of their responses leaked, Bains walked back her claim. “I approach the word genocide with care, and I don’t believe it applies to Israel,” she said in a statement posted on her campaign website.

The legal debates around which atrocities amount to genocide are complex, but it’s an issue Bains has grappled with before. As her statement noted, she spearheaded California legislation officially designating the 1984 massacres of Sikhs in India as genocide. So I asked whether she could clarify why she hadinitially called Gaza a genocide and where she stood now.

A man wearing a straw hat puts a walks across a home's lawn, holding a yard sign that reads, "Dr. Jasmeet Bains for Congress."

Juan Hernandez Garcia, a field representative for Bains’ campaign, prepares a yard sign in Bakersfield. Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times/Getty

“The problem is litmus tests,” Bains began. “Litmus tests for complex issues are the problem.” But it was clear that Bains did not actually want to say anything specific about Israel or Gaza—neither of which she mentioned by name over the course of a more than three-minute answer. “For a physician like me, who holds her Hippocratic oath higher than her oath for office, any innocent life lost is a devastation,” she said. “There has been loss of life on both sides. There has been loss of life in many areas.”

For his part, Villegas issued no such retraction. “Increasingly, people are aware that we are sending billions and billions of dollars to this genocidal regime that has universal healthcare…while we do not,” he told me.

When I spoke with Bains, it had just been revealed that Democratic Majority for Israel would be launching a major ad campaign on her behalf. The group has now shelled out half-a-million dollars on spots that don’t seem to mention Israel at all. Instead, they are attacking Villegas over votes he cast as a member of the Visalia school board to approve settlement agreements with alleged victims of sexual assault. Legal experts have criticized the ads, which are based on opposition research produced by the Bains campaign, as misleading.

Another group, 314 Action, has spent more than $900,000 to help Bains. Combined, these two super-PACs have spent roughly as much as Villegas’ entire campaign. Overall, outside spending for Bains far exceeds the amount being deployed in support of Villegas.

Perhaps the most revealing divide came in response to an issue closer to home. I asked Bains what she hoped to do in Congress to promote healthcare access and affordability. She immediately looked back to a more optimistic era for Democrats. “The most amazing thing was when the ACA was passed,” she said, referring to President BarackObama’s Affordable Care Act. It was an obvious contrast to Villegas’ push for Medicare for All.

The two candidates are both millennials, just nine years apart in age. Yet they represent starkly different generations of Democratic politics. One is shaped by Obama’s success; the other by the long tail of Sanders’ defeats. Bains may consider it absurd to see the race as a fight for the soul of the party. But there is no avoiding it.

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Andy Kim: Nothing’s Improved Since Minnesota—Except Private Prison Profits

“I certainly didn’t see anything at Delaney Hall that gives me a sense that things have changed since Minnesota,” Andy Kim told me.

The New Jersey senator, a first-term Democrat, drew headlines Monday after he and other protesters were pepper-sprayed by ICE agents during a rally outside Delaney Hall, a private prison in Newark, New Jersey that ICE has repurposed to detain immigrants—nearly 900 as of early April, according to agency data reviewed by NBC News.

ICE is holding “a man who has Stage 3 lung cancer,” Kim told me. He wants to “spend his final months… with his family. But they just won’t let him go.”

Kim joined advocates, organizers, community members, and the families of those detained at Delaney during ongoing protests condemning the horrific conditions inside—including the dismissal of essential medical attention, the lack of food, and the absence of air conditioning.

Early that afternoon,ICE agents swarmed people who had gathered at the entrance—a DHS spokesperson claimed there were approximately 125 protesters outside the building—some of whom had installed barricades, and many of whom later formed a human chain before ICE deployed chemical suppressants. ICE agents have mounted numerous further attacks on protesters throughout the week, charging and striking them with batons and driving vehicles into the crowd; some protesters reinforced their barricades with cement blocks in response.

BREAKING: ICE deploys PEPPER BALLS and Pepper Spray at Anti-ICE protesters, Agents rushed into their vehicles and exited – Delaney Hall Detention Center in Newark NJ pic.twitter.com/H12vSj6bHE

— Oliya Scootercaster 🛴 (@ScooterCasterNY) May 25, 2026

“There’s an 18-year-old high school senior in there who just wants to go to prom and graduation,” Kim told me in an interview. “There was a man who has Stage 3 lung cancer [who is] not getting medical treatment. He wants to leave, go back home, [and] spend his final months that the doctors say that he had left with his family. But they just won’t let him go.”

Delaney Hall is managed by the private prison firm GEO Group, which in Februaryreceived a $1 billion, 15-year contract from ICE to hold immigrants there. (The agency also spent nearly $130 million to buy a warehouse in Roxbury, New Jersey, that it plans to turn into a detention center; Kim and fellow New Jersey Democratic Sen. Cory Booker have introduced legislation to block thoseconversion projects).

GEO Group guards stopped Kim from entering the facility to inspect it, forcing him to personally call Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin for admittance.Under Mullin, who assumed leadership of the agency in March, agents have been deployed to airports, continue to occupy cities, and still terrorize people with impunity—although Mullin’s nomination was meant in part to reform the department’s image after the ouster of former head Kristi Noem.

Kim also tried to de-escalate the standoff between protesters and agents outside Delaney when ICE agents told him that they were going to push their vehicles through the crowd.

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“I told them: ‘You can’t just plow your way through this crowd of civilians. You should be doing something to try to minimize the potential for violence,” Sen. Kim said. “They just said that they had to get through, and they were just going to do it, no matter what the cause.”

The most recent rallies come as hundreds of people being held at Delaney Hall began a hunger and labor strike on Friday to demand the immediate release of those with serious medical conditions and young and elderly people, as well as an investigation into the facility.

“We are not striking to demand better treatment and conditions,” those on strike said in a statement released on Friday. “We are doing this to demand freedom.”

“Many of them have been there eight, ten, twelve months, and there’s no progress when it comes to their case in court.”

Nearly 300 people signed a letter, which was smuggled out of the detention center the week before, detailing violations of their due process and worsening conditions.

“We feel vulnerable and, in a way, kidnapped—detained without justification—not to mention that we are being tortured physically and psychologically due to the poor food resources provided in these detention centers,” one letter reads in part. “Families are being destroyed and separated, where there are children, nieces, and minors who are suffering a very strong psychological impact because they do not understand the situation, and in some cases they have witnessed the arrests of their relatives, who have been struck by tragedy and the economic burden, since in most cases we are heads of household.”

The people Kim met with at Delaney“ran into the hallway to get a piece of paper off a bulletin board and showed it to me. It said that on Tuesday, after the [Memorial Day] holidays, this one judge has 74 cases before them in just one day,” he told me. “Many of them have been there eight, 10, 12 months, and there’s no progress when it comes to their case in court.”

Pax Christi New Jersey, a Catholic peace advocacy group, alleges that ICE has responded to the hunger and labor strikes by, among other things, canceling visitation and removing access to phones for large periods of time, leaving lights on throughout the night, and intermittently shutting off water. The group also stated that many people being detained are frustrated with media coverage that downplays, as those on strike stated Friday, the fact that detainees “are doing this to demand freedom.”

In response to a video clip posted Monday on X that showed Kim receiving treatment after getting pepper-sprayed, DHS claimed that “no individuals were directly struck by pepper ball projectiles,” referring to the protesters as “rioters” andimplying that they had assaulted ICE agents.

“GEO Group and CoreCivic and others are making their fortunes” from immigrant detention, Kim said. “It’s coming at our expense.”

In a separate statement, Mullin called the actions of Kim and other New Jersey lawmakers who showed up at Delaney Hall “nothing more than a political stunt” and called the people detained there “murderers, pedophiles, rapists, and drug traffickers.”

Selenia Destefani, the managing attorney for Nova Law Group, which represents dozens of people detained at Delaney Hall, told NBC News on Tuesday that her clients have been given expired meals and food with worms in it. Lawmakers who went inside Delaney Hall backed up those claims.

Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.) said Wednesday that the amount of food given to detainees was “very sparse”: “They get up and have breakfast at 4 in the morning, lunch at maybe 12, dinner at 4, and very small portions, so it’s impossible,” Nadler said, “and very often, there are maggots in the food.”

“This isn’t a Holiday Inn. We’re not providing luxury housing. What we’re doing is providing a sanitary place for them to be detained,” Mullin said in a Thursday morning interview on Fox & Friends. “We’re providing them three meals a day. We’re meeting the calorie standard.”

Meanwhile, Kim told me, “GEO Group and CoreCivic and others are making their fortunes” from immigrant detention, “[and] it’s coming at our expense.”

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Trump Vows to Protect the Family Businesses: Crypto and Prediction Markets

In a Truth Social post Wednesday, President Trump typed out a lengthy paragraph on the necessity of protecting the prediction and crypto markets, taking the opportunity to label a slew of Democrats “scum,” call the US the crypto capital of the world, and claim prediction markets are a new form of financial market.

He didn’t say that he and his family are heavily invested in both sectors.

Trump does seem to have conflicted feelings about both crypto and prediction markets—as recently as 2021, he called crypto “a scam,” and his Truth Social post followed a story from the New York Times earlier this week about how Trump has personally complained about prediction markets.

But it’s undeniable he has personal interests.

For starters, he’s literally created multiple crypto businesses—the crypto business World Liberty Financial and the $TRUMP meme coin, which have earned him hundreds of millions. And other businesses he owns, like Trump Media + Technology Group, the parent company of Truth Social, have invested heavily in Bitcoin—actually a major reason that company has lost more than $1 billion in its short life.

Truth Social is even attempting to launch its own in-app prediction market in partnership with Crypto.com, which would create an obvious conflict of interest for the president. Trump’s adult sons are heavily involved in crypto and prediction markets as well: all three are involved in World Liberty Financial, Eric Trump operates a Bitcoin mining company, and Donald Trump Jr. serves as an adviser to the two largest prediction market companies, Kalshi and Polymarket.

Backers of crypto and prediction markets want as little regulation as possible—and, more importantly, they want the regulation to be carried out at the federal level, under the control of Trump-appointed watchdogs like those at the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).

Trump’s Truth Social post also praised the current CFTC chairman, Mike Selig, a former attorney who represented several crypto companies before taking a role as the chair of the SEC’s crypto taskforce, ultimately moving in December to the CFTC.

Critics in state office, including Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz and New York Attorney General Letitia James, both Democrats, have said they will pursue prediction and crypto companies that break the law.

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Elizabeth Warren Has Some Questions for the Private Prison Executive Running ICE

Sen. Elizabeth Warren has a few questions for the head of ICE. On Wednesday, the Massachusetts Democrat sent a letter to David Venturella, the new acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, asking him to disclose any financial entanglements with the private prison giant GEO Group, where Venturella previously worked.

GEO Group is a major ICE contractor that operates a network of immigration detention centers, including Delaney Hall in New Jersey, where reports of detainee mistreatment have led to days of protests. The company has told investors that it is “preparing for what we believe is an unprecedented opportunity to help the federal government meet its expanded immigration enforcement priorities.”

In her letter, shared exclusively with Mother Jones, Warren asked that Venturella recuse himself from all matters that could benefit GEO Group, such as contract negotiations; that he make his ethics disclosures and related documents public; and that he answer a series of questions to clarify his potential ethics conflicts.

“Americans should not have to wonder whether ICE enforcement priorities are being driven by the financial interests of politically connected detention contractors,” Warren wrote to Venturella. “Your career can be characterized as a continuous, decades-long trip in and out of the revolving door between ICE and the private prison industry.”

Venturella is one among many past and present ICE officials with deep ties to the private prison industry, but his connections are among the most egregious. He spent more than a decade as an executive at GEO Group, eventually managing the company’s federal contracts. Now, as Venturella takes the helm at ICE—he was appointed May 12 and is slated to start the job May 31—GEO Group is having a great year.

“Last year was the most successful period for new business wins in our company’s history, and we expect 2026 to be a very active year as well,” said GEO Group CEO George Zoley on a May 6 earnings, call touting the “new growth opportunities” that the firm “captured in 2025 and are normalizing in 2026.”

ICE contracts drove a year in which GEO made “up to approximately $520 million in new incremental annual revenues…the largest amount of new business” the company has ever drawn in a single year, Zoley said on that call. With Venturella leading ICE, he could now be in a position to negotiate contracts with his own former employer.

“Given your track record and previous employment at GEO Group, I request that you recuse yourself from all matters that could directly or indirectly benefit GEO Group, including through the award, writing, and execution of federal contracts,” Warren wrote. “Additionally, I request that you make your ethics disclosures, waiver agreements, recusals, and all related ethics guidance public.”

Venturella, legally, will eventually have to release some of this information—as a senior government official, he’ll theoretically be compelled to file a public financial disclosure document within 30 days of his May 31 appointment. There, he’ll list other positions held and money earned. (Venturella’s predecessor, Todd Lyons, filed a very sparse disclosure, featuring only funds related to his spouse’s employment by the Pentucket School District.)

“Communities across the country are increasingly alarmed that the Trump Administration is building a deportation machine designed not only to terrorize immigrant families, but also to enrich a small network of politically connected contractors and former officials,” Warren charged. “Your longstanding ties to GEO Group and the resulting ethics concerns surrounding your appointment only deepen those fears.”

While employed by GEO Group, Venturella made at least $6 million and negotiated major contracts to reopen shuttered facilities. Venturella and ICE did not answer requests for comment prior to publication.

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“Mind-Bogglingly Crazy”: Climate Experts Alarmed by Europe’s Deadly Spring Heatwaves

_This story was originally published b_y the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Malcolm Mistry knew it was going to get “very warm, very quickly” on Monday morning but a slow start out of bed delayed his plans for an early game of cricket with his son. It was already 10 a.m. by the time the pair arrived at the sun-soaked nets of their local club in south-west London, and to the embarrassment of the 48-year-old scientist, who played cricket in his youth, his body was struggling after just half an hour of bowling.

Had he continued for another hour, Mistry reckons he would have probably suffered from heatstroke. Had he and his son stayed until noon, they would have found themselves straining their bodies in direct sunlight while a nearby weather station logged the UK’s hottest May temperature since records began.

“I could feel I was panting a bit more heavily,” said Mistry, a leading climate and health researcher at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine. “That’s when I said to myself: ‘I need to stop here right now, immediately, before something happens.’”

“For vulnerable groups without access to cooling…these temperatures are quite simply dangerous and potentially fatal.”

The dark side of a gloriously hot European summer, excess mortality data compiled by experts such as Mistry shows, is an almost unfathomably large death toll—one that society rarely treats as a crisis. In 2024, summer heat in the EU claimed roughly three times more lives than car crashes, 16 times more than murderers, and more than 10,000 times more than terrorists.

This year, summer highs are striking before spring is even over. It may herald worse heat to come as parts of Europe brace for yet another torrid season of punishing extremes.

Temperatures over the weekend reached dizzying highs in the UK, which shattered its historical temperature record for the month by a full 2 C. The Monday peak of 34.8 C at London’s Kew Gardens was followed by a “tropical night” at Kenley airfield, with lows that did not drop below 21.3 C, and was beaten on Tuesday with a high of 35.1 C in west London. The Met Office said the temperatures would be “exceptional in the UK even in mid-summer, let alone in May.”

In France, where Monday highs surpassed 37.1 C in the south-west, the national warning system was activated for the first time in May since it was introduced in 2004, and seven deaths were linked to the heat. Météo-France said abnormally hot periods had occurred in the month in previous years, “but nothing comparable to this one.” Spain may endure temperatures as high as 40 C this week.

“Early-season heatwaves are especially hazardous because our bodies have not had time to acclimatize,” said Garyfallos Konstantinoudis, an environmental epidemiologist at Imperial College London, who estimates an extra 250 heat-related deaths will have occurred in England and Wales between Saturday and Monday.

“This exceptional spring heatwave is far more than an uncomfortable disruption to our sleep, work or study,” he said. “For vulnerable groups without access to cooling—particularly elderly people, the very young and those with underlying health conditions—these temperatures are quite simply dangerous and potentially fatal.”

The specific trigger for the record temperatures is an area of high pressure trapping heat. It comes on top of a global rise in average temperatures, which has increased the likelihood of extremes and made unprecedented highs an increasingly common reality.

Peter Thorne, a climate scientist at Maynooth University in Ireland, said: “We know beyond a shadow of a doubt” that the climate crisis had made heatwaves such as the latest one stronger and more likely. “But nevertheless, many of the records being set, particularly in the UK and France, are mind-bogglingly crazy.”

“This latest heatwave in Europe is a brutal reminder of the spiraling impacts of the climate crisis, both human and economic,” Simon Stiell, UN Climate Change Executive Secretary. “The main culprit is the world’s addiction to burning coal, oil and gas, and destroying forests. Many other parts of the world are also getting hit hard, such as India and other parts of Asia. The science is clear that human-induced climate change is making these heatwaves more frequent and extreme.”

“This latest heatwave in Europe is a brutal reminder of the spiraling impacts of the climate crisis.”

Farmers across the continent have begun to sound the alarm over weather projections in recent weeks, with a regional lobby group in the Netherlands recently warning of stress from prolonged heat and drought. Last month, the young farmers association in Aragón, in Spain, warned of a possible “catastrophe” for cereal crops because of extreme heat and lack of rain.

Scientists have warned that El Niño, a warming weather pattern projected to return in a particularly potent form this year, could lead to even hotter temperatures in 2026. Current projections foresee it reaching moderate strength in the summer and peaking toward the end of the year, though official scientific bodies have warned that projections made before the end of spring are subject to great variability.

“What matters much more than hype around an upcoming El Niño is that we have permanently shifted the climate,” said Thorne. He compared it to walking into a casino and rolling a seven on a six-sided dice.

“I expect numerous notable extremes in Europe this summer because that is our new reality—but exactly what, where, when and with what impacts is not predictable,” he added. “But if you don’t lose this time, there is always next year. And coming back to the casino analogy, in the end the house always wins.”

Simon Stiell, UN Climate Change Executive Secretary, said: “This latest heatwave in Europe is a brutal reminder of the spiraling impacts of the climate crisis, both human and economic. The main culprit is the world’s addiction to burning coal, oil and gas, and destroying forests. Many other parts of the world are also getting hit hard, such as India and other parts of Asia. The science is clear that human-induced climate change is making these heatwaves more frequent and extreme.”

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They’re All Ken Paxton Now

When President Donald Trump endorsed Texas attorney general Ken Paxton earlier this month in his race to unseat four-term GOP Sen. John Cornyn, it fell to Lindsey Graham—as it so often does—to say the loud part loudest.

Sure, Cornyn is Graham’s colleague. And Paxton is a scandal-plagued hack lawyer who has been impeached by members of his own party; forced to take remedial ethics classes; admitted to breaking securities law; reported to the FBI by his employees; investigated by own his state bar association; and whose wife has filed for divorce on “Biblical grounds.” But what Graham actually feared about the prospect of Paxton winning their primary was telling. “I think we’ll win Texas no matter what,” the South Carolina senator told reporters. “The truth of the matter is, Paxton will cost more money.”

For now, it’s Cornyn and his national Republican allies who have just lit giant bags of cash on fire, spending at least $92 million to produce the single worst primary performance for an incumbent Senator in almost fifty years. Next up for Republican funders afterPaxton’s victory on Tuesday is an expensive general-election against Democratic state Rep. James Talarico that could help decide control of the chamber.

Paxton’s win was not surprising, with Trump’s late endorsement perhaps more a reflection of the underlying realities than a determinative factor itself. But the margin was nonetheless stunning. Paxton won Republican voters by nearly two-to-one. Of the state’s 254 counties, all but one went for the AG. The exception was tiny Kennedy County—Cornyn carried it 6 votes to 2.

The GOP’s Texas nominee is remarkable for his willingness to do what is asked regardless of what might be proper.

Incumbents almost never lose like this. But it’s not even the only time it’s happened this month. Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy, who angered Trump by voting for conviction at the second impeachment trial, recently became the first incumbent senator to finish outside the top two in a primary since the 1940s, according to the Downballot. Last week, Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie lost by nine points after bucking Trump on the Epstein files and the Iran war. Before that, the president helped take out six Republican legislators in Indiana who had blocked his push to redraw the state’s voting maps. Trump is more unpopular than he’s ever been in the general electorate. But among Republican primary voters, the bond has never been tighter.

Trump has always hovered over the Texas race in instructive ways. Cornyn and his supporters spent most of last year running a series of extremely blunt and ultimately kind of amusing attack ads with the goal of tanking Paxton’s numbers and scaring the president away. After the first round of the primary, when Cornyn unexpectedly came out on top in a three-person field, Trump said he was going to endorse one candidate soon and ask the other candidate to drop out, so the party could unite against Talarico. Paxton was quick to say that he would consider dropping out if the Senate would pass the SAVE Act, an omnibus voter suppression and election-malfeasance bill that’s somehow also anti-trans. The SAVE Act didn’t pass and Paxton’s bluff was safe—and in the end, Trump took another month to endorse.

Cornyn’s trajectory is instructive, although there are vanishingly few pre-MAGA Republicans left to take note of it. He was a less partisan attorney general than Paxton, in his previous life in Austin. In his current one in Washington, Cornyn passed a modest, bipartisan gun control law after the massacre in Uvalde, and called Trump “reckless” after January 6th. A lot of people in the chamber seemed to respect him. There is not even a billow of smoke about a messy personal life. But there has also probably never been a point in the last two years of Trump’s rule where anyone has thought, Well, John Cornyn will put a stop to this. He, too, told a story about what MAGA does to Republican officeholders, about how people who might know better simply find a different version of themselves. When Democrats in the state escaped to Illinois last summer to deny quorum, it was Cornyn who suggested the FBI be used to track them down. This was the fallacy of his campaign—that in order to stop Paxton, he must essentially become him. But there was no substitute for the real thing.

As I explained in a profile of Paxton several years ago, the newly minted Republican nominee embodies something essential about the GOP in the age of Trump. He is remarkable not for his smarts or charisma, but for his willingness to do what is asked regardless of what might be proper. Shame can only hold you back. Under Paxton, the AG’s office has been a fully weaponized agency, that has launched frivolous but harassing investigations of voting rights groups and immigrant aid organizations; targeted Trump critics and Democrats; and built the legal foundation for overturning a presidential election. He has been elected over and over again by running against the enemies of Donald Trump and Christian nationalists—a Jewish Republican speaker; business-minded Republicans in the state legislature; a Bush scion; and now a white-haired elder statesmen who looked like someone who might broker a grand bargain even if he never really did.

It’s fitting that when Paxton was impeached in 2023, it was for allegedly using his office to benefit the interests of a single donor. While he was acquitted by the state senate and has denied wrongdoing, that kind of concierge service is the secret to his staying power. Increasingly, it’s just how you get ahead in Republican politics—not by blocking and tackling, or constituent services, or quietly building a reputation, but doing what is asked by the big guy.

Trump is who they want to be—saying and doing what he wants, making deals, getting rich. But Ken Paxton is all that most of them are: A bad lawyer looking to get ahead, background music in someone else’s story. After all, the Senate Republican caucus already includes two other former state attorneys general who signed the Texas AG’s shoddy brief seeking to throw out the results of the 2020 election. Graham and the rest will welcome him, even if it costs $100 million to get him there, because whoever was left of the old guard has retired or been forced out. There’s no more delusion about what a Republican senator is or needs to be in Trump’s second term: They’re all Ken Paxton now.

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Mother Jones

What the Hell Is That Thing

At first, when I saw these photos of curling scaffolding outside the White House, I thought construction was beginning on the Trump Arch. That assumption, however, shows my limited fluency in Donald Trump’s vanity projects.

This is actually something else entirely: a tarantula-like stage being built for the president’s birthday cage fight extravaganza, called UFC Freedom 250. The fights, which will be part of Trump’s America 250 celebration, will reportedly cost $60 million. Trump announced the event last year during a visit to the Iowa State Fair. This summer, it’s happening for real, featuring boxers Ilia Tupuria and Justin Gaethje.

Scaffolding from far away.

Construction continues for the upcoming UFC match alongside the ballroom addition on the South Lawn of the White House on May 26, 2026 in Washington, DC. President Donald Trump is hosting a UFC match on the White House grounds in honor of the 250th anniversary of the United States.Kevin Dietsch/Getty

Oh, you didn’t realize a cage fight was happening at the White House soon? Neither did many of us. Here is a list of things that people at the Center for Investigative Reporting’s New York office think the arena, at least in its current iteration, resembles instead:

  1. Alien egg
  2. Elon Musk’s first installation on Mars
  3. Mall bungee jumping setup, near the food court, right around the corner from Claire’s, probably smelling faintly of cheese.
  4. Rollercoaster, but little
  5. Church carnival in a parking lot
  6. The millionth Transformers film
  7. The launch celebration for a new and improved NuvaRing. This one is sort of high-concept, and I don’t really understand it, but I believe my colleagues and here’s a link where you can judge for yourself.
  8. St. Louis Arch (a.k.a The Gateway Arch, but a Lego Technic version.)
  9. McDonald’s Arches.
  10. Installation purpose-built for a mid-sized city’s bid to host the Olympics

Scaffolding looming.

The arena scaffolding looms over the White House. Kent Nishimura/Getty

I’m no architecture critic, so there’s not much else for me to add here. If tickets to the fight didn’t (reportedly) cost $1.5 million, I’d check it out. I think the Transformers movies are pretty neat, and I think that there are many worse things the president could be wasting his time on than a UFC fight.

Another view of the scaffolding.

I want to bungee jump off the Freedom 250 scaffolding. Kevin Dietsch/Getty

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Mother Jones

Fuel and Sewage Leaks Have Made the Potomac One of America’s Most Endangered Rivers

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

The warning signs were years in the making. And yet, regulators failed to heed the writing on the wall, according to Dean Naujoks.

An investigator with the Potomac Riverkeeper Network, Naujoks spent three years documenting what he calls a systemic failure that culminated in dual environmental catastrophes now threatening the health of the entire Potomac River system, which is already stressed.

In January, a 60-year-old sewer pipe known as the Potomac Interceptor, running along the Maryland shoreline of the Potomac, collapsed near the Clara Barton Parkway corridor in Montgomery County, releasing an estimated 243 million gallons of raw sewage into the river over approximately three weeks.

But even before that spill, another crisis had already begun to unfold elsewhere in the watershed. At Joint Base Andrews in Prince George’s County, a fuel system failure on Dec. 11 led to thousands of gallons of jet fuel entering the headwaters of Piscataway Creek, a tributary that feeds directly into the Potomac. The leak continued for months before state regulators were notified.

Stretching more than 400 miles, the Potomac River is a source of drinking water for more than 5 million people in the Washington, DC, metropolitan area. In April, American Rivers, a conservation nonprofit, named it the most endangered river in the country, citing both the sewage spill and the rapid expansion of data centers.

Piscataway Creek, an 18.6-mile tributary of the Potomac, begins at the edge of Joint Base Andrews and slips back into the Potomac at Fort Washington Park. Its name derives from the indigenous Piscataway people, who’ve stewarded these waters for thousands of years and maintain a living relationship with the creek and the river to this day.

Naujoks believes neither crisis happened in a vacuum.

He first began tracking contamination in Piscataway Creek around 2022, after reports emerged of tainted fish. A researcher named Pat Elder, Naujoks said, who worked for an organization called Military Poisons, which investigates PFAS contamination at military bases across the country, initially raised the alarm.

A man standing on a bridge lowers a rod into a waterway below.

A US Geological Survey employee collects water samples on February 18 after a sewage leak released 243 million gallons of wastewater into the Potomac River.Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty via Inside Climate News

PFAS (per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances) are chemicals used in products ranging from kitchen items to military firefighting foam and are linked to cancers, immune disruption and reproductive harm.

When representatives from the Maryland Department of the Environment (MDE) tested the creek, they found the highest PFAS levels in any fish in any stream in the state. Among species tested was a sunfish from the creek that registered PFAS levels 1.4 million times higher than the EPA’s own standard for safe drinking water. The source of the contamination was the military’s practice of dousing jet fuel fires with firefighting foam laced with so-called “forever chemicals.”

Established in August 1941 and spanning roughly 6.8 square miles, Joint Base Andrews is a federal Superfund site that has been subject to cleanup efforts for decades. The US Air Force first released a report on PFAS at the site in 2018.

It took until 2023 to obtain the first fish consumption advisory from the state, Naujoks said. Even then the warning, posted online and in press releases, had limited reach among the shoreline communities that depend on the creek for subsistence fishing, he said.

“There’s a fish consumption advisory, but none of them know about it…it’s not like there are signs up,” he said. “A lot of these people are subsistence fishing…poor Black, Latino, Korean, Asian families…and they’re just filling the buckets up every spring.”

Once word of the contamination got out, public pressure increased. In April 2025, after years of advocacy, state officials finally organized a public forum to address concerns about Piscataway Creek and Joint Base Andrews. But Naujoks described the event as structured to avoid accountability rather than encourage it.

Instead of a traditional question-and-answer session, the forum included multiple information stations in a crowded room, making it difficult for residents to ask direct questions.

Federal funding for cleanup efforts has been inconsistent. A $2.7 million allocation for remediation at the base was eliminated at the beginning of the second Trump administration, according to Naujoks.

A map of the Potomac River near Washington, D.C., showing the sites of the sewage and jet fuel spills.

He has since contacted a criminal investigator about the military’s handling of the site’s contamination, arguing that the case may warrant a broader environmental investigation. Naujoks said the state and federal regulators should take action against the base for its failure to report the leak in a timely manner. “That’s what should be happening under the law,” he said.

A fuel system at the base failed a precision tightness test on December 11, 2025, according to MDE, more than three months before state regulators were notified of a potential spill.

“On March 23, 2026, the state received its first notification of the incident,” MDE said in an emailed response to Inside Climate News. “[Joint Base Andrews] reported to the National Response Center that an oil sheen and petroleum odors were observed in Piscataway Creek.”

Chaired by the EPA and staffed by the US Coast Guard, the National Response Center operates around the clock and is the designated point of contact for reporting oil, chemical, radiological and biological discharges into the environment across the United States.

Of the estimated 32,000 gallons of jet fuel that leaked, only 10,000 gallons have been recovered. The remaining 22,000 gallons entered the environment.

Although the base is a federal property, MDE has enforcement authority. “We have authority under state environmental regulations and law to take enforcement action, including potential penalties,” the department said in its comments. “The base is responsible for reporting discharges immediately and is also responsible for containment and remediation.”

In an emailed comment, a Joint Base Andrews spokesperson confirmed that approximately 22,000 gallons of jet fuel entered the environment, an estimate derived from the monthly fuel inventory report received on April 8. “At this time we do not know what amount may have entered Piscataway Creek,” it added.

“Water is not merely a luxury or a convenience to all people but rather the most important nutrient for life itself.”

The base said it is conducting joint water sampling with MDE, with results from April 13 and April 20 showing petroleum constituents trending downward. A more precise estimation of the spill’s scope is still under investigation, the base said.

Members of Maryland’s congressional delegation sent two separate letters demanding accountability: one to the Secretary of the Air Force regarding the fuel leak and another to DC Water concerning the Interceptor collapse.

“At a time when we need to be doing all we can to protect and clean up our waterways, these spills are taking us in the wrong direction,” US Sen. Chris Van Hollen said in a statement to Inside Climate News. “They are putting even more strain on our already overburdened waterways—hurting our environment and the lives and livelihoods that depend on them.”

Van Hollen’s office said the Air Force had yet to respond to the delegation’s letter, and had still not identified the source of the fuel leak.

US Sen. Angela Alsobrooks, in an emailed response, said the focus must remain on stopping future leaks, while acknowledging the disproportionate burden carried by communities with the least political recourse. The families suffering most—subsistence fishing households and lower-income residents in Prince George’s and Charles counties—had the least say in decisions about military base oversight or utility infrastructure, she said.

In an emailed statement, the EPA said it had accomplished its remediation goals related to the Potomac Interceptor collapse and that water quality recreational advisories had been lifted across DC, Virginia, and three Maryland counties. Regarding the jet fuel leak, the agency said it deployed personnel to assess Piscataway Creek and found the containment measures were working as intended. MDE was overseeing the cleanup conducted by the Air Force, but had not requested additional help from EPA, according to the agency.

The contamination has had consequences for the communities downstream of Joint Base Andrews.

The Piscataway Indian Nation, whose ancestral connection to the creek’s waters stretches back more than 15,000 years, issued a formal statement following the Interceptor collapse, signed by 29th Hereditary Chief Mark Tayac.

The Nation described the sewage spill as a “preventable, and yet seemingly inevitable” disaster that had since curtailed its members’ ability to fish, hunt, gather traditional foods, prepare healing medicines and make cultural items. “Water is not merely a luxury or a convenience to all people but rather the most important nutrient for life itself,” the statement said.

The Nation noted that fecal bacteria levels remained 2,700 times the safe limit as of early February, and that scientists had found unsafe levels of MRSA, a powerful, antibiotic-resistant bacteria, in the river. The statement warned that the sewage spill could affect shellfish harvesting more than 50 miles downriver from the spill site.

The sewage and fuel spills are further stressing the already vulnerable river.

Asked about the absence of advisory signage at known subsistence fishing locations on Piscataway Creek despite years of documented contamination, MDE said it was in the process of updating signs and noted there were “only two locations in Piscataway Creek that can accommodate signage.”

Three construction workers examine a large metal pipe with heavy machinery in the background.

Repair work continues on the broken section of the Potomac Interceptor on February 16 in Cabin John, Maryland.Chip Somodevilla/Getty via Inside Climate News

Don Boesch, a marine scientist who has monitored the Potomac estuary for decades, said the sewage spill’s long-term impact on the river’s oxygen levels and the prospect of fish kills would depend largely on summer water discharge volumes and that “it will be hard to distinguish any effect of the sewer line break this year, much less into the future.”

But he directly addressed the institutional failure behind the sewer pipe collapse. DC Water had known for years that the Interceptor was at risk of failure, Boesch said, and yet deferred repairs. Investments in advanced wastewater treatment had been steadily shrinking the Potomac’s seasonal dead zone, he noted, making the spill’s disruption of that progress all the more consequential. “We must maintain fail-safe infrastructure to ensure the effectiveness of these sizable investments,” he said. “That’s the lesson from this year’s entirely preventable disruption.”

Van Hollen’s office said the Trump administration had proposed a 90 percent cut to the State Revolving Fund—the primary federal mechanism for water infrastructure investment—in its FY2027 budget, a proposal Congress had rejected in the FY2026 spending bill but that remained a live threat.

Naujoks is demanding a full investigation of the PFAS contamination and sampling of every creek and tributary draining from Joint Base Andrews, not just Piscataway Creek, which is the only waterway publicly known to be affected.

He has already contacted a state criminal investigator about the failure to disclose the leaking jet fuel, arguing that months of silence between the fuel system failure and the report to regulators merit a criminal investigation. “Did somebody commit a crime for not reporting this?” he said. “That needs to be investigated.”

He said he is watching whether state lawmakers have the appetite to compel MDE to conduct that sampling before the remedial PFAS investigation, which is not expected to conclude until 2029, runs its course.

“It just doesn’t surprise me,” he said of the base’s conduct, “because it’s Prince George’s County, where they’ve gotten away with this shit for a long, long time.”

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Mother Jones

Oh Goody, a Trump Official Once Called Ebola a “Scam”

The current Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda is one of the largest in recent history. According to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, there have been nearly 1,000 suspected cases and more than 200 suspected deaths. The disease is spreading quickly, and public health workers say they have struggled to contain it because funds for the US Agency for International Development and other aid efforts have been cut by the Trump administration.

The US State Department insists that President Donald Trump’s cuts did not contribute to the delayed response to the outbreak. Tommy Pigott, a spokesman, told the New York Times last week, “It is false to claim that the USAID reform has negatively impacted our ability to respond to Ebola.”

But in March 2025, Nicholas Enrich, then an acting assistant administrator for global health at USAID, testified before Congress that funding had been frozen, protective equipment could not be accessed, and an agency leader had characterized an Ebola outbreak in Uganda at the time as a “scam.”

Enrich told the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs that in February, his requests for funds to address Uganda’s ongoing Ebola outbreak had fallen on deaf ears. Tim Meisburger, who was then the head of USAID’s Bureau of Humanitarian Assistance, Enrich testified, “specifically noted that Ebola was a ‘scam’ because there had only been ‘one death.’” Enrich attempted to “explain that Ebola was still in an incubation period, and that we should see the response through,” but to no avail. Instead, he continued, his superiors decided to “deprioritize activities related to neglected tropical diseases, MPox, Polio, Ebola, and any monitoring and surveillance activities.”

Meisburger had previously made headlines in 2021, when he was serving as a deputy assistant administrator at USAID’s Bureau for Development, Democracy and Innovation. According to the Washington Post, he had told fellow staffers during a video call that the January 6 Capitol insurrection was caused by “a few violent people” and that “several million” others had been protesting peacefully. He was dismissed from his position after those comments came to light, but he was brought back into public office during Trump’s second term.

According to Enrich, the other high-ranking official present at his meeting with Meisburger was an assistant to the administrator for global health, Mark Lloyd, who also has a history of making controversial statements. When Lloyd was named USAID’s religious freedom adviser at the end of Trump’s first term in 2020, the Washington Post reported on Islamophobic comments he had previously made on social media, including calling Islam a “barbaric cult.”

As of June 2025, Meisburger had reportedly taken a new role with the Peace Corps, while Lloyd is still with USAID’s Bureau of Global Health. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Around the same time that Enrich was meeting with Meisburger and Lloyd, SpaceX head Elon Musk, who was then leading Trump’s US Department of Government Efficiency, took to X to brag about gutting USAID. “We spent the weekend feeding USAID into the wood chipper,” he tweeted in February. “Could gone to some great parties. Did that instead.”

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Mother Jones

Why Conservatives Are Trying to Kill the Voting Rights Act

The Voting Rights Act is widely considered one of the most effective laws in prohibiting racial discrimination in voting. One of its key provisions has long allowed states to take race into account when drawing voting maps to ensure that nonwhite voters have electoral power. But earlier this year, the Supreme Court narrowed that provision. In her dissent, Justice Elena Kagan described the court’s decision as the “now-completed demolition of the Voting Rights Act.”

Jamelle Bouie, a political columnist for the New York Times, often analyzes today’s political stories through the lens of a historian. He’s written about why the Dred Scott Supreme Court decision to exclude African Americans from becoming citizens still matters today and how the Trump administration’s war on the federal government is similar to the Iraq War’s “shock and awe” campaign. And he’s also examined the conservative movement’s now-successful effort to dismantle the Voting Rights Act.

“The notion that everyone deserves equal access to the ballot, that everyone deserves equal access to elections, that one person ought to mean one vote, and that there ought to be some measure of political equality has never really sat well with the political right in this country,” Bouie says.

On this week’s More To The Story, Bouie and host Al Letson talk about how the Voting Rights Act has been defanged by the Supreme Court, why the Democratic Party is made up of “a bunch of weenies,” and why he believes the country is experiencing a constitutional emergency.

This is an update of an episode that originally aired in August 2025.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

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Mother Jones

White House Seeks Gag Order For All Federal Workers

In an attempt to stop federal workers from sharing information with journalists, the Trump administration may soon ask them—all two million of them—to sign non-disclosure agreements, or NDAs.

A draft document shared Tuesday by the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) outlined a set of civil and criminal penalties the federal government could pursue against any employee who breaks their NDAs and shares “non-public, confidential, or proprietary information” about their job.

It’s not unheard of for federal employees to sign legally binding NDAs—covert operatives, for example, have signed them for decades. But for practical, ethical, and legal reasons, NDAs are a relative rarity in the public sector; they’re better known for their starring role in the broad universe of private-sector litigation. There, they are weapons celebrities and public figures wield against each other—essentially reputation management tools. Donald Trump himself has historically been fond of NDAs, paying adult film star Stormy Daniels $130,000 to sign one in 2016, and asking all White House staff to sign them in 2018. White House Counsel Don McGahn initially “refused to draft or distribute” those agreements “because he did not think they were enforceable.”

A blanket NDA across the federal government would be even more difficult to enforce, legal experts say. “The Supreme Court upheld, for example, non-disclosure agreements for a CIA agent,” said David Loy, legal director at the First Amendment Coalition, a nonprofit free-speech group. “But to the best of my recollection that has never been extended to garden-variety government workers.”

An Office of Personnel Management media relations officer wrote in an email that the agency aims to stem the tide of government leaks, which are “disrupting agency operations and eroding trust across government.”

Those leaks included “the release of personal information belonging to approximately 4,500 ICE employees,” the release of planned ICE operation information, and “unauthorized disclosures from Federal employees divulging the secret U.S. raid on Venezuela prior to it occurring.”

To some press freedom advocates, these exact examples show that a government-wide hush order would be counterproductive.

“Aggressive efforts to stifle interactions between government employees and journalists ultimately threaten the public’s access to newsworthy information,” Gabe Rottman, vice president of policy for the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, told me. “The reporting identified in the draft notice itself illustrates the importance of journalists being able to talk with federal officials about issues across government.”

In its press release, OPM claimed its NDA would be “fully consistent with existing whistleblower protections under federal law,” and that signing it would supposedly be optional. But the category of “non-public, confidential, or proprietary information” contained in the draft documents is remarkably broad—and open to some interpretation.

“Even if the NDA does not impose new restrictions on its face, it could still chill protected speech if employees are led to believe they cannot discuss anything related to their work,” Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression Senior Attorney Greg Greubel said. On its face, the NDA’s only enforceable parts are already covered by confidentiality obligations that have always come with working for the government. “So the issue is less the NDA’s text than how agencies implement and communicate it,” Greubel said.

“To leak out the notes of a meeting is not the same as leaking the nuclear codes, right?” said Loy, of the First Amendment Coalition.

Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles, said that the legality of the NDAs depends on exactly how broad they are. “If the NDA basically just duplicates duties of confidentiality that public employees might already have, then there really isn’t an issue here,” Levinson said. “On the other end of the spectrum, there is an issue if the administration wants this NDA to act as a catch-all gag order.”

Some federal employees’ advocates fear that might be the case. Everett Kelley, president of the American Federation of Government Employees—the union representing over 800,000 federal employees and DC government workers—wrote in a statement that “federal employees do not surrender their First Amendment rights when they accept federal employment, and the public has a right to know about this administration’s abuses.”

“Federal agencies already have extensive policies and procedures in place for preventing the unauthorized release of classified or privileged information,” Kelley added. “This proposed rule sweeps in an extraordinarily broad category of information, extending restrictions to the very material the public relies on to learn when an administration is causing harm.”

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Mother Jones

Why Billionaires Pay Much Less Tax Than the Average American

This story was originally published on Gabriel Zucman’s substack, to which you can subscribe here (for English) or here (for French).

Last week, Jeff Bezos made an unexpected contribution to the debate about taxation in the United States, claiming that billionaires like himself pay a lot of tax and that it would be pointless to ask them to pay more.

Coming from someone who, famously, paid zero income tax in 2011 and even received a tax credit for his children, this predictably did not go very well.

But it’s not just billionaires like Bezos, with a clear interest in maintaining the status quo, who express this sentiment. There is a common view that the US tax system is progressive, that the super-rich must pay a lot of tax and the working class does not contribute to funding the government.

So it’s worth looking at what the research says on this issue. My colleagues and I have spent several years trying to assemble the most comprehensive estimates of who pays the taxes in the United States.

One myth worth dispelling is the notion that the superrich pay a significant amount of tax.

To begin with, it’s worth dispelling a common myth. Contrary to what we often hear, the working class pays a lot of tax in America. Bezos, echoing conservative commenters, claimed last week that the top 1 percent pays 40 percent of taxes and the bottom 50 percent only 3 percent.

But this claim is misleading. It captures just one tax —the federal income tax—and ignores all the rest: payroll taxes, state income taxes, sales taxes, excise duties, etc., many of which are regressive.

If one takes a comprehensive view of taxation in the United States, here’s the picture that emerges: All social groups pay broadly the same effective tax rate today—around 25 percent to 30 percent of income, including all taxes—with billionaires having the lowest tax rate: 24 percent on average in 2018–20.

The figure depicts the US average tax rate by income groups from 1950 to 2018. All federal, state, and local taxes are included. Taxes are expressed as a fraction of pretax income. P0-10 denotes the bottom 10 percent of the income distribution, P10-20 the next 10 percent, etc. Saez and Zucman (2020)

Working class people significantly contribute to funding American society today. Payroll taxes and consumption taxes absorb a high fraction of their income. For the middle class, the income tax starts kicking in on top of these. And for the rich, the corporate tax becomes significant.

Of course, low-income Americans also receive government transfers. If one views these transfers as a “negative tax” (which is problematic for the reasons explained in this article), then the tax rate of the working class falls.

But the tax rate of the middle-class barely changes. No matter how one looks at it, billionaires pay much less tax than the average American.

The second myth worth dispelling is the notion that the superrich pay a significant amount of tax. The case of Bezos himself is a good illustration of why that is not the case.

Based on public data, it is possible to estimate Bezos’s total effective tax rate: the total amount of tax he pays personally plus indirectly through Amazon, relative to his income (not including unrealized capital gains).

Bezos’s total effective tax rate was just 15 percent in 2018. Meanwhile, the average person in the US pays around 30 percent of their income in taxes.

Data from publicly available sources.Saez and Zucman (2023)

More broadly, if one looks at the 400 wealthiest Americans, recent research shows that billionaires tend to have low individual income tax rates.

Simply put, the ultrawealthy can easily structure their wealth so that this wealth will generate little—sometimes even no—taxable income. Hence no income tax owed. And things are getting worse: The effective tax rate of billionaires has fallen sharply after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2018.

In a context where billionaire wealth is booming, this deprives governments of very significant revenue. And even more importantly, it fuels the rise of inequality—or rather, the rise of plutocracy, which now far exceeds its Gilded Age peak.

In 1910, the top 0.00001 percent wealthiest Americans—who became known as the Robber Barons, extracting immense wealth from their monopolies, free of tax—owned wealth equivalent to 4 percent of US national income.

Today that same fraction of the population —which now includes 19 households – own the equivalent of 14 percent of US national income in wealth.

It is high time we fix this anomaly.

This chart shows the evolution of the wealth held by the richest 0.00001 percent of Americans (that is, the 19 largest fortunes in 2025 and the 4 largest in 1913), expressed as a percentage of US national income. Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman

Gabriel Zucman is an economist and professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and at France’s École Normale Supérieur whose research focuses on the accumulation, distribution, and taxation of wealth from a historical and global perspective.

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Republican-Appointed Judges Just Gave the Roberts Court a Stunning Rebuke

On Monday, a three-judge federal court panel with two Trump appointees restored an Alabama congressional map with two majority-Black districts for the 2026 midterm elections, finding that another map recently green lit by the Supreme Court intentionally discriminated against Black voters.

The same panel had already concluded last year following a full trial that Alabama had discriminated against Black voters by refusing to create a new majority-Black congressional district after the Supreme Court ordered it to do so in its 2023 Allen v. Milligan decision. The high court’s conservative majority, however, abruptly reversed that order in the wake its April Louisiana v. Callais decision that gutted the Voting Right Act, and allowed Alabama to use a map with only one majority-Black district for November’s midterms, even though the state’s primary was only a week away and the three-judge panel had invalidated that map based on an exhaustive review of the evidence leading to the conclusion that the legislature had intentionally discriminated against Black voters. It asked the lower court to reevaluate its ruling in light of Callais.

But in a stunning rebuke of the Supreme Court, the panel, made up of three judges nominated by Republican presidents, reached the same conclusion it had before. “Ultimately, we cannot see our way clear to requiring Alabamians to cast their votes in the 2026 elections under a districting plan tainted by intentional race-based discrimination,” the judges wrote in a unanimous opinion. “We do not lightly intrude in state affairs, but our previous review of the undisputed evidence left us in no doubt that Alabama’s legislatively enacted plan (the ‘2023 Plan’) intentionally discriminated based on race in violation of the Constitution. Our re-examination in light of Callais yields the same conclusion.”

The panel reaffirmed intentional racial discrimination, writing “we do not find the issue particularly complex or close.”

In Callais, the Roberts Court majority feigned moderation. It called its revision of past precedent an “update” and promised that Section 2 of the VRA, which required that racial minorities have an equal opportunity to elect candidates of their choice, is still good law—but now in a narrower set of circumstances. But the new standards the opinion set, combined with the six-three Republican majority’s subsequent actions, bely that promise. Callais, on its face, still bans intentional racial discrimination in redistricting. But by vacating the injunction the three-judge panel had issued after justsuch a finding_,_ the high court’s GOP appointees signaled that they intend to use Callais much more broadly than Justice Samuel Alito’s majority opinion initially admitted.

Tuesday’s decision from the three-judge panel, however, takes Callais at its word. Step by step, it lays out why the Alabama map fails under Supreme Court precedent, the VRA, and the Constitution. It repeatedly reminds readers that the Supreme Court agreed with their finding in Allen v. Milligan that Alabama had violated the VRA_,_ and that Callais claimed not to have upset that opinion. If the Supreme Court meant to use Callais to end all claims of anti-Black racial discrimination in gerrymandering, the panel effectively sends the case back to the high court and tells them, do your dirty work yourself.

In an extensive opinion issued Tuesday with analysis running nearly 80 pages, the panel reevaluates its decision to block the legislature’s 2023 map and keep in place one drawn by a special master under both longstanding Supreme Court precedent and the Callais updates. The first is the Purcell Principle, a Supreme Court doctrine which instructs courts not to interfere with election rules too close to voting because of the chaos it could cause. It’s likely that the high court’s conservative majority may be tempted to allow Alabama to implement its 2023 map with one Black majority district on this premise—that a change from what the court ordered after _Callais_at this juncture would cause too much chaos. If they do so, it would be impossible to square such a decision with how the Court had justallowed Alabama to enact a new congressional map one week before the May 19 primary.

But the panel rejects the idea that using the legislature’s discriminatory 2023 map in place for just weeks is anything but an ill-timed and dangerous upset of the status quo. After all, Alabama voters have now used the court-ordered special master’s plan in 2024 and were starting to again this year. “The Special Master Plan will forestall an expensive, aggressive, and perhaps logistically impossible voter reassignment effort,” the opinion states. “Enjoining the unconstitutional 2023 Plan will improve the administrative situation in Alabama, not worsen it.” If the Supreme Court chooses to block this injunction again on Purcell grounds, the panel warns, the high court justices will be the ones putting a new map in place at the last minute.

The opinion then moves on to the meat of its analysis. In Callais, the 6-3 majority made vote dilution claims under the VRA nearly impossible to prove, requiring a showing of intentional discrimination that cannot be explained away by traditional redistricting criteria or partisan preference. It seemed written as if to make the standard so difficult as to be impossible to surmount. But the panel oversaw an extensive trial, leading to an opinion with hundreds of pages of factual findings that amounted to intentional discrimination. They found race, not partisanship, guided the legislature. And so, asked to reconsider their findings, they unanimously found that their opinion still wins the day.

Under Callais, partisanship functions as a get-out-of-jail-free card. If a legislature claims that its goal is partisan advantage, Callais seems to greenlight maps that effectively mute the political voice of minority voters. Moreover, the GOP justices ruled in a case two years ago that courts must accord legislatures a “presumption of legislative good faith” in their redistricting efforts—yet another obstacle to concluding unconstitutional or illegal racial gerrymandering.

But the Alabama panel found that in this case, neither partisanship nor the good faith presumption could rescue the state’s map from convincing evidence of illegal racial discrimination. “The record now includes extensive lawyer argument about purportedly partisan motives for the 2023 Plan, but there is zero evidence the Legislature enacted the 2023 Plan for partisan purposes,” the panel wrote. In other words, they reject the idea that merely saying this is partisan in court is enough if the legislators never said it at the time. “Alabama cannot use Callais to legitimize its pre-Callais decision to double down on the discriminatory vote dilution that we and the Supreme Court found,” the panel wrote. “If such retroactive validation strategies were available, States would be encouraged to govern themselves according to what they think federal law ought to be, not what it is.”

Likewise, the three judges found the presumption of good faith doesn’t get Alabama over the finish line this time. “The unique reality of this evidentiary record overwhelms the strong presumption of legislative good faith,” the panel writes. “If this record does not rebut the presumption, we seriously doubt that it is rebuttable absent a clear and direct expression of invidious discrimination in the text of a bill or official arguments in support of its passage.”

Here, the panel is, at least implicitly, challenging the Supreme Court. Is it merely enough for lawyers to claim partisans goals after the fact? Is the presumption of good faith so strong that it requires ignoring the factual record of a case? Since this case will surely be appealed right back to the Supreme Court, the Republican appointees will have to own this radical rewriting of the law if they want to, once again, block the panel’s decision and let the discriminatory map go into effect.

Finally, the panel likewise looked at its record and reaffirmed its finding of intentional racial discrimination, in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment. “We are painfully aware of the gravity of our ruling, but in this unusual posture and on this extensive record, we do not find the issue particularly complex or close,” they wrote.

Lawmakers in Southern states have moved to eliminate Black representation with alarming speed following the Callais decision, seeking to erase at least five majority-Black districts in Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Mississippi. Both the substance and timing of the Callais decision was a form of electoral warfare by the Roberts Court, intervening in the midterms in unprecedented fashion to allow Republican-controlled states just enough time to redraw their maps to take away Democratic seats—but not enough time for Democratic-controlled states to fight back.

That gave a huge boost to Trump’s mid-decade gerrymandering push after Democrats had fought Republicans to a surprising draw. But the Callais decision, combined with an equally shocking ruling by the Virginia Supreme Court invalidating a voter-approved congressional redistricting plan, could shift up to ten congressional seats toward the GOP this November, potentially allowing them to hold the House despite Trump’s deep unpopularity.

But now, at least one conservative Southern court panel is telling the Roberts Court: not so fast.

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Mother Jones

Once a Climate Leader, Canada Is Doubling Down on Oil

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Before he became prime minister of Canada, Mark Carney was perhaps one of the world’s biggest supporters of the idea that climate action was good business. He led the clean energy investment fund for Brookfield, one of the world’s largest financial firms, and founded a global alliance of bankers and politicians who wanted to channel their resources toward green energy. When he took over from outgoing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, many expected that he would follow the previous Liberal leader’s ambitious climate agenda, which included taxing fossil fuels and subsidizing clean technology.

But just like in Carney’s beloved sport of hockey, momentum in the climate world can change fast. In the year since he took over, Carney has unveiled a suite of new policies to gut Canada’s ambitious climate regulations and support the country’s powerful fossil fuel industry. This reversal reached a climax last week when he struck a deal with the province of Alberta to prop up its tar sands oil industry and vowed to expand the country’s power grid through the use of natural gas.

Carney is pitching the reversal as a political and economic necessity. Canada is facing the prospect of a severe economic downturn as a result of President Donald Trump’s disruptive trade agenda, and a group of conservatives in Alberta are waging a campaign to secede from Canada altogether. He has claimed that the country can achieve economic security by investing in oil and gas production while still making progress toward reducing its own carbon emissions.

“It will be an opportunity to accelerate the energy transition across Canada, and it’s also an opportunity for Canada to be a reliable supplier for partners across the globe, and to do so in a manner that makes Canada more prosperous and independent,” said Carney in announcing the strategy.

The reversal reveals a stark truth about the direction of global climate action: Despite the rapid deployment of clean energy, even countries and politicians once seen as climate leaders are turning to fossil fuels to protect against the turmoil of Trump’s trade disputes and the war in Iran.

“The problem is we’re defaulting back to what Canada’s known how to do in the past, rather than what the world’s going to need in the future.”

But Carney’s new strategy doesn’t seem to have pleased anyone. Major oil producers and conservatives in Alberta are still pressuring Carney for further concessions, and a broad spectrum of left-wing politicians and civil society groups have condemned it as short-sighted. The critics argue that doubling down on fossil fuel exports is the wrong move at a time when the rest of the world may be shifting away from them.

“The problem is we’re defaulting back to what Canada’s known how to do in the past, rather than what the world’s going to need in the future,” said Simon Donner, a climate scientist at the University of British Columbia who served as chair of the federal government’s climate policy advisory board until he resigned late last year.

Carney has already rolled back several of Trudeau’s climate initiatives. He scrapped Canada’s federal electric vehicle mandate and eliminated the country’s unpopular consumer carbon tax, which added a surcharge on gas stations and power bills. The one major policy he left alone was the “industrial carbon price,” which charges polluters a fee for every ton of carbon dioxide they emit. The nation’s biggest emitters are multinational oil and gas companies, which produce sticky crude from the massive tar sands fields in Alberta; the oil sector produces about 30 percent of Canada’s emissions, more than buildings or cars.

Canada and Alberta have a mutual dependence. Oil makes up more than 15 percent of Canada’s export volume, and Alberta’s oil wealth makes it a net contributor to the federal budget. Under the Canadian constitution, provinces have control over natural resources, and Alberta leaders have long viewed the industrial carbon tax as a threat to their sovereignty. But the oil industry in Alberta needs help from the Liberal government, too. The inland province is producing more oil than it can sell, and the industry’s future growth depends on building another pipeline to the Pacific Ocean, which needs federal support. (The existing pipeline to the Pacific is nearing capacity. Oil producers are also seeking to build new pipelines to the United States.)

Last week, Carney and Alberta Premier Danielle Smith unveiled a “grand bargain” meant to resolve this conflict: Carney removed a proposed hard cap on carbon emissions from the oil sector, and in exchange Alberta agreed to support a long-term increase in carbon prices. The federal government will also expedite permitting for a new Pacific Coast pipeline, while oil producers agreed to build a massive carbon capture system that would offset emissions from oil drilling.

Climate advocates in Canada say the final deal is toothless, and makes major concessions to the oil and gas industry. The deal will lower the headline price of the industrial carbon tax and slow down the rate of the price increase by three-quarters, whereas Carney had at first proposed to tighten the price. The proposed carbon capture project has also shrunk to a fraction of its original size, and the oil industry hasn’t agreed to it yet.

“It would have been a big enough motivator to find those emissions cuts, but it wouldn’t have jeopardized the possibility of oil and gas companies making money,” said Julia Levin, the associate director for national climate policy at the nonprofit Environmental Defence. She noted that under the previous framework, the per-barrel cost of the carbon tax comes out to the price of a Timbit, the Canadian equivalent of a Munchkin donut hole: about 50 cents. Now, she says, “the companies don’t have to do anything at all for 15 years.”

Even early news of a potential deal triggered a revolt within Carney’s own party, leading to the resignation of his climate minister, Steven Guilbeault, as well as two members of the government’s independent climate advisory panel. But the industry isn’t satisfied, either. The chief executive of the Canadian oil company Cernovus said last week he doesn’t think the country should have a carbon price at all, saying it “doesn’t incent us to decarbonize,” and some producers have said they still worry about making money even under the loose regulations. A leader of the Alberta separatist campaign said the deal only made him more convinced the province needs to leave Canada.

“We will look back in 10 years and think, ‘What the hell were we doing?’”

Richard Masson, a longtime oil sands executive who has worked for Shell and the government of Alberta, said that companies should see the carbon tax as the price of doing business in a country where most voters want some action on climate change.

“The producers will probably take a little bit less return, but in the world we’re in, there’s enough money to go around,” he said. “You’re saying, ‘I’m going to spend a premium on this to prevent having the world turn its back on me.’”

Masson also said that the ultimate climate impact of the deal depends on whether a pipeline to the Pacific actually comes together. Carney has already eased environmental permitting laws to make it easier, and last month he created a $25 billion development fund that could help pay for construction. But there is still no private company that has come forward to build it, and a number of First Nations tribes with treaty rights on the Pacific coast have rejected the idea.

“No offer of equity or ownership will change our position, and no proponent is acceptable to us,” said Marilyn Slett, president of the Coastal First Nations, in response to the pipeline plan. First Nations have ironclad consultation rights under British Columbia provincial law, and securing a pipeline without tribal agreement will be impossible.

Even so, in what seemed to be a further embrace of fossil fuels for economic security, Carney also unveiled a “national electricity strategy” at the same time as the Alberta deal. This strategy seeks to double the size of Canada’s grid by 2050 through investments in renewable energy and a new network of transmission lines connecting the provinces. But it also calls for natural gas to have a major role on Canada’s future power grid, even though the country has made major investments in zero-carbon power and gets most of its electricity from hydropower dams and nuclear reactors.

Here again, the Carney government framed the decision as a necessary step toward geopolitical resilience. The strategy claims that “Canada’s economic growth and long-term competitiveness will depend on its ability to attract and retain investment in high-growth, electricity-intensive sectors, including artificial intelligence…liquid natural gas export facilities, mining, and critical minerals.”

Underlying all these moves is the assumption that fossil fuels will provide protection against economic uncertainty. As long as Canada can extract and export natural resources, it will be able to balance its budgets and keep its citizens safe. But despite Carney’s reputation as a shrewd central banker, critics of his government view the prime minister’s new strategy as short-sighted—Carney is pinning his economic hopes on the sale of a commodity that the world is starting to abandon.

“This is the sort of decision that they’re probably happy about today, and we will look back in 10 years and think, ‘What the hell were we doing?’” said Donner, the former chair of the government’s climate advisory board.

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Mother Jones

These Photos Reveal Strange Sea Creatures Scientists Have Never Seen Before

This story was originally published by Vox and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

It lives in a glass castle deep under the sea.

It’s not a character from The Little Mermaid but a very real, very mysterious marine worm. Known as Dalhousiella yabukii, the worm resides inside a glass sea sponge—a simple marine animal that forms a glass-like skeleton—in the cold, dark waters off the coast of Japan. And it’s just one of a massive trove of marine animal species that scientists say they recently discovered.

A translucent worm with bristles on its sides.

Dalhousiella yabukii, a new species of polychaete worm found in deep waters off the coast of Japan.The Nippon Foundation-Nekton Ocean Census/JAMSTEC

This week, the Ocean Census—a project that has set out to accelerate the discovery of sea life—announced that it has found 1,121 previously unknown ocean species since last April. That marks a massive jump in the number of newly discovered marine species in a single year, according to Oliver Steeds, director of the Ocean Census, a joint mission of the UK-based nonprofit Nekton and Japan’s largest philanthropic organization, the Nippon Foundation. Some of the other newly found creatures include fish, rays, sponges, and soft corals (you can see more of them below).

Though it may seem that Earth is already largely explored, the vast majority of animal species on Earth—perhaps as many as 90 percent of them—remain undescribed. “This is really a planetary blindspot,” said Steeds, who’s also the founder and chief executive of Nekton.

The Ocean Census, which launched three years ago, is trying to close the gap in the marine realm by exploring remote ocean regions with the help of high-tech submersibles and taxonomists. And to that end, this large batch of species is an important step forward—with one major caveat.

While the search for life beyond Earth has been a magnet for public attention, missions like the Ocean Census reveal that there is a lot we still don’t know about life on our home planet—much of which looks pretty darn alien.

Most critters that the expeditions revealed are pretty small, like this striking ribbon worm. Found in the waters near Timor-Leste in Southeast Asia, the worm’s bright colors may be a signal to predators that it produces defensive toxins, according to a press release announcing the new findings. Such toxins may be useful in drug development; scientists have previously investigated chemicals produced by similar worms to treat cognitive disorders, such as Alzheimer’s disease.

A small colorful worm with orange and purple on its body.

A small ribbon worm found in the waters of Timor-Leste.The Nippon Foundation-Nekton Ocean Census/Gustav Paulay

Remarkably, the discovery effort also uncovered larger animals, which have likely managed to evade detection because they live at such great depths and in less-explored regions.

The most charismatic among them is, perhaps, this new species of “ghost shark” that scientists found off the coast of Australia. Though distantly related to sharks and rays, ghost sharks are not actually sharks at all but chimaeras, a deep-sea fish with a skeleton made of cartilage instead of bone. (See lead photo up top.)

In the same region, scientists also found an unknown species of ray…

A fish with a flat, diamond-shaped body.

An unknown species of ray found in Australia’s Coral Sea Marine Park.The Nippon Foundation-Nekton Ocean Census/CSIRO

…and an unfamiliar example of what’s known as a catshark. They’re bottom dwellers with slender bodies, and some of them apparently have a feline appearance (I’m not seeing it in this particular fish, which was found deep underwater in Australia.)

A small, dark-colored shark.

A catshark in the genus Apristurus, also found in Australian waters.The Nippon Foundation-Nekton Ocean Census/CSIRO

Then there are animals that don’t look like animals at all. Like this unfamiliar sea sponge found in the South Atlantic, not far from Antarctica. Belonging to a group of animals known as the ping-pong ball sponges (for obvious reasons), this animal is carnivorous and uses those balls—which are covered in tiny Velcro-like hooks—to entrap unsuspecting prey drifting by, such as small crustaceans.

A kind of sponge with branches and translucent, spheres on the ends of each branch.

A potentially new species of ping-pong ball sponge discovered in the South Atlantic Ocean.ROV SuBastian/Schmidt Ocean Institute

Also in the South Atlantic, scientists found an unknown variety of “sea pen,” a kind of soft coral, more than 2,600 feet below the surface. It’s not one individual animal but a colony of thousands of genetically identical polyps, soft-bodied creatures with tentacles.

A sea creature with a pointy, narrow top and a wider, feathery body, shaped like an antique quill pen.

A recently discovered coral-like organism called a sea pen.Paul Satchell/The Nippon Foundation-Nekton Ocean Census/Schmidt Ocean Institute

(You can see more of the alien-like species found through the Ocean Census here.)

The announcement from the Ocean Census says that scientists “discovered” more than 1,100 “new” species in a single year. Those words must be taken with a grain of salt.

Proving that a species is new to science is difficult. It typically requires that taxonomists comb through existing museum collections and academic literature to demonstrate that, based on anatomical, genetic, or other traits, what they have has not been documented before. They can then submit their evidence for peer review and publication—the typical process through which a species is formally described and officially named, thus becoming a new species.

Many of the discoveries announced by the Ocean Census, however, have not yet gone through that level of due diligence and have not been formally described, according to Greg Rouse, a marine taxonomist at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. That means it’s not clear that all of those species are, in fact, new to science.

As the Ocean Census points out in its announcement, the time between collecting a species and formally describing it as new takes about 13 years on average. That means some animals could go extinct before they’re even described in the scientific literature, the group says. “But that 13 years is there for a reason,” said Rouse, who isn’t involved in the Ocean Census project.

Formally describing and naming a species not only confirms that it’s new, but it also makes the species easier to study and conserve, such as through laws that protect named endangered species.

“The formal description process carries out the actual work to confirm novelty and provides the ‘passport’ for that new species—its official record,” said Tammy Horton, a research scientist at the UK’s National Oceanography Centre. “Without this, the formally recognized name, the species effectively does not exist for science, and therefore also for policy—unnamed species cannot be protected.”

On a cloudy day, a research vessel sails through the ocean, towards snowcapped mountains.

An expedition vessel run by the research organization Schmidt Ocean Institute in the South Sandwich Islands, where many of the potentially new species were discovered.Schmidt Ocean Institute

Karen Osborn, a taxonomist at the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, similarly expressed skepticism about the announcement. Discovery alone is not enough, said Osborn, who’s not directly involved in the Ocean Census. “I don’t feel like saying, ‘Oh, look, we discovered something new’ should be given the status of something being described—until you’ve actually done the work to show that it’s something unique,” Osborn said. But, she said, “it’s a step in the right direction.”

A significant number of species uncovered by the Ocean Census and its partners are, in fact, already described in the scientific literature, Steeds, of Ocean Census, told me. He didn’t know how many. “It is not for us to do that,” he said of formally describing the species. (In many cases, taxonomists involved in the discoveries will later put in the time to formally describe them.) “Our job is discovery and to accelerate discovery,” Steeds said, which is the first step toward the formal new species description.

Horton, who’s also not directly affiliated with the Ocean Census, emphasized this point, too: “It is important to recognise that the identification or ‘discovery’ process is a fundamental part of the pipeline towards the ultimate goal of description of a species as new to science,” she told Vox. “You cannot have one without the other.”

Might some of these species not, in fact, be new? “It is something that we all need to be aware of,” Steeds told me. “Species discovery, species description are always a hypothesis—that’s the nature of it. And things do change.” (Horton suspects it’s not very common for taxonomists to believe something is new to science and later find out that it’s an individual of an already described species.)

If there’s one thing that the Ocean Census’s findings are helping reveal with absolute certainty, it’s that so much of the planet’s biodiversity remains a mystery. That’s exciting and hopeful.

“I would love people to know how much we don’t know about how much is out there,” Osborn said. “We’ve barely scratched the surface on understanding our world.”

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Mother Jones

The Pentagon Could Name Thousands of Unknown Soldiers. Families Want to Know Why It Hasn’t.

This article first appeared on The War Horse, an award-winning nonprofit news organization educating the public on military service. Subscribe to their newsletter.

Buried beneath the curved, sweeping rows of white marble crosses and Stars of David at the Manila American Cemetery lies a special kind of American hero.

Their headstones carry no names. No ranks or branches of the military. No dates of death.

Each grave marker bears the same inscription: “Here rests in honored glory a comrade in arms known but to God.”

The Manila American Cemetery and Memorial, located in Fort Bonifacio, Taguig.Photo courtesy of the American Battle Monuments Commission

About 2,900 American service members are still buried as “unknowns” in the Manila cemetery—soldiers, sailors, Marines, and airmen whose remains were recovered after World War II but could not be identified with the science of their time.

Jim Knudsen believes his Uncle Julius is one of the unknowns.

For 17 years, the Minnesota resident has carried his family’s torch in the search for the remains of Army Technician 5th Class Julius St. John Knudsen, a 25-year-old tanker who vanished in the Philippines in 1942 during the infamous Bataan Death March.

Jim Knudsen, 75, has tracked down military records and contacted distant relatives to submit DNA samples. He’s studied dog-eared wartime maps and interviewed the last surviving soldier from his uncle’s tank battalion—fulfilling a promise made to his dad in 2009.

Archival photo of service member Julius St. John Knudsen

Julius St. John Knudsen was a member of the U.S. Army’s 194th Tank Battalion. He disappeared in 1942 in the Philippines during the Bataan Death March.Photo courtesy of Knudsen family

“Rest easy,” he told his father when he went into hospice care. “I’ll keep looking for Julius.”

Earlier this year, Knudsen believed the mystery of Julius’ final days might finally be solved—thanks to the marvels of forensic DNA science.

It took several years for Knudsen and a military researcher to convince the Pentagon’s MIA agency to exhume the remains of nine American soldiers recovered after World War II along the route of the death march. There is more than a glimmer of hope that Julius is one of the nine

According to the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency, there are still more than 80,000 U.S. service members who remain unaccounted for since World War II. The DPAA estimates that 38,000 of them are recoverable. Most of the rest were lost at sea.

The agency identified the remains of 231 service members in fiscal year 2025—the highest number ever for the DPAA or its predecessor agencies.

By far, the easiest remains to recover are the 5,100 unidentified American service members buried in overseas military cemeteries, as well as the 900 at the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific in Honolulu—better known as the Punchbowl—and 50 unknowns at other stateside cemeteries.

But while modern DNA science offers new hope to MIA families, the time for closure is running out for a generation of descendants of service members whose fates remain uncertain. At the current pace of the DPAA’s disinterments, identifying all of the unknowns in cemeteries would take more than three decades. And, as Knudsen has learned, even after remains are sent to laboratories for analysis, the wait can continue for years.

“My grandkids will be having kids before they identify my uncle,” Knudsen said. “And that’s not right.”

Eighteen casks draped in American flags, holding the remains of deceased soldiers.

Eighteen caskets containing the remains of unidentified soldiers killed in the Philippines during World War II were flown to Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam in late January. After a solemn Honorable Carry ceremony, the remains were sent to the DPAA’s Honolulu lab. Jim Knudsen is hopeful one of those caskets contained the remains of his uncle.

Photo by Air Force Senior Airman Kathy Duran


‘They Could Do This’

Some forensic DNA experts agree with Knudsen. They argue that in many ways the Pentagon is still approaching the identification of the unknowns with a system designed for an earlier scientific era.

They contend that bureaucratic inertia is the main obstacle to adding names to thousands of tombstones with a robust plan aimed at identifying all 6,050 service members in years, rather than decades.

“They could do this if they really wanted to,” said Edwin Huffine, a prominent forensic DNA scientist who served in leadership roles at the elite Armed Forces DNA Identification Laboratory from 1994 to 1999.

Huffine argues that the Pentagon still relies too heavily on slower forensic methods such as skeletal analysis and historical reconstruction, instead of allowing DNA to drive identifications. He believes state-of-the-art nuclear DNA testing and wider use of forensic genealogy—similar to how law enforcement uses DNA to crack cold cases—could dramatically accelerate the identification of thousands of unknowns.

That argument is at the heart of a poignant debate over how best to honor the unidentified World War II and Korean War service members in an era when DNA technology can unlock identities once thought to be lost forever.

A cemetery crew exhumes the remains of unknown service members.

Cemetery crews in 2018 exhume the remains of U.S. service members at the Manila American Cemetery as part of the DPAA’s efforts to identify soldiers who died at the Cabanatuan POW camp in the Philippines during World War II. Photo courtesy of American Battle Monuments Commission

In an interview with The War Horse, Kelly McKeague, a retired Air Force major general who has been the director of the DPAA since 2017, ruled out a dramatic surge in disinterments.

McKeague defended the current system for identifying the unknowns. He said the painstaking, respectful process effectively blends science, military history, and the solemn responsibility of disturbing military graves only when investigators believe there’s a strong chance of finding answers.

He said a massive disinterment campaign would destroy the sanctity of America’s military cemeteries. In addition, McKeague said, the DPAA lacks the laboratory capacity for such an effort.

He pointed to one of the agency’s signature projects as evidence that DPAA’s approach is working: the disinterment of the remains of sailors and Marines killed on the battleship USS Oklahoma during the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The 394 servicemen had been buried as unknowns in 61 caskets in the Punchbowl after the war.

Most of the caskets contained commingled remains. “One casket alone had 95 different individuals,” McKeague said.

The DPAA exhumed the remains of all the sailors and spent six years using forensic anthropology, dental analysis, and advanced DNA testing to separate and identify them. Of the 394 servicemen, 362 have been identified and their remains returned to their families for reburial with military honors in the cemeteries of their choice.

McKeague said the DPAA has adopted a similar strategy for the 862 Korean War unknowns who were buried at the Punchbowl.

The average length of time between the arrival of remains at the DPAA lab and formal identification is three to four years, McKeague said, “with some cases being closed in as little as a few weeks and others requiring many years to solve.”

Asked what he would say to MIA families hoping for quicker answers, McKeague said the “generational grieving” is often on full display when the DPAA updates families at regular meetings around the country.

“We understand, we empathize, and we’re doing everything possible” to alleviate that suffering, he said.


From Brainerd to Bataan

The decades-long quest to find Julius Knudsen illustrates the conviction required to navigate through the triumphs and pitfalls of the DPAA’s process.

For most of Jim Knudsen’s life, Uncle Julius existed only in family stories. He was the fun-loving prankster from Brainerd, Minnesota, who walked on stilts in parades, entered beard-growing contests, and rode an Indian motorcycle to California during the Great Depression before joining the California Army National Guard in 1941.

“Dad never talked about it,” Knudsen said.

Archival photo of Julius leaning against a sign marking the summit of Mt. McKenzie.

The Knudsen family’s last known photo of Julius was taken in 1941 at the summit of Oregon’s Mt. McKenzie during a visit with his aunt Dagmar Knudsen. He would soon ship out to the Philippines. Photo courtesy of Knudsen family

In the 1980s, Knudsen’s father, Wilbur, began searching for answers by writing letters to Congress and the Pentagon, only to encounter dead ends. Officials repeatedly told him that most of his older brother’s records had likely been destroyed in the 1973 fire at the National Personnel Records Center in St. Louis. Burned out and frustrated, Wilbur Knudsen eventually stopped searching.

When his son resumed the hunt years later, he had internet tools his father never possessed. And after cycling through two Army casualty officers, he was assigned Charles Johnson, who became his steady guide through the bureaucracy.

Knudsen tracked down distant relatives and asked them to submit DNA samples to the Pentagon’s Delaware DNA lab as he pieced together Julius’ wartime path. He learned Julius had transferred from the California Army National Guard to join 63 other Brainerd men in Company A of the Army’s 194th Tank Battalion, one of the first mechanized units sent to defend the Philippines before Japan began attacking the island nation within hours of bombing Pearl Harbor.

An older couple embraces and poses at the headstone of their family member Julius St. John Knudsen.

Jim Knudsen and his wife, Sue, at the Wreaths of the Fallen ceremony at the Minnesota State Veterans Cemetery near Little Falls. If Julius’ remains are identified, he will be buried in this plot.Photo courtesy of Knudsen family

After the fall of Bataan in April 1942, Julius joined 75,000 American and Filipino troops on the Bataan Death March. Army records initially suggested he died at the Cabanatuan POW camp, but secret camp records kept by American prisoners showed he never arrived there or at Camp O’Donnell, the end point of the 65-mile march.

In 2019, Knudsen sought the help of Colorado MIA researcher John Bear, who located the diaries of Julius’ commander, Lt. Col. Ernest Miller. He had written that Julius was last seen near the city of Lubao. Knudsen then interviewed Walt Straka, the last surviving Brainerd tanker, a year before he died at 101 in 2021. Straka, who told Knudsen he believed Julius was among a group of POWs who ran into the woods somewhere south of Lubao, said some marchers reported hearing gunshots in the area where the men had fled.

Bear later found Army maps showing a cluster of wartime graves in a banana field near Lubao. Greg Kupsky, the DPAA’s lead World War II historian for the Philippines, then connected the site to the remains of nine unidentified soldiers recovered after the war and eventually buried at the Manila American Cemetery.

Kupsky ultimately assembled a list of candidates that included Julius and 151 other soldiers. Before approving a disinterment, the DPAA requires DNA reference samples from relatives tied to at least 60% of those possible matches—a threshold that took Bear and Army genealogists until 2023 to reach.

A hand-drawn map made. by a solider in 1945 marking graves of American soldiers in the Philippines.

A U.S. Army soldier sketched this 1945 map showing about 20 American graves in a banana field near Lubao in the Philippines. MIA researcher John Bear found the map in the National Archives, and DPAA historian Greg Kupsky later linked the site to nine unidentified soldiers buried in the Manila American Cemetery—one of whom may have been Julius Knudsen. Philippine Archive Collection, National Archives

In April 2024, top Pentagon officials gave their approval for workers to exhume the remains of the nine soldiers and nine others from the Manila cemetery. The DPAA and the American Battle Monuments Commission, which manages 26 military cemeteries overseas, then worked together to schedule the disinterments. The 18 caskets were exhumed in December 2025 and sent the next month to the DPAA’s Honolulu lab.

Knudsen was elated—until he learned the identification process could still take years because of laboratory backlogs.

“They have thousands of remains to process and have their own internal hierarchy when it comes to priority cases,” Johnson wrote to Knudsen in a Jan. 26 email. “So this is the part of the ID process where patience will be the most difficult.”


Identifying Victims of Genocide

Huffine says there’s no reason families like the Knudsens should be waiting so long to find the remains of the dead warriors.

During his time at the Armed Forces DNA Identification Laboratory, the friendly Oklahoman helped pioneer mitochondrial DNA testing, which became the backbone of early military identifications because it could recover genetic clues from badly degraded remains.

But it was his work in Bosnia and Herzegovina that helped push DNA science into a new era.

In 1999, Huffine quit his AFDIL job to join the International Commission on Missing Persons in the aftermath of the Bosnian war. He was asked to help solve one of the most daunting forensic challenges in modern history: identifying thousands of victims found in mass graves.

Bosnian Serb forces had massacred tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslim civilians and POWs and hastily buried them. To hide the evidence of their war crimes, the Serbs later dug up the mass graves and reburied the victims in other graves, using bulldozers to scatter and conceal the bodies.

“When I got there 27 years ago, they had 4,000 bodies and had identified only seven in three years,” Huffine told The War Horse.

The mitochondrial DNA tests the Bosnians were using were producing results, but because mitochondrial DNA passes only from mothers to their children, large numbers of related victims often share the same genetic signature, Huffine said. That was a huge problem in Bosnia, where entire extended families were slaughtered and buried together.

So Huffine and his team inverted the system.

Instead of treating DNA as the final step, they made it the first. They shifted to nuclear DNA—which comes from the nucleus at the center of human cells—and built a database of family reference samples. They then tested every viable bone to try to find a genetic match.

Within two years, the system was identifying about 500 individuals a month.

The implications were profound. Fragmented and commingled remains could be reassembled through genetic matches. Identification was no longer a slow, case-by-case exercise.

“They need to do DNA testing first. Then have everything else confirm it.”

A quarter of a century later, however, the identifications of the commingled remains of the unknowns in America’s military cemeteries still emerge through a fusion of forensic anthropology, dental analysis, isotope testing, and military history—with DNA serving as one powerful line of evidence within a larger scientific reconstruction rather than the engine driving the case.

Huffine said it’s a system designed for a time when extracting DNA was expensive, limited, and uncertain.

“They need to do DNA testing first,” he said. “Then have everything else confirm it.”

Huffine said he believes the Bosnian model could identify the overwhelming majority of the 6,050 unknowns in U.S. military cemeteries in several years, particularly if Congress allocates more money for DNA testing and more of the testing is outsourced to private labs to eliminate the identification bottlenecks.

He argues that a large-scale identification campaign wouldn’t require turning America’s military cemeteries into excavation sites. Huffine envisions tightly controlled operations using temporary shielding, mobile DNA laboratories, and CT scanners positioned near cemetery grounds.

Remains could be exhumed, scanned, sampled for DNA, and reburied quickly. Forensic anthropologists and geneticists could analyze the data later.

“You could go through an entire cemetery relatively fast,” Huffine said. “It would actually shorten the length of time that you have to be there opening graves.”


Is a ‘Blended’ System Better?

McKeague, the DPAA’s director, said it is standard for the lab to start large projects—cases with commingled remains—with DNA analysis. The “blended” approach in those cases, he said, happens concurrently while samples are being processed.

“When we have sufficient information from our DNA-led approach to identify someone, we do so once the data are validated,” McKeague said. “Best practice for identifying large groups of poorly preserved skeletonized remains is to use a diverse toolkit, with DNA being a key component.”

He said forensic anthropologists routinely remove fingernail-sized slivers of bone from remains soon after they arrive at the DPAA lab. And the bone samples are sent to the Delaware lab for immediate analysis.

But Huffine said the issue is not whether the DPAA sometimes uses DNA at the beginning of the process, but how much weight the agency gives the science. The DPAA’s current blended approach still leans too heavily on anthropology, history, and other forensic disciplines rather than allowing DNA to drive identifications, he said.

“Always use your strongest science first,” he said.

Two forensic scientists in lab coats examine human remains.

Forensic anthropologists Sydney Martin, left, and Guilia Dunn during a training session at the DPAA’s Honolulu lab.Photo by Seaman Lawrence Whaley III, DPAA

Geneticist David Mittelman, CEO and co-founder of Texas-based Othram Inc., agreed. He said flatly that “DNA should lead the investigation.”

His lab specializes in extracting hard-to-get DNA from degraded and damaged bones, embalmed tissue, and even century-old remains. Othram’s customers include numerous law enforcement agencies across the country.

Mittelman told The War Horse that traditional forensic identification relies on testing for roughly 20 genetic markers, a method that is useful for confirming a suspected identity but often ineffective when no close family DNA sample exists or when remains are badly degraded.

Instead of 20 markers, Mittelman said, his scientists analyze hundreds of thousands of markers, allowing investigators to identify distant relatives and reconstruct identities through genealogical networks—a process he calls “identity inference.”


The Power of FIGG

The 2018 arrest of Joseph James DeAngelo, the Golden State Killer, helped transform forensic genetics and brought national attention to an investigative technique known as forensic investigative genetic genealogy, or FIGG.

Instead of relying on traditional DNA methods that compare crime scene samples with known suspects or close relatives, California investigators used GEDmatch, a public DNA database, to search for distant genetic relatives of the killer—in some cases, third or fourth cousins.

Genealogists then built sprawling family trees across generations until investigators narrowed the search to DeAngelo, a former California police officer who later pleaded guilty to 13 murders and dozens of rapes committed in the 1970s and 1980s.

Michelle Leonard, a genetic genealogy pioneer in the United Kingdom, said public DNA databases such as GEDmatch and FamilyTreeDNA are best viewed as investigative resources rather than standalone identification systems.

Coupled with DNA testing and traditional genealogy research, she said, the databases can generate leads, narrow family trees, and point investigators toward possible relatives in missing-person cases.

“FIGG isn’t magic,” Leonard said. “But it’s a very powerful tool.”

The Armed Forces DNA Identification Laboratory still primarily relies on a closed DNA system built around samples voluntarily submitted by relatives of missing service members—an approach that genetic genealogists say can limit potential matches in long-unsolved cases.

“It would certainly be possible to identify more soldiers if genetic genealogy could be used as an add-on to the regular methods,” Leonard said.

In written responses to questions from The War Horse, AFDIL defended its cautious approach.

“We currently do not use any publicly available databases for family references,” the laboratory statement said, arguing that the databases lack the quality controls required for forensic identifications. But the lab acknowledged it was now developing strategies to incorporate FIGG because its results have proved to be so promising.

Tom Osypian, associate director and product manager at GEDmatch, agreed that public DNA databases and FIGG are not substitutes for traditional forensic identification databases. They’re “meant to accelerate” IDs, he said.

“We don’t do the DNA testing at GEDmatch,” Osypian said. “But we have processes in place to make sure the data getting uploaded” to GEDmatch products is as robust as possible.


‘These Are Our Fallen’

For all of their disagreements, Huffine and McKeague describe their work in deeply personal terms—shaped as much by grief and duty as by technology.

McKeague said advocates of stepped-up disinterments sometimes underestimate the emotional and cultural weight of disturbing gravesites holding America’s war dead.

“These are not just cases,” he said. “These are our fallen.”

For his part, Huffine said his focus on identifying the missing was shaped in part by personal tragedy.

In 1995, his father disappeared during a drive and did not return home. Several days later, authorities found his body. Even during that relatively short period of uncertainty, Huffine said, he came to understand “what just not knowing can do to someone.”

A inscription carved into a stone wall, memorializing missing soldiers.

The Tablets of the Missing at the Manila American Cemetery memorialize 36,286 service members who were listed as missing or were buried at sea during World War II.Photo by Skylar Joseph

David Americo, the Paris-based chief of cemetery operations for the American Battle Monuments Commission, said that under an agreement with the DPAA, the current limit is 100 disinterments a year at the Manila American Cemetery and 75 annually across Europe. But, Americo said, the staff would work in good faith with DPAA officials if they eventually decide to accelerate the pace of disinterments.

Americo said the disinterments are carefully managed to minimize disruption to the cemeteries and the families who visit them. But headstones must be temporarily removed, and sod is cut away. Freshly disturbed earth can remain visible for weeks as the grounds slowly heal.

Still, Americo said, he understands the need to balance the beauty of the cemeteries and the MIA families’ pressing need for closure, and he hopes the issue can be resolved to the satisfaction of people on both sides of the debate.

Americo ended an interview with The War Horse by recounting the first disinterment he witnessed at the Florence American Cemetery in Italy after joining the commission in 2017.

He remembers watching in awe as a casket was opened and he saw the remains of a young American who had given his life for his country. “He was probably 18, 19, 20 years old,” Americo recalled.

U.S. soldiers then carried the casket away from the grave with military honors before it was transported to the DPAA’s forensic lab.

“That,” he said, “is a moment that will remain with me for the rest of my life.”

Reporting for this War Horse investigation was supported by the Pulitzer Center. The story was edited by Mike Frankel, fact-checked by Jess Rohan, and copy-edited by Mitchell Hansen-Dewar.

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Mother Jones

Is Pope Leo Joining the Anti-AI Resistance?

Having spoken out forthe welfare of immigrants and against the war in Iran—and drawn the ire of some American conservatives in the process—Pope Leo XIV is now calling on the world to safeguard human dignity in the AI era.

His upcoming address on Monday, alongside a co-founder of artificial intelligence company Anthropic and a collection of religious leaders and theologians, will serve to launch Leo’s first encyclical, a papal letter sent to all bishops in the Catholic Church.

In a speech last May just days after being elected, Leo framed the rise of AI as “another industrial revolution” where “developments in the field pose new challenges for the defense of human dignity, justice and labor.”

And on Friday, the pope noted “the unbridled promotion and implementation of technology at the expense of human dignity and the damage caused when chatbots and other technologies exploit our need for human relationships” at a Vatican conference on AI.

Pope Leo XIV explains his choice of name:

"… I chose to take the name Leo XIV. There are different reasons for this, but mainly because Pope Leo XIII in his historic Encyclical Rerum Novarum addressed the social question in the context of the first great industrial revolution.… pic.twitter.com/bI4F1EBIS8

— Vatican News (@VaticanNews) May 10, 2025

In response to the announcement of Leo’s letter, Anthropic co-founder Chris Olah wrote last week on X that “the questions posed by AI are bigger than the AI community. We urgently need the world—religions, civil society, academics, governments—to participate in creating a positive outcome.” Olah will be a speaker at the encyclical presentation.

Anthropic, which develops the AI chatbot Claude, has advertised itself as an AI giant that values risk mitigation. In February, the company refused the Defense Department’s demands to remove safety precautions on its technology, including mass surveillance of US citizens and autonomous weapons. The day after, President Donald Trump ordered federal agencies to stop using Anthropic’s products.

But the relationship between the Vatican and Anthropic poses risks of laundering the AI company’s image with religious and moral leaders.

Last fall, Anthropic paid $1.5 billion to settle a copyright infringement lawsuit—compensating authors $3,000 for each of the 500,000 estimated books it was accused of training its AI technology on. In February, Anthropic said it was valued at $380 billion, putting it as a direct rival to Sam Altman’s OpenAI.

According to a Friday report in Religion News Service, AI companies have been speaking with the Vatican as far back as 2016 about ethics—including tech leaders like former Google CEO Eric Schmidt (who University of Arizona students booed at multiple times for drawing similarities between the rise of AI and the beneficial impact of the first computers).

Massive investment in AI companies is continuing at a rapid pace despite its unpopularity among the public. As my colleague Sophie Hurwitz has tracked across the last couple of months, most Americans don’t want data centers in their area, believe AI does more harm than good in their day-to-day lives, and broad adoption of the technology will shrink the number of available jobs.

Whether Pope Leo XIV’s entrance into the AI ethics debate moves the needle remains to be seen. But it’s not the first time a pope’s encyclical has been injected straight into a roiling planetary debate: Pope Francis used a 2015 papal letter to call for action on climate change to prevent the “unprecedented destruction of the ecosystem,” arguing that our planet was starting to “look more and more like an immense pile of filth.”

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Mother Jones

Republican Infighting Erupts Over Trump’s Emerging Iran Deal

Is there a deal? Is there not a deal? The fawning quarters of the right-wing press have spent the weekend so far gushing about how late and hard President Donald Trump is working on a deal to end his war on Iran—even missing his own son’s wedding for “circumstances pertaining to Government.”

But for all that work, come Sunday morning, Trump posted on Truth Social that he will “not to rush into a deal” and that “time is on our side.” The not-so-subtle code: There’s no deal just yet.

Just yesterday, Trump posted that “Final aspects and details of the Deal are currently being discussed, and will be announced shortly.” But the New York Times reported on Sunday that while both sides have agreed in principle to end the Iranian blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, both are still describing the proposed deal differently, and even if Iran committed to giving up its enriched uranium, details about how and when would have to be hammered out later.

So, as I write, a peace deal seems no closer, and as my colleague Anna Merlan documented yesterday, the president is spending an inordinate amount of time counterprogramming his eldest son’s nuptials with his usual blend of ominous AI slop; worse for Trump, for all the trumpeting of a deal, his efforts have now pushed some prominent Republicans to break ranks and publicly accuse him of Iranian appeasement.

Sunday’s delay came amid incoming fire from top allies like former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), and Trump’s former national security adviser, Gen. Mike Flynn.

Amid reporting that the deal would unlock billions of Iranian dollars frozen abroad in exchange for Iran giving up its nuclear stockpile, Pompeo slammed the talks as “not remotely America First”: “It’s straightforward: Open the damned strait. Deny Iran access to money. Take out enough Iranian capability so it cannot threaten our allies in the region.”

The deal being floated with Iran seems straight out of the Wendy Sherman-Robert Malley-Ben Rhodes playbook: Pay the IRGC to build a WMD program and terrorize the world.

Not remotely America First. It’s straightforward: Open the damned strait. Deny Iran access to money. Take out…

— Mike Pompeo (@mikepompeo) May 23, 2026

The White House hit back: “Mike Pompeo has no idea what the fuck he’s talking about,” Trump’s communications chief Steven Cheung posted to X last night. “He should shut his stupid mouth and leave the real work to the professionals.”

Cruz was also scathing: “If the result of all that is to be an Iranian regime—still run by Islamists who chant “death to America”—now receiving billions of dollars, being able to enrich uranium & develop nuclear weapons, and having effective control over the Strait of Hormuz, then that outcome would be a disastrous mistake.”

I am deeply concerned about what we are hearing about an Iran “deal,” being pushed by some voices in the administration.

President Trump’s decision to strike Iran was the most consequential decision of his second term. He was right to do so, and we achieved extraordinary…

— Ted Cruz (@tedcruz) May 24, 2026

Flynn warned Trump, “The regime in Iran is lying to you and your negotiators (period, stop!). Do not believe a word they say,” adding that “if we pay tribute to the regime to the tune of $25B, I’m concerned they’ll use it for nefarious purposes down the road.”

Dear Mr. @realDonaldTrump

The regime in Iran is lying to you and your negotiators (period, stop!). Do not believe a word they say. I know you want to get out of this mess. All Americans want this unnecessary war to end. Keep in mind, as you have been told many times, Iran is…

— General Mike Flynn (@GenFlynn) May 24, 2026

An even closer ally of the president, the hawkish Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) also warned on Saturday that Iran would retain the ability to terrorize the region: “It is important we get this right,” he wrote on X.

If a deal is struck to end the Iranian conflict because it is believed that the Strait of Hormuz cannot be protected from Iranian terrorism and Iran still possesses the capability to destroy major Gulf oil infrastructure, then Iran will be perceived as being a dominate force…

— Lindsey Graham (@LindseyGrahamSC) May 23, 2026

Meanwhile, as updates continued to roll in, Fox News reported that no deal would be signed on Sunday.

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Mother Jones

A Surprising Climate Fix Both Democrats and Republicans Can Get Behind

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Democrats and Republicans agree on virtually nothing at this point, except the desperate need to build more housing in the United States. Depending on your viewpoint, the country needs new domiciles because it puts people to work and stimulates local economies, or because it creates affordable homes and drives down housing costs, thus reducing homelessness. Affordability, including in housing, is now one of the biggest political issues in America.

Neither party, though, is talking about the secret superpower of new apartment buildings: They’re much better for the planet than constructing single-family homes. According to a new report, these units are “an almost automatic form of building decarbonization,” because three-quarters of new apartments are heated electrically. That means they can run on rooftop solar panels or tap into grids humming with clean energy, instead of burning plant-warming natural gas in furnaces or boilers.

While the Trump administration and the Republican Party at large try to roll back as much climate progress as they can, they’re inadvertently bolstering that progress by calling for new construction. Deep-red Montana, for instance, recently passed a flurry of bills to get more multi-family housing built. “Apartments are the climate solution hiding in plain sight,” said Alan Durning, executive director of the nonprofit Sightline Institute, which authored the report.

If you live in an apartment, you’re 60 percent more likely to be all-electric than your neighbor living in a house.

Nothing against single-family homes, but apartment buildings and condos are much more efficient for a number of reasons. For one, residents share walls, floors, and ceilings with their neighbors, surrounding them with excellent insulation. Secondly, the square footage of each unit tends to be smaller than detached homes, so there’s less air to manage. Accordingly, it takes less energy to climate-control apartment units and keep people comfortable: The typical resident of a downtown high-rise emits one-third as much greenhouse gases as a resident of a detached house in the suburbs.

Because of this inherent efficiency, apartment builders have for decades opted to install what’s called electric resistance heating, like baseboard heaters, instead of gas furnaces. That’s because wiring them up is cheaper than piping in all that methane. “If I am building something with the intention of renting it, I really want to minimize my upfront costs,” said Amanda D. Smith, senior scientist at the climate solutions nonprofit Project Drawdown, who studies the built environment but wasn’t involved in the new report. “Often electric water heaters and electric heaters for space heating make sense from that perspective.”

Economic forces, then, have long encouraged the adoption of such systems: 68 percent of apartments built since the early 1970s have been heated with electricity, the report notes. Half a century ago, no one was campaigning to decarbonize buildings to fight climate change—going electric was just the better option. Today, if you live in an apartment, you’re 60 percent more likely to be all-electric than your neighbor living in a house.

And apartments can get even greener. Heat pumps—which move warmth from outdoor air inside, instead of generating it like a gas furnace does—are around three times more efficient than space heaters. Over the past few decades, the technology has gotten more powerful, capable of extracting heat from even freezing outdoor air. That’s helped heat pumps proliferate across even the chilliest climes: Maine installed 100,000 of the appliances two years ahead of schedule, and almost two-thirds of households in Norway use them. Heat pumps are increasingly popping up in American apartment buildings, too: While quite rare in the decades after the 1950s, heat pumps have been incorporated into 18 percent of these structures in the Northwest since 2010, the report notes. (Overall, heat pumps have outsold gas furnaces in the US for several years now.)

While traditional electric heat pumps work like air conditioners, in that you need an outdoor unit that connects to an indoor one, new varieties are easier to incorporate into apartments and condos. One from a company called Gradient fits like a saddle over a window sill and plugs into a regular outlet, with installation taking less than a half hour. (Think of it like those old-school AC units jutting out of city apartment windows, only much cooler looking.) Another launching this winter combines the two units into one attached to an interior wall, where it exchanges air with the outside. “Making retrofits simpler will be a game-changer,” Smith said.

If new buildings in hotter parts of the US rely upon gas heating, they’d still need an air conditioning system. The beauty of a heat pump is that it can reverse in the summer to fill a home with cool air. As temperatures rise across the country, heat pumps will not only work more efficiently than space heaters and gas furnaces to warm apartments, but to provide invaluable cooling to keep people healthy. Already in the US, heat kills more people every year than all other forms of extreme weather combined.

Zoning remains an issue: “The main thing that we need to do is re-legalize apartments in a much larger area of our cities.”

Making a building’s heating fully electric encourages the adoption of another appliance critical for reducing greenhouse gas emissions: the induction stove. “If you’re building a building and you’re heating and cooling with heat pumps, it doesn’t really make sense to hook it up to the gas system to pipe a tiny bit of gas in for people to cook on their gas stoves a couple of times a week,” said Matt Casale, managing director of states and regions at the nonprofit Building Decarbonization Coalition, which wasn’t involved in the report.

All this electrification could potentially slot into a burgeoning technology known as networked geothermal. Instead of a building’s heat pump using outdoor air, it uses liquid pumping underground. Because the earth’s temperature remains a more consistent temperature year-round than the air, these heat pumps are even more efficient at warming a space. If all of an area’s buildings—apartments or otherwise—are hooked into a networked geothermal system, there’s no need to pipe gas into the neighborhood at all. “It’s a real community-based energy system, and you’re using energy that’s literally homegrown,” Casale said. “It’s right under your feet.”

Beyond their superior energy efficiency and tendency to go electric, apartment buildings provide denser housing, fitting far more people into a footprint than a single-family home could manage. If located near daily essentials, like grocery stores, residents can walk instead of drive, further reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Ideally, robust public transportation systems can get those apartment-dwellers anywhere they can’t walk to.

Building big apartment buildings of just apartments, though, just won’t cut it, said Cécile Faraud, head of the clean construction program at C40, a global network of climate-focused mayors. These structures need mixed uses, where living spaces sit atop commercial spaces, like markets and doctors’ offices. “So you can access care, you can access education, you can access your needs in terms of shopping,” said Faraud, who wasn’t involved in the report. “But also in terms of health, so being able to exercise in parks, etc., and access to nature.”

Indeed, what surrounds these apartment complexes matters too. Green spaces reduce temperatures, boost residents’ mental health, and provide habitats for native plant and animal species. Better yet, “agrihoods” surround working farms with multi-family housing, generating nutritious produce for residents to enjoy or sell. (Faraud stresses that in addition to creating more housing, cities need to retrofit existing buildings to be more energy efficient, like with double-paned windows and better insulation.)

Constructing apartments, though, is often way more difficult than it should be, housing advocates say. The new report notes that “apartment buildings of at least four stories are currently allowed on less than 1 percent of the residential land in all but 10 Oregon cities”—even in progressive Portland, that figure is 14 percent. “The main thing that we need to do is re-legalize apartments in a much larger area of our cities,” Durning said.

Cities and states are responsible for that, not the feds. But the growing national push from both parties to get more units built will be a win-win for people and the planet. “Even across a political landscape that’s as fractured and divided and as contentious as what we’re seeing now,” Smith said, “I think most people are willing to say: We want people to have homes.”

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Mother Jones

Donald Trump Is Too Busy Posting Weird Memes to Go to Don Jr.’s Wedding

Donald Trump has made it known far and wide that, as president, with the weight of the world on his shoulders, he’s too busy to attend his son Don Jr.’s second wedding to Florida influencer Bettina Anderson in the Bahamas this weekend.

Earlier this week, the president said that with “a thing called Iran” and “other things,” the timing of the nuptials was “not good.” He added with his trademark tact, family feeling, and care for choosing his words, “If I do attend, I get killed. If I don’t attend, I get killed—by the fake news, of course, I’m talking about.”

As the wedding weekend began, the president continued to express his regrets on TruthSocial, saying that “circumstances pertaining to Government, and my love for the United States of America” did not allow him to attend. Thus far, those “circumstances” have involved the president posting a volley of weird stuff on TruthSocial, including a bunch of AI-generated images and some general seething at Stephen Colbert.

The president’s public schedule for the Memorial Day weekend is light, with a great deal of “executive time” on the docket. On Friday evening and Saturday morning, Trump devoted that time to posting several photographs of himself on TruthSocial, followed by an AI-generated image reading “GOLDEN DOME FOR THE WHITE HOUSE,” with a dome bathed in celestial light and surrounded by a clutter of satellites. He followed that up with a poorly Photoshopped image of himself looming like a harvest moon over a countryside dotted with houses and a mountain range, Trump’s fingers grasping one of its peaks. “Hello, Greenland!” the image read. (Apparently liking that image tremendously, Trump posted it again the following morning.) He also found time to post a tribute to late WWE wrestler Hulk Hogan, whom he mistakenly termed “the Huckster.” (Hogan was usually known by the nickname “the Hulkster,” but “huckster” might be a term Trump is more familiar with.)

The president, who is, again, reportedly very busy, followed these important insights with a tribute to NASCAR driver Kyle Busch, who died unexpectedly last week, followed by an AI-generated video of himself throwing former Late Show host Stephen Colbert into a dumpster. Colbert, who has been an outspoken critic of Trump, hosted his last show on Thursday. CBS said last year that it would end Colbert’s contract and retire the Late Show franchise entirely, a decision the network improbably claimed was “purely financial.” It’s one of several recent TruthSocial posts Trump has posted about Colbert in recent days. On Friday morning, around 2 a.m, the president dubbed him a “total jerk,” adding at 9:37 a.m. that his “firing” was, as he put it, “the ‘Beginning of the End’ for untalented, nasty, highly overpaid, not funny, and very poorly rated Late Night Television Hosts. Others, of even less talent, to soon follow. May they all Rest in Peace!”

One could argue that these are not the actions of a man who’s too busy to attend his son’s wedding, or really, a man who’s busy at all. But given his recent, worryingly combative stance towards the Cuban government, his leering interest in Greenland, and a reported possibility that Trump will once again attack Iran, it is perhaps in everyone’s best interest that the president seems to be, for now, very, very busy posting on his phone.

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Mother Jones

Stephen Colbert Escaped Late Night and Immediately Started Having Fun

In a delightful Easter egg for fans of Stephen Colbert, local television, or the improbable combination of the two, following Colbert’s last-ever Late Show, he popped up the following day as the guest host of “Only in Monroe,” a public access show in Monroe, Michigan. Colbert presented an hour of local news, assisted, sort of, by his “volunteer musical director,” a deadpan Jack White hunched over a reel-to-reel tape deck with headphones clamped over his ears.

“It’s been an excruciating 23 hours without being on TV,” Colbert declared. “So I am grateful to be here on Monroe Community Media before they are also acquired by Paramount.”

“It’s been an excruciating 23 hours without being on TV. So I am grateful to be here on Monroe Community Media before they are also acquired by Paramount.”

“We don’t have any sponsors? We actually lost a lot of money making this show tonight?” he also asked, peering offscreen at the crew. “Now I know how CBS felt.”

Colbert previously guest-hosted “Only in Monroe” in 2015, and joked at the outset that he hadn’t slept since then. He led the guffawing camera crew through a series of jokes about local weed dispensaries, Monroe’s version of Comic Con, and a segment about a feud between two local hot dog businesses.

Colbert’s guests on the program included “Only in Monroe’s” usual hosts, Michelle Baumann and Kaye Lani Rae Rafko. Jeff Daniels, who was raised in Chelsea, Michigan, also sat down for an interview, while Steve Buscemi read an ad for a local pizza place, Buscemi Pizza, while reminding viewers, “I’ve got nothing to do with it.”

At another point in the broadcast, White, a native son of Detroit, joined Colbert to sample Monroe-style hot dogs. They consumed them, as White dryly put it, “Lady and the Tramp-style,” as the entire camera crew cracked up off-camera. Colbert also treated viewers to a helium-addled rendition of The White Stripes’ “Fell in Love With a Girl” as White struggled not to laugh. At the close of the program, Colbert gifted the show’s creative director Genevieve Benson a ham topped with a birthday hat and a lit sparkler.

The whole thing was hilarious, awkward, and gloriously pointless. While the president of the United States seethes over Colbert, the man himself made it clear that he intends to use his sudden wealth of freedom to enjoy himself.

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Mother Jones

With Tulsi Gabbard’s Resignation, the Right-Wing Conspiracy Machine Spins Into High Gear

Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard announced on Friday that she would resign, saying that her husband, Abraham, has been diagnosed with a rare form of bone cancer. “At this time, I must step away from public service to be by his side and fully support him through this battle,” Gabbard wrote in her resignation letter to Trump.

Gabbard, who represented Hawaii as a Democrat in Congress from 2013 to 2021, has been, from the start, a polarizing and intensely conspiratorial figure and a curious choice for this role. She grew up in a spiritual movement in Hawaii called the Science of Identity Foundation, an offshoot of Hare Krishna that some critics and ex-members have dubbed a cult. (A Gabbard spokesperson has said that such criticism is unfounded and amounts to “Hinduphobia.”) Each time she’s been considered for a more substantial role, and during her 2020 presidential campaign, observers have debated how her upbringing has influenced her beliefs.

Over her career, Gabbard has shown a special soft spot for the world’s autocrats: in 2017, she secretly met with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, going on to say that she was “skeptical” that Assad had carried out a chemical gas attack on his own people. “There’s responsibility that goes around,” she vaguely observed to CNN’s Wolf Blitzer, in response to a question about whether she believed Assad, in Blitzer’s words, “bears any responsibility for the horrific deaths that have occurred in his own country.” Assad is believed to have carried out “widespread and systematic” gas attacks against the Syrian people, according to Human Rights Watch. Gabbard was also harshly critical of Ukraine preceding Russia’s invasion of the country, claiming that the invasion could have been avoided if NATO and the Biden Administration had acknowledged what she called Russia’s “legitimate security concerns.”

After she was appointed as DNI director, Gabbard quickly sought to curry favor with Trump, accusing the Obama administration of a “treasonous plot” against Donald Trump during the 2016 elections. But she fell out of favor with the president, and by April of this year, was reportedly not invited to strategy meetings on the Iran war.

Naturally, her departure spurred a raft of conspiracy theories, especially on the right, with observers unable to agree on who was responsible for her sudden exit. In their estimation, some likely candidates included the CIA, the Israeli intelligence service Mossad, and the broader, nonspecific Deep State. As the MAGA universe becomes increasingly fractured over issues like the Iran war, Gabbard’s departure not only opens up another position for Trump to fill with a loyalist, but also holds up a mirror to show just how distorted and contradictory their once lockstep views have become.

Reuters reports that Gabbard was “forced out” by the White House, a claim a spokesperson there denied. Nonetheless, for months, rumors have swirled that she would be dismissed over differences with Trump over the Iran war. One of the most outspoken has been Laura Loomer, the far-right provocateur and close confidante of President Trump’s, who has claimed since earlier this year that Gabbard would be gone before the midterms, a prediction that proved to be correct.

Gabbard’s departure follows a slew of others. She’s the fourth woman to leave the Trump administration in recent months, following Attorney General Pam Bondi, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, and Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer. Just days ago, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s daughter-in-law, Amaryllis Fox Kennedy, a former CIA undercover agent, also left two of her jobs, as a deputy to Gabbard and as ​​an associate director at the Office of Management and Budget. Joe Kent, the head of the National Counterterrorism Center, also recently resigned, citing his opposition to the Iran war.

“We are witnessing the systematic purging of conscience from government.”

The moment Gabbard’s resignation letter hit the internet, the speculation began. “The great Tulsi Gabbard, let’s be blunt, got fired,” former Trump advisor Steve Bannon declared on his show The War Room, swiftly conflating all the conspiracy theories into one. “This is Ratcliffe and the CIA and the Mossad. This is a hostile takeover of the DNI [Director of National Intelligence].” (“Ratcliffe” refers to John Ratcliffe, the director of the CIA.)

Other people in the MAGAverse also tied Gabbard’s departure to the false news of an alleged raid on her office by the CIA. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) previously claimed in mid-May that the CIA had raided Gabbard’s office, taking documents related to the JFK assassination and MKUltra, the CIA’s infamous mid-century mind control research program. Gabbard’s office quickly denied that such a raid had taken place, and the story was never corroborated at the time. But as soon as Gabbard announced her resignation, self-styled MAGA journalists and influencers quickly referred to it.

“So Tulsi Gabbard, who had her office raided just before she was set to disclose classified documents on JFK and MK Ultra last week, will now be stepping down to take care of ‘family matters,’” tweeted Rebekah Worsham, a conservative online political commentator who calls herself “The Patriotic Blonde,” adding, “Shocking.”

Meanwhile, Patrick Webb, the founder of a fake news website called Leading Report that often shares COVID and other conspiracy theories, echoed the idea. He baselessly claimed that the CIA had been “illegally spying” on Gabbard over her investigations “into the alleged COVID-19 cover-up, the assassinations of JFK, RFK, and MLK, and UAPs” (unidentified aerial phenomena).

Other observers weighed in with even more sweeping concerns. “We are witnessing the systematic purging of conscience from government,” tweeted MAHA influencer, Lauren Lee. “Charlie Kirk, MTG, Massie, Joe Kent, Tulsi Gabbard. Anyone who opposes the Iran war is getting eliminated or resigning for ‘family reasons.’ A very, very bad sign about what they’re planning next.”

It’s a fitting end to her tenure, as The Atlantic points out, given that she spent much of her brief time in office spinning conspiracy theories and taking pugnacious stances that seemed designed to win Trump’s attention and approval. She claimed that former US officials had tried to wage a “yearslong coup” on Trump and accused them, baldly, of “treason.” She also released a highly classified document that shed light on Russian interference in the 2016 election over objections from other intelligence agencies.

In the end, none of this was enough to impress Trump, or detract from what he saw as her ultimate disloyalty: saying that Iran had not rebuilt its nuclear program. (In one hearing, she refused to say whether Iran posed an imminent nuclear threat to the United States, saying that assessment was up to the president, which it is not.) Axios reported that Trump planned to fire her last month before former Trump campaign director and confidante Roger Stone persuaded him not to.

“Fortunately, I acted in time,” Stone tweeted, accusing Laura Loomer, with whom he’s been bitterly feuding, of orchestrating the situation. And while the tempting target of Gabbard may now be gone, the backbiting, feuding, and conspiracy theories will clearly find new targets soon.

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Mother Jones

Don’t Want a Data Center in Your Town? You Might Be a Chinese Spy.

Utah political consultant Gabi Finlayson was driving out of a canyon last week when she got the news that she had been accused of being a Chinese government operative.

She was driving to a speaking engagement in central Utah with her colleague, Jackie Morgan. When their car climbed out of the canyon and back into cell service, their phones were going off.

“Jackie and I each had like five text messages saying, you know, are you okay, did you see this, it’s gonna get worse before it gets better, but just hang in there.” They weren’t sure what happened, Finlayson said, until someone sent them the video.

Kevin O’Leary, the Shark Tank billionaire investor trying to build a 40,000-acre data center campus in Finlayson and Morgan’s home state, had gone on Fox News. His “guys” had done a “deep dig into the IP addresses,” he said, and found “two cells inside of Utah” affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party: Finlayson and Morgan’s group, Elevate Strategies, as well as the nonprofit Alliance for a Better Utah.

Finlayson and Morgan call the claim an out-and-out lie motivated by their opposition to a controversial Utah data center. “You don’t wake up in the morning often thinking, like, maybe I’ll get accused of sedition today on Fox News by Kevin O’Leary, but here we are,” Finlayson told me. “I’d probably get paid a lot more if I was” being paid by a foreign government, Elizabeth Huntchings, of Alliance for a Better Utah, told Fox News.

They spoke against the Stratos data center not because they’re being paid to do so, Finlayson said, but because it seemed like something that had been “very much imposed upon people”—a massive construction project undertaken with very little public knowledge, that could increase Utah’s net greenhouse gas emissions by 50 percent, as one University of Utah professor estimates.

To O’Leary, though, red spooks are the only reasonable explanation. “Who would want us to stop building our electrical grid? Who would want to stop us from having the compute capacity to develop AI? Which adversary would want that? There’s only one, it’s China,” O’Leary told Fox Business News host Maria Bartiromo earlier this month.

This narrative—that hyperscale data centers like O’Leary’s in Utah must be built, as a matter of national security—echoes a 2025 executive order by Donald Trump accelerating the federal permit process for data centers. And more and more data center investors are picking it up—insisting that their projects must be built in order to out-compute China.

“It is a national security imperative for the United States to achieve and maintain unquestioned and unchallenged global technological dominance,” Trump wrote in his 2025 executive order. (The president has also invested millions of dollars in companies that build data center infrastructure.)

But Finlayson and Morgan, in Utah, spend their working lives support local Democratic political campaigns—often a long shot in a Republican supermajority state—andrun a Substack on local news and politics. It’s an affiliation that may not endear them to O’Leary, who says he will provide proof, still to come, that his critics are foreign operatives; he has as yet not done so. His investment firm did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Finlayson says she’s part of a wave of real, unpaid outrage among Utahns. “Almost everyone in the entire state is so mad about this,” she said. “There’s obviously the folks that are concerned about the environmental impacts—I mean, it’s the largest proposed data center in the entire country—but then also you have a lot of more conservative people that are ranchers and farmers, people that live in these rural areas, that don’t want this infrastructure.” The backlash against data center construction has been called the “most bipartisan issue since beer”—and in Utah, that shows.

In the west, Finlayson said, “we kind of have this libertarian streak”: her community does not take well to “investors and rich people wanting to come in and just impose this thing on people without really significant community input.” In effect, she said, “the government is telling you what to do, and they’re not interested in having any feedback.”

Utahns have given O’Leary and the data center’s other developers quite a lot of feedback. Hundreds showed up to protest at a Box Elder County commission meeting where the data center was approved earlier this month, and thousands of people filed formal protests against the data center’s water rights applications.

While it’s not clear that overturning the county commission’s approval would stop the data center’s construction—it has already been approved by Utah’s Military Installation Development Authority, a powerful state agency—one Box Elder County group wants to put the project on the ballot for a voter referendum.

Caving to public pressure, the Utah legislature announced Wednesday that it will study the impacts of the proposed data center on the ever-shrinking Great Salt Lake’s water—a timely move, as Utah declared a statewide drought emergency this week. Utah Gov. Spencer Cox, a Republican, has publicly acknowledged that the rollout of O’Leary’s Stratos data center “was not good.” And more protests against the project are scheduled to descend on the Utah State Capitol during Memorial Day weekend.

Finlayson is heartened by the pushback. “This is not about where you fall in the political spectrum, it’s about who has power to make decisions over your life and who doesn’t,” she said. “Oftentimes, it feels like we don’t get to decide what happens to us, and we’re just getting things imposed on us by the government or by the wealthy.”

In Republican-supermajority Utah, she said, this kind of alliance-building means a great deal. “I think that people that have had money and have had power for a long time forget what it looks like when real people have a real problem with a real issue, and they really push back.”

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Mother Jones

Once Dismissed As Weeds, Native Plants Are Flying Off the Shelves

This story was originally published by Grist _in partnership with Chicago Public Media, and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Renee Costanzo cranked on the rusty pulley with both hands, watching the greenhouse roof creak open in sections. A breeze of spring air swept over 12,000 seedlings lined up in plastic trays in the Kilbourn Park greenhouse.

Costanzo, the Chicago Park District’s only full-time employee at the north-side greenhouse, spearheads a months-long effort to grow more than 15,000 plants, including vegetables, greens, and flowers, to get them ready in time for the Kilbourn Park’s annual plant sale.

The massively popular sale, which took place earlier this month, typically draws upwards of 1,100 people every year, with local gardeners lining up around the park waiting to snatch up plants at $4 a piece. But this year, attendance broke records — more than 2,300 shoppers turned out.

“We generally start these annuals at the end of February,” said Costanzo, pointing to rows of popular annual flowers like zinnias, marigolds, and geraniums, which provide bright blooms all summer long before dying at the end of the season. “So we’ve been coddling and loving these babies for months now, and we just want to get them into happy homes.”

For decades, Chicago gardeners flocked to the Kilbourn Park sale to pick up tomatoes, cucumbers, and some annuals — the standard starter kit for backyard gardeners. But this year, the park responded to a relatively new demand: Nearly 1 in 5 plants for sale are native plant species that have adapted to the local climate and wildlife and are generally low maintenance.

“Just in the last five years, people have asked for more natives, which is why we’ve been increasing our production,” said Costanzo, who experimented with 30 different native species in November ahead of the plant sale this year.

For a long time, native plants were seen as little more than weeds, but their value has grown significantly in recent years. Other local plant sales across Chicago and the country are incorporating native species at a pace surprising to even veteran horticulturalists who remember a time when they couldn’t give them away.

“I’ve watched this for 44 years, from almost zero to now,” said Neil Diboll, the president of Prairie Nursery, a Wisconsin-based nursery dedicated to growing and shipping native plants across the country.

“It’s not a fad,” Diboll said. “This is a long, steady climb.”

Last year, Diboll said his nursery experienced a 7 percent increase in native plant sales. This year, they’re shipping out about 500,000 plants and even more seeds. Back in 1982, when Diboll first started selling plants, business was tougher: The company grossed just over $13,000. These days, he said, “you can add a few zeros on there.”

That relatively new mainstream demand has been driven, in part, by concerns about dramatic declines in insect species and climate change-powered extreme heat, drought, and flooding. The caterpillars of the Monarch butterfly, for example, depend on native milkweed as a food source. But as land use patterns have changed, local milkweed species have disappeared, leading to recent declines in Monarch populations.

“Native plants have been adapting to change for thousands of years,” said Tiffany Jones, who leads habitat education throughout the Great Lakes region for the National Wildlife Federation. “They need less water, less maintenance, and they’re incredibly resilient — not to mention they help flood prevention with their deep root systems and provide habitat for all kinds of crucial species and pollinators. They’re practical and beautiful.”

In Minnesota, Becky Klukas-Brewer, co-owner and head of marketing and sales at Prairie Moon Nursery, a popular native plant nursery, said the Midwest greenhouse is shipping more plants and seeds than ever before. “In the last seven years, we have seen a 350 percent increase in sales, which is pretty awesome,” said Klukas-Brewer. At the same time, the 44-year-old nursery has seen its orders triple. She credits that success, in part, to the growing number of local plant sales across the country, drumming up interest in ecologically-minded gardening.

For nearly 50 years, Wild Ones, a national nonprofit, has been educating the public about the benefits of reintroducing native plants back into their habitat. What started as a gardening club in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, has ballooned into a nationwide organization with over 14,000 gardening enthusiasts putting on plant sales, seed giveaways, and exchanges. The group has also been noticing an uptick in native plant sales.

Over 110,000 native plants were sold last year through the organization’s 107 plant sales, according to Josh Nelson, development director with the Wild Ones. He added that another 40,000 native plants were distributed as part of the group’s various programs.

As the native plant business continues to grow, the annual Kilbourn Park plant sale is helping meet some of that demand. To make it happen, a team of local volunteers came out on a weekly basis over several months to help sort, pot, and move seedlings.

“It’s completely worth it,” said Lourdes Valenzuela, a retired schoolteacher who has volunteered at the north side plant sale for 12 years. Valenzuela is part of the Friends of Kilbourn Park Greenhouse, a dedicated group of local volunteers who fundraise to help expand the resources at the nursery. With help from funds collected at previous plant sales, they’ve been able to buy benches, a shed, and even a patio — increasing the footprint of the educational center. The goal this year was to raise $25,000, about half of the total projected cost, for a new outdoor learning center. But Valenzuela said the plant sale was a huge hit, and they easily surpassed the goal. The Chicago Park District confirmed the sale generated approximately $48,000.

“We literally sold every possible plant, all the compost, lots of baked goods,” she said. “We’re not fighting against the climate here. We’re working with it because it’s what’s native to this area, and they’re beautiful.”

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Mother Jones

911, Please Hold

The 911 system functions as a sort of promise: Call for help and someone will be there to respond quickly. But in many American cities, it’s a broken promise.

Thanks in part to a widespread understaffing crisis across 911 dispatch centers, hundreds of thousands of callers are left waiting on hold during their most harrowing moments every year.

Reporter Byard Duncan has spent more than a year reporting on America’s flailing 911 system and what it might take to fix it. This week on Reveal, in partnership with Type Investigations, he traces the issue from California to Wisconsin and a final stop on Capitol Hill.

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Mother Jones

Exclusive: Departing Meta Staffer Posts Biting Anti-AI Video Internally Amid Mass Layoffs

This week, Meta laid off 8,000 employees—10 percent of the company’s staff—and reassigned another 7,000 to train AI models. Fear of the layoffs had been building around the company for weeks, compounded by the way that Meta has taken a sharp turn from a company built by coders to a company that has staked its future on AI. So when a Meta software engineer named David Frenk posted a farewell parody video to the tune of “American Pie” in an internal message board, staff thought it perfectly captured how the culture of the company has fundamentally shifted. They begged him to post it to YouTube, making their plight inside the company public.

“There’s a bit of a disconnect,” one former employee who asked not to be identified told Mother Jones, “This is a company of really smart people who work really hard—coders, engineers, designers—people whose creativity and intellect is a part of their job. And you are being told that this AI agent can do it better than you, and you are being asked to train it.”

At Meta, there’s a tradition: when you leave, you make a “badge post” on the company’s internal message board. Usually, it’s a tribute to coworkers and co-creation—very kumbaya. But Frenk turned his badge post into a crusade in C major. It became a runaway hit.

Frenk’s video recounts the start of a tectonic shift at Meta, as the company asks workers to train AI—and then lays thousands off.

Frenk left of his own accord—his last day is today—and had a little time to decide how he wanted to go out. In an internal chat called “@shitposting” that has about 20,000 members, Frenk posted a high-production-value parody of the Don McLean song “American Pie.” You probably haven’t thought about “American Pie” in a while. The song is a lengthy ballad that unspools the history of rock and roll and laments the loss of innocence when the 1960s turned into the decade of disco. Frenk’s version recounts the recent history of Meta and its position at the edge of a tectonic shift as the company asks workers to train AI—and then lays off thousands of them.

The song is a consummate parody, and the lyrics are laced with inside jokes and references best understood by those inside the company. Andrew Bosworth, Meta’s Chief Technology Officer and a 20-year veteran of the company, gets name checked multiple times for promoting an internal monitoring software called MCI, orModel Capability Initiative, that the company installed on the computers of US employees this spring. MCI tracks the way humans interact with their screens, capturing mouse clicks and keyboard strokes to train AI to appear more “human-like.”

As Frenk sings:

And now I’m singing bye, bye, to professional pride
Sign the petition, no more wishing, just deny MCI
It’s the human touch that lets you know you’re alive
Maybe this can’t be replaced with AI

When the initiative was rolled out internally, the former employee said, one of the top comments on an internal message board was “how do I opt out?”

Frenk’s video currently has tens of thousands of views on Meta’s internal messaging system, though many of the comments are from accounts deactivated after Wednesday’s layoffs. The video seems to have captured a shift inside the company where profits are at a record high, executives are receiving huge raises, and yet 8,000 people have lost their jobs. (“When investors pressed us to get more lean,” Frenk asks in his parody, “Why did execs’ paychecks grow so obscene?”)

“It all feels a bit off,” the former employee said. “In a lighthearted way, even if you really, fully believe that this is the direction to go down, everything [in the video] still rings true.” (Meta didn’t respond to a request for comment.)

The comments bled over into Blind, a message board for current and former tech workers from places like Meta and Google to chat without their companies monitoring them. On Blind, people posted that the video “made me tear up” and “touched my soul.”

But the thing that really is most evil
And the reason that morale’s in freefall
Is you forgot we’re all just people
When you abused AI

Do you work at Meta? Send tips securely to the Center for Investigative Reporting at cirtips@protonmail.com.

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