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Mother Jones

New Report: Trump Administration Just Got Hit With Another Signal Chat Scandal

On Sunday evening, The New York Times published details of another potentially damning security scandal involving the chat app Signal and discussions of “detailed information about forthcoming strikes in Yemen on March 15″—this time centered on a group chat created by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.

Citing four people with knowledge of the group chat, the report describes strikingly similar details to those revealed last month by The Atlantic editor Jeffrey Goldberg, who earlier disclosed that he had been inadvertently added to a different Signal group chat discussing the same Yemen war plans.

According to the Times, Hegseth shared information that “included the flight schedules for the F/A-18 Hornets targeting the Houthis” in a “chat that included his wife, brother and personal lawyer.” The Times noted that Hegseth’s brother, Phil, holds a job at the Pentagon, as does his lawyer, Tim Parlatore. His wife, Jennifer, has recently become notable for accompanying her husband to high-profile meetings abroad.

The Times reports:

Unlike the chat in which The Atlantic was mistakenly included, the newly revealed one was created by Mr. Hegseth. It included his wife and about a dozen other people from his personal and professional inner circle in January, before his confirmation as defense secretary ,and was named “Defense | Team Huddle,” the people familiar with the chat said. He used his private phone, rather than his government one, to access the Signal chat.

The continued inclusion following Mr. Hegseth’s confirmation of his wife, brother and personal lawyer, none of whom had any apparent reason to be briefed on operational details of a military operation as it was getting underway, is sure to raise further questions about his adherence to security protocols.

The report cites a US official claiming that there was no national security breach: “Nothing classified was ever discussed on that chat,” the official said. Nonetheless, news of the second Signal group comes amid a dramatic leak probe at the Pentagon that has resulted in the departure of top Hegseth advisors and aides. Read the full Times report here.

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Mother Jones

Corporate Chiefs Gave Trump’s Inaugural Committee $250 Billion. Benefits Abound.

Donald Trump’s inaugural committee raised almost $250 million, much of it from donors who are seeking—and in many cases have already received—valuable favors from the administration of the famously transactional president.

The Wall Street Journal, which reviewed the committee’s filing ahead of a Sunday deadline, reported that the funding haul far exceeded what the committee needed for the January 20 event, leaving millions of dollars (it’s not clear exactly how much) in a fund Trump can use for other purposes. His aides have said the surplus will help fund Trump’s planned library and charities aligned with the president.

Donations to the inauguration by tech giants like Amazon, Alphabet, and Meta—apparently eager to display fealty to Trump—have previously drawn criticism, but the new filing reveals that a far larger group of companies and rich Americans also kicked in.

The largest reported donor, at $5 million, was Pilgrim’s Pride, a poultry company that is owned by the massive Brazilian meat conglomerate, JBS. The firm has faced substantial criticism for its business practices. Mother Jones recently reported on the plight of Haitian refugees working at a JBS beef processing facility in Greeley, Colo., which a union has faulted for a dangerously fast factory line. Those workers now face deportation.

JBS has faced various legal problems in the US. A company arm agreed in 2020 to pay more than $250 million to resolve Justice Department allegations that it violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The White House announced in February that it was suspending enforcement of that law.

Meat-processors like JBS’ Pilgrim’s Pride, the Journal noted, also benefit from a rule announced by Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins that extends a waiver allowing pork and poultry facilities to maintain higher production-line speeds.

Foreign companies like JBS are not allowed to donate directly to the inaugural committee. But their US subsidiaries can, giving foreign interests a means to potentially buy influence with Trump.

Mother Jones reported in February that Syngenta, a large agribusiness company owned by a Beijing firm that describes itself as a Chinese “state-owned enterprise,” donated $250,000 to Trump’s inaugural fund. In 2020, Trump barred investment in companies including Syngenta’s parent company, ChemChina, citing a Defense Department finding that they support China’s military and intelligence efforts. The Pentagon issued an updated version of that list on January 7, including ChemChina among firms it labels as “Chinese Military Companies Operating in the United States.”

The inaugural committee also received large donations from the cryptocurrency industry, including $5 million from Ripple; $2 million from Robinhood; and $1 million each from Coinbase and its founder, according to the Journal.

The Securities and Exchange Commission in February dropped a lawsuit against Coinbase, and earlier this month Attorney General Pam Bondi said the Justice Department would disband a unit dedicated to investigating fraud in the crypto industry.

The Journal also reported that the inaugural fund received millions of dollars in donations from wealthy Trump backers who Trump subsequently nominated for ambassador jobs and other top posts. Trump announced the nomination of Warren Stephens as ambassador to the United Kingdom on Dec. 2. And “the filings show Stephens’ $4 million donation was received on the same day,” the report notes. Jared Isaacman, a billionaire who Trump picked to run NASA, gave $2 million to the committee. Isaacman is also big investor in Elon Musk’s SpaceX.

There is no proof that any actions that the Trump administration has taken benefiting donors was a direct result of an inaugural gift. But government watchdogs say just the possibility is a problem.

“Even the appearance of such conflicts of interest can diminish public trust in government due to the perception that the corporations may receive special treatment regarding government contracts or regulations,” said Kedric Payne, senior director for ethics at the Campaign Legal Center.

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Mother Jones

Far-Right Activist Tied to Jailed Chinese Fraudster Joins Team Trump. He’s Not Alone.

Miles Guo, an exiled Chinese billionaire best known for his ties to Steve Bannon, is in a Brooklyn jail awaiting sentencing following his conviction for orchestrating a massive fraud scheme. But Guo’s years of using his wealth to forge ties with people close to President Donald Trump appear to be bearing fruit.

As my colleague Stephanie Mencimer reported yesterday, far-right activist Gavin Wax just announced he is taking a job as chief of staff to Federal Communications Commissioner Nathan Simington. Wax would be one of several Trump advisers and administration aides who have previously worked for or been paid by Guo or his allies.

Others include top Trump aide Peter Navarro, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, and senior Justice Department official Emil Bove.Bannon—whom Guo paid millions between 2017 and 2020 as an adviser—and former campaign aide Jason Miller, who ran Gettr, a social media company that Guo appears to have controlled, hold no official White House roles, but remain Trump advisers.

Guo was accused during his trial of using various forms of intimidation, including encouraging violence, to stop critics within his movement from speaking out. From jail, where he has remained since his March 2023 arrest, Guo has claimed he is poised to be released, through a Trump pardon or other means. There’s no evidence that will happen. But Guo’s thousands of victims, including some who testified against him at trial, have cause to worry he might seek retribution if freed. (Prosecutors recently cited victims’ fears in arguing for expediting Guo’s sentencing, which has been delayed until September, after Guo replaced his lawyers.)

Though he has styled himself as a leading opponent of the Chinese Communist Party, Guo has also been accused in multiple lawsuits of acting as Chinese intelligence agent—a claim he denies. Still, the allegation adds a troubling dimension to his ties to top Trump advisers.

Wax, the former head of the hard right New York Young Republican Club, previously worked as marketing director for Gettr, a platform that, according to former employees and federal prosecutors, Guo secretly controlled prior to his arrest. Other Gettr alumni include Kingsley Wilson, the Pentagon deputy press secretary who recently drew scrutiny for her history of bigoted and xenophobic posts, including some widely condemned as antisemitic.

Wax was also part of a stable of right-wing influencers who in 2023 churned out pro-Guo op-eds and other content that in many cases were partly written for them by his supporters.

That group also included Karoline Leavitt, who, as I’ve reported, was paid by Guo supporters to publish op-eds they’d help prepare under her name. (Wax, who has not said if he was compensated for his Guo articles, didn’t respond to an inquiry Sunday.)

Peter Navarro, the Trump adviser closely linked to the administration’s economically damaging tariff policy, also previously worked for Guo, as “international ambassador” for the so-called New Federal State of China. Founded in 2020 by Guo and Bannon, that outfit claimed to be a government-in-waiting prepared to take over China. During Guo’s trial last year, prosecutors said the group was part of a con in which Guo used his supposed anti-CCP activism to win support from the Chinese diaspora, thousands of whom Guo defrauded through bogus investment schemes. Navarro’s role—showing up at events held by Guo and doing interviews with a Chinese-language news outfit Guo launched—helped give the organization the air of legitimacy and a perceived link to Trump. Navarro has not said if he was paid for the job.

Guo also has a former ally in a senior Justice Department role. Emil Bove, now acting Deputy Attorney General, in 2023 worked as a lawyer for Yvette Wang—Guo’s longtime aide and co-defendant. More recently, Bove led the controversial effort to drop federal corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams, a move both men insist was not part of a quid pro quo.

An attorney familiar with the Guo case told Mother Jones that it was likely that Guo, through companies he controlled, had paid for Bove to represent Wang. Bove, who was forced off that case after government lawyers said he had a conflict due to his past work as a federal prosecutor, has not commented.

Guo’s ties also extend to pro-Trump media. The far right influencers who previously penned fawning op-eds about the mogul include Natalie Winters, who is now covering the White House for Bannon’s War Room broadcast. Since 2017, War Room itself has received monthly payments totaling hundreds of thousands from a Guo-controlled company, according to court filings. That’s in addition to Guo’s direct payments to Bannon.

John Fredericks, a conservative pundit now covering the White House, received at least $175,000 to host Guo supporters on his broadcasts, according to bank records made public as the result of a legal dispute. Fredericks in February used a White House briefing to urge Leavitt to “do away with the entire White House Correspondents Association,” drawing a pledge from Leavitt to limit the access of “legacy media outlets.”

WH Press Team & Trump Admin to Decide What Press Orgs Have Access to Oval Office & Air Force One

In response to Judge McFadden’s remarks on Monday suggesting that the Trump administration could throw out the entire White House Correspondents Association, @PressSecpic.twitter.com/B9VceraaaB

— John Fredericks (@jfradioshow) February 25, 2025

It is unlikely that many viewers realized that both Fredericks and Leavitt have been on Guo’s payroll, but the imprisoned fraudster may have appreciated the link.

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Mother Jones

Trump Nixing Conservation Rule in Favor of Drilling and Mining on Federal Lands

This story was originally published on the substack Public Domain to which you can subscribe here.

At an all-hands meeting of Interior Department employees on April 9, Secretary Doug Burgum stressed that managing and protecting federal public lands “must be held in balance.”

“It says in the mission statement the job of Interior is to ‘manage and protect,’” he said. “It doesn’t just say ‘protect,’ it says ‘manage and protect.’”

Better balance on public lands was precisely what the Biden administration was after with a rule it finalized last year. The Bureau of Land Management (BLM), the nation’s largest land management agency, has a long history of prioritizing drilling and other extraction. Biden’s so-called Public Lands Rule sought to put conservation and ecosystem restoration on equal footing with drilling and other extractive uses, including by offering new leases for improving and recovering federal lands and offsetting development impacts.

The change promised to improve the conservation track record of an agency that protects far less of its land from development than the Forest Service, the National Park Service, or the Fish and Wildlife Service.

Republicans denounced the rule, arguing it violated the BLM’s multiple-use mandate. And earlier this week, the Trump administration moved to rescind it altogether—part of a broader effort to boost drilling, mining, and other development across federally managed lands.

The rescission notice, which the White House Office of Management and Budget posted on Tuesday, follows a Trump executive order in February that directed federal agencies to identify and revoke “unlawful regulations and regulations that undermine the national interest.”

Rescinding the Biden-era rule flies in the face of public opinion. An analysis by the Center for Western Priorities found that 92 percent of public commenters supported the rule. And the 15th annual “Conservation in the West” poll, released in February, found that 72 percent of voters in eight Western states want the government to prioritize conservation over increased energy development on public lands—the highest level of support in the poll’s history.

In addition to the Public Lands Rule, the White House moved to eliminate a Biden-era rule that barred oil and gas development across more than 13 million acres of the National Petroleum Reserve, on Alaska’s North Slope.

Alison Flint, senior legal director at The Wilderness Society, said in a statement that Trump is “putting himself above the law and planning to slash the safeguards that protect wildlife, clean air and water, and the communities that depend on them.”

“This is not policy—it’s a blatant giveaway to industry that threatens to dismantle decades of conservation progress, shut down public access, harm wildlife and accelerate the reckless sell-off of our natural resources,” she said.

Roque Planas contributed to this report.

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Mother Jones

We Asked You to Share Protest Photos. Wow, You Delivered.

This weekend, national protests broke out once again to demand an end to creeping authoritarianism and to defend the rule of law—sparked by the chaotic opening months of the Trump administration, defined by the flouting of judicial authority, executive overreach, and a subservient Congress. You can find a wrap-up of those protests, organized under the banner “50501”—meaning “50 protests, 50 states, 1 day”—here.

Over on Bluesky, we asked readers to share their own images from wherever they showed up, and we were flooded with responses, from tiny towns and a highway overpass, to sprawling cities—all forming a vivid, grassroots tapestry of resistance.

Readers sent photos and videos from Clarksburg, West Virginia; Columbus, Ohio; Denver, Colorado; Flagstaff, Arizona; Hartford, Connecticut; Honolulu, Hawaii; Indianapolis, Indiana; Las Vegas, Nevada; Lisle and Macomb, Illinois; Livonia, Michigan; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Monterey, Paso Robles, Sacramento, San Francisco, San Jose, and Thousand Oaks, California; New York City, New York; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Portland, Oregon; Raleigh, North Carolina; Rochester, New York; Roswell, New Mexico; St. Paul, Minnesota; Suffolk, Virginia; and more.

Here are some of your highlights. Keep them coming. And make sure to follow us to join our thriving Bluesky community.

Monterey,CA

(@estella09.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:43:55.396Z

Raleigh, NC #50501movement

☝SoSayU (@sosayu.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:38:27.508Z

Thousand Oaks, CA. Great turnout and response from passerby. Only about 4 thumbs down or middle fingers. Lol

(@katgw.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:36:22.800Z

#Indianapolis #FiftyFiftyOne

Dunes Girl (@pattib-resilience.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:37:56.987Z

Roswell NM

(@curmudgeongirl.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:36:21.859Z

From Portland Oregon

TheMoonKnight (@themoonknight.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:35:47.121Z

Clarksburg, WV

Elise (@bnat4.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:43:14.101Z

Columbus, Ohio

Linnykins (@linnykins.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:42:23.686Z

We showed up in St Paul, Minnesota. Stand up! Fight back! #resist

Kim J (@kaj0724.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:41:05.502Z

Sacramento

Ron Loutzenhiser (@rloutz.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:39:35.960Z

Hartford, CT

Chris Sands (@ctsands87.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:40:29.357Z

I25 Pedestrian Bridge in Denver

(@thegreatwoodini.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:40:19.194Z

Young people, old people, veterans, dogs and everyone in between (about 500?) of us came out to #Resist in I’d say edging towards purple, rural Paso Robles, Ca on 4/19/25 NO KINGS protest day💪🏼🇺🇸

(@shellyrn24.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:56:07.692Z

San Jose, CA

Keith Blom (@keiththerunner.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:51:58.960Z

Paso Robles, Ca! #NoKings #RESIST

(@shellyrn24.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T15:57:41.448Z

Rochester, NY 🇺🇸🇺🇸🇺🇸

Amy Adrion (@amyadrion.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T16:01:36.979Z

Turnout was strong in Honolulu on April 19.

(@sayitwithaloha.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T16:04:02.919Z

Macomb, IL. Population 15,000ish.

Chris Sutton 🌎 (@mapyoda.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T16:02:57.100Z

Belfast, Maine bsky.app/profile/sara…

Sara in Maine (@sara207.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T16:11:47.294Z

PHILLY #NOKINGS

Karen Getz (@getzie.bsky.social) 2025-04-20T16:11:17.207Z

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Mother Jones

Powerful Scenes From This Weekend’s Anti-Trump Protests Reveal Resistance in Action

Protesters across the country once again poured into the streets this weekend for a day of mass action denouncing the Trump administration. It was the second large-scale outpouring this month, following the coordinated “Hands Off” protests. Saturday’s events took place under the banner of “50501”—a grassroots effort aimed at mobilizing “50 protests, 50 states, 1 day,” with over 700 gatherings held in both big cities and small towns nationwide.

The protesters’ targets were wide-ranging—the deportation regime, Elon Musk and DOGE, the rise of authoritarianism, tariffs, trans rights, and more—but one figure naturally dominated the protest signs: Trump. And a historical echo was not lost on some organizers, who pointed to Saturday marking the 250th anniversary of the start of the American Revolutionary War—the historic struggle to free a nation from monarchy. Protesters around Boston chanted “no kings.”

Here are some photo highlights from across the day’s events.

Protesters formed an “Impeach and Remove” human banner on Ocean Beach in San Francisco during Saturday’s protest. The formation also included an upside-down U.S. flag—a common signal of distress.Stephen Lam/San Francisco Chronicle/AP

Many thousands of people demonstrated in Pioneer Courthouse Square and throughout downtown Portland, Oregon.John Rudoff/Sipa/AP

Anti-Trump protesters assembled on the National Mall in Washington, D.C. Many were demanding the return of Kilmar Abrego García, who was wrongfully deported by the Trump administration to a megaprison in El Salvador last month.Aashish Kiphayet/Sipa/AP

People in Baltimore City, Maryland, rallied in support of unions, Medicare, Social Security, and the return of recent deportees.Robyn Stevens Brody/Sipa/AP

Crowds of people protested in front of the State Capitol building in Carson City, Nevada.William Hale Irwin/ SIPA/AP

Anti-Trump protesters displayed signs in front of a Tesla Store in Kissimmee, Florida.Ronaldo Silva/NurPhoto/AP

People gathered in Orlando, Fla.Phelan M. Ebenhack/AP

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Mother Jones

Far-Right Activist Who Vowed “Retribution” Lands Role at the FCC

For the past six years, Gavin Wax has held court as the president of the New York Young Republican Club, a group he helped turn from a small, stodgy establishment outfit into “a vanguard of the Trump movement,” as he said last year. Under his leadership, the club has moved far to the right. It’s hosted events attended by white nationalists, budding foreign authoritarians, and of course, George Santos, whose congressional campaign it endorsed before he became a convicted felon.

Wax announced this month that he was stepping down as the club’s president, and on Friday he revealed that he would be taking a post in the Trump administration as chief of staff and advisor to Federal Communications Commissioner Nathan Simington. The 31-year-old former day trader has long been a die-hard Trump loyalist.

“Once President Trump is back in office,” Wax said at the 2023 NYYRC annual dinner, according to Politico, “we won’t be playing nice anymore. It will be a time for retribution. All those responsible for destroying our once-great country will be held to account after baseless years of investigations and government lies and media lies against this man.”

Like Trump, Wax was once a staunch opponent of media censorship and “Big Tech,” and had called for an end to legal protections for social media companies. An online libertarian magazine Wax founded, Liberty Conservative, once devoted quite a bit of ink to trolling Trump’s new benefactor, Elon Musk. (“Elon Musk: The Corporate Arm Of The Deep-State,” was one such 2017 article.)

Much of that rhetoric seems to have vanished since Musk bought Twitter and most of the tech world has gotten on board in support of Trump. Now, Wax’s focus at the FCC, like Trump’s, appears to be mainstream media outlets. In an email, he told me, “The issues of censorship, content moderation, and platform accountability remain important—not just in the context of individual CEOs, but as broader questions of public policy and civil liberties. We’re also focused on ensuring that licensed broadcasters are truly serving the public interest, as required by law. That includes holding legacy media to account just as much as newer tech platforms, and ensuring that all players in the communications space operate on a level playing field.”

In 2023, Mother Jones identified Wax as one of a number of MAGA influencers who’d been defending the exiled Chinese billionaire Guo Wengui with op-eds suggested by Guo’s supporters. Guo was convicted of racketeering and fraud last year. Wax had once been the marketing director for Gettr, a social media site allegedly controlled by Guo. But Wax told me that an important part of the FCC’s work now is “defending against foreign influence in our information ecosystem.”

Wax’s ascension to the FCC was met with cheers in MAGA world from everyone from Steve Bannon to Kari Lake.

Thank you Kari! https://t.co/JXWES8zUR6

— Gavin Mario Wax 🇺🇸 🗽 (@GavinWax) April 19, 2025

He seems a natural fit for the FCC under its Trump-aligned chairman Brendan Carr. Carr has touted his own MAGA credentials and has taken up Trump’s call for the agency to investigate NPR and PBS over their sponsorship practices, and ABC and NBC over DEI efforts. The FCC also recently reinstated a complaint against CBS over an interview with Kamala Harris during the presidential campaign that Trump has alleged was deceptively edited to influence the election. Trump is suing the network for $20 billion over the interview. Trump’s FCC also revived complaints against NBC for allowing Harris to appear on Saturday Night Live during the campaign.

Last month, several congressional Democrats launched a probe of what they called the FCC’s “sham” investigations designed “to target and intimidate news organizations” that were unpopular with Trump and Musk.

Even at this FCC, however, Wax is likely to be a controversial hire. His ties to the more extreme fringes of the far-right are unusual credentials for a government job, though less so in this administration. For instance, in 2018, Wax penned a column in the American Thinker headlined, “We are all Proud Boys now,” in which he decried “Antifa” and “leftist terrorist” attacks on conservatives like himself.

“Out-of-context quotes from Gavin McInnes are being used to paint him as a right-wing militant leader when he in all actuality he just runs a patriotic fraternal group who like America and beer,” he wrote, defending the founder of the far-right militia group whose members later helped orchestrate the January 6 attack on the US Capitol.

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Mother Jones

Supreme Court Blocks Deportation Flights–For Now

In an early morning decision, the US Supreme Court blocked the Trump administration from attempting to fly another batch of migrants out of the country without due process. The high court’s decision was notable not just for the time it was released—1 a.m. Saturday morning—but because it leapfrogged a lower court that was still considering activity in the case.

“The Government is directed not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees from the United States until further order of this Court,” the order said, noting that Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas had dissented, and that Alito was planning to write a response.

The emergency ruling was a clear indicator that the high court, or at least seven of the nine justices, have finally realized that the Trump administration will not act in good faith when it comes to its desire to send people off for indefinite detention in a foreign gulag. The Supreme Court has already told the administration that it can’t send migrants to other countries without giving them a chance to challenge their removal, but immigration officials have been trying to get around that order by moving detainees to jurisdictions they believe aren’t covered by the earlier decision.

On Friday night, lawyers in Texas filed an emergency motion on behalf of clients who’d been told by immigration officials that they had been identified as members of the Tren de Aragua gang and were going to be removed from the country within 24 hours under the Alien Enemies Act. In their filing, the lawyers said the Trump administration was already busing dozens of men to a Texas airport for flights scheduled, they suspected, to depart for El Salvador.

The Trump administration has been invoking a 200 year-old law to try to suggest it has the power to remove people from the US without due process. As Noah Lanard and Isabela Dias explained in Mother Jones last month:

On March 14, President Donald Trump quietly signed a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act—a 1798 law last used during World War II. The order declared that the United States is under invasion by Tren de Aragua. It is the first time in US history that the 18th-century statute, which gives the president extraordinary powers to detain and deport noncitizens, has been used absent a Congressional declaration of war. The administration then employed the wartime authority unlocked by the Alien Enemies Act to quickly load Venezuelans onto deportation flights from Texas to El Salvador…

The administration invoked the act last month when it sent In response to a class action lawsuit brought by the ACLU and Democracy Forward, federal judge James Boasberg almost immediately blocked the Trump White House from using the Alien Enemies Act to summarily deport Venezuelans, and directed any planes already in the air to turn around. But in defiance of that order, the administration kept jets flying to El Salvador.

The high court’s new order does not address the merits of Trump’s use of the Alien Enemies Act. But it does indicate that some of the justices realize that these are not ordinary times, and that once people have been put on planes to El Salvador, the ability of the US courts to help them is much diminished.

The administration has produced scant evidence that many of the people it has already sent to El Salvador are in fact members of gangs, or even criminals. Many of the deportees seem to have been targeted simply because they had the wrong tattoos.

“This doesn’t just happen overnight,” immigration lawyer Joseph Giardina, who represents one of the men now in El Salvador, told my colleagues recently. “They don’t get a staged reception in El Salvador and a whole wing for them in a maximum-security prison…It was a planned operation, that was carried out quickly and in violation of the judge’s order. They knew what they were doing.”

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Mother Jones

How Police Guns End Up in the Hands of Criminals

When the Stanislaus County Sheriff’s Department in California wanted to purchase new firearms, it sold its used ones to help cover the cost. The old guns went to a distributor, which then turned around and sold them to the public. One of those guns—a Glock pistol—found its way to Indianapolis.

That Glock was involved in the killing of Maria Leslie’s grandson, and the fact that it once belonged to law enforcement makes her loss sting even more.

https://play.prx.org/e?ge=prx%5F149%5F7fe27ff3-d333-473d-b22b-e6dc6cc561d8&uf=https%3A%2F%2Ffeeds.revealradio.org%2Frevealpodcast

“My grandson was in his own apartment complex. He lived there,” Leslie said. “He should not have been murdered there, especially with a gun that traces back all the way to the California police department’s coffers.”

This week on Reveal, in a collaboration with The Trace and CBS News, reporter Alain Stephens examines a common practice for police departments—trading in their old weapons rather than destroying them—and how it’s led to tens of thousands of old cop guns ending up in the hands of criminals.

This is an update of an episode first aired in July 2024. Since then, more than a dozen law enforcement agencies have stopped reselling their used firearms or are reviewing their policies.

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Mother Jones

In “Cancer Alley,” Black Communities Get All the pollution, But Few of the Jobs

This story was originally published b_y Grist a_nd is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Residents of the mostly Black communities sandwiched between chemical plants along the lower Mississippi River have long said they get most of the pollution but few of the jobs produced by the region’s vast petrochemical industry.

A new study led by Tulane University backs up that view, revealing stark racial disparities across the US’s petrochemical workforce. Inequity was especially pronounced in Louisiana, where people of color were underrepresented in both high- and low-paying jobs at chemical plants and refineries.

“It was really surprising how consistently people of color didn’t get their fair share of jobs in the petrochemical industry,” said Kimberly Terrell, a research scientist with the Tulane Environmental Law Clinic. “No matter how you slice or dice the data by states, metro areas or parishes, the data’s consistent.”

Toxic air pollution in Louisiana’s petrochemical corridor, an area often referred to as “Cancer Alley,” has risen in recent years. The burdens of pollution have been borne mostly by the state’s Black and poor communities, according to the US Environmental Protection Agency.

The Tulane study’s findings match what Cancer Alley residents have suspected for decades, said Joy Banner, co-founder of the Descendants Project, a nonprofit that advocates for Black communities in the parishes between New Orleans and Baton Rouge. “You hear it a lot—that Black people are not getting the jobs,” she said. “But to have the numbers so well documented, and to see just how glaring they are—that was surprising.”

People of color were underrepresented in all of the highest-paying jobs among the 30 states with a large petrochemical industry presence, but Louisiana and Texas had “the most extreme disparities,” according to the study, which was published in the journal Ecological Economics.

While several states had poor representation on the upper pay scale, people of color were typically overrepresented in the lower earnings tiers.

In Texas, nearly 60 percent of the working-age population is nonwhite, but people of color hold 39 percent of higher-paying positions and 57 percent of lower-paying jobs in the chemical industry.

Louisiana was the only state in which people of color are underrepresented in both pay categories. People who aren’t white make up 41 percent of the working-age population but occupy just 21 percent of higher-paying jobs and about 33 percent of lower-paid jobs.

The study relied on data from the US Census Bureau, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the Bureau of Labor Statistics and Louisiana Economic Development.

The chemical industry disputed the study’s findings. “We recognize the importance of examining equity in employment, however, this study offers an incomplete and misleading portrayal of our industry and its contributions,” David Cresson, president and CEO of the Louisiana Chemical Association, said in a statement.

Cresson pointed to several industry-supported workforce development programs, scholarships and science camps aimed at “closing the training gap in Louisiana.”

But the study indicates education and training levels aren’t at the root of underrepresentation among states or metro areas. Louisiana’s education gap was modest, with college attainment at 30 percent for white residents and 20 percent for people of color. In places like Lake Charles and St. John the Baptist Parish, where petrochemical jobs are common, the gap was minimal—five percentage points or less.

The industry’s investments in education are “just public relations spin,” Banner said.

“The amount of money they’re investing in schools and various programs pales in comparison to how much they’re profiting in our communities,” she said. “We sacrifice so much and get so little in return.”

Louisiana is also getting little from generous tax breaks aimed at boosting employment, the study found.

The state’s Industrial Tax Exemption Program has granted 80 percent to 100 percent property tax exemptions to companies that promise to create new jobs. For each job created in Cameron Parish, where large natural gas ports have been built in recent years, companies were exempted from almost $590,000 in local taxes. In St. John, each job equated to about $1 million in uncollected tax revenue.

“This tradeoff of pollution in exchange for jobs was never an equal trade,” said Gianna St. Julien, one of the study’s authors. “But this deal is even worse when the overwhelming majority of these companies’ property taxes are not being poured back into these struggling communities.”

This coverage was made possible through a partnership between Grist and Verite News, a nonprofit news organization producing in-depth journalism in underserved communities in the New Orleans area.

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Mother Jones

“He’s So Scared”: More Venezuelans Face Imminent Deportation Under the Alien Enemies Act

On Friday, Omar Cárdenas Martínez called a relative from the Bluebonnet detention center in Texas to say that he had just been given a notice. Cárdenas had arrived there earlier this week, after being transferred from another US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) facility, Prairieland, aboutthree hours awayin Alvarado. The document statedthat Cárdenas was going to be deported under the Alien Enemies Act, a rarely invoked law from 1798 that the Trump administration has been using to deprive Venezuelans it accuses of gang membership of due process.

Cárdenas told Jaime, a pseudonym for the relative, who lives in the United States and fears potential retaliation, that he believed he was going to be removed from the country on Friday. According to Jaime, who broke down in despair during parts of the call with Mother Jones, Cárdenas said that he could see bags that held detainees’ personal belongings.

On Friday afternoon, the American Civil Liberties Union reported that Venezuelans held at Bluebonnet were being loaded onto buses, potentially in preparation for removal from the country. The ACLU filed an emergency motion in the US District Court for the District of Columbia asking Judge James Boasberg—who first tried to stop the March 15 flights to El Salvador, and has found probable cause to hold the Trump administration in contempt for violating his orders—block imminent removals under the Alien Enemies Act.

Boasberg quickly scheduled a hearing for Friday evening to gather information about the potential removals and assess whether he had legal authority to block future flights. Justice Department attorney Drew Ensign said at the hearing that no removal flights were scheduled for Friday, and that none were planned for Saturday. But he did not contest that Venezuelans were being given notice in Texas that they were slated for removal under the Alien Enemies Act as alleged members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua. Ensign also said the administrationreserved the right to remove Venezuelans under the Alien Enemies Act on Saturday, even if flights are not currently scheduled.

The judge seemed doubtful that the notice being provided by the Trump administration to the Venezuelans complied with the Supreme Court’s mandate that people facing Alien Enemies Act–based deportation be given a chance to adequately contest their designations as members of Tren de Aragua. But Boasberg was also skeptical of his own legal authority to block anyflights, given that the Supreme Court has said that removals should be challenged before federal courts in the districts where people are detained, and because the matter is already before another federal judge in Texas. As a result, Boasberg ultimately did not grant the ACLU’s request to temporarily halt deportations from Texas.

It is not clear where Cárdenas and other Venezuelans will be sent if removed. Thus far, the Trump administration has used the Alien Enemies Act to disappear more than 100 Venezuelans into one of the worst prisons in the world, El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT. When Mother Jones spoke with Jaime on Friday morning, that possibility was almost too awful to contemplate.

“He’s afraid of being sent back to his own country,” Jaime said of Cárdenas, who has a pending immigration case in the United States. “Imagine how scared he would be to be sent to El Salvador.”

“He’s afraid of being sent back to his own country. Imagine how scared he would be to be sent to El Salvador.”

The ACLU has separately filed an emergency legal motion in Texas to try to block the summary removal of Venezuelans now at the Bluebonnet detention center, located west of Dallas in the small city of Anson, under the Alien Enemies Act. It is uncertain whether that effort will succeed, despite the Supreme Court’s recent ruling that they must be given a “reasonable” amount of time to file a legal challenge.

In an additional 28-page filing with the Supreme Court on Friday, the ACLU sought to stop the removals of “dozens or hundreds” of detainees in the Northern District of Texas, arguing the government hasn’t provided a “realistic opportunity” for them to fight their impending deportation. “Removal without sufficient notice and time to seek habeas relief,” the brief states, would be a clear violation of the justices’ order.

Michelle Brané, a former Department of Homeland Security official in charge of the Biden administration’s family reunification task force and the executive director of Together and Free, a nonprofit group that supports asylum seekers, told Mother Jones that her organization has heard from two families that Venezuelans at Bluebonnet are facing potentially imminent removal under the Alien Enemies Act. The New York Times, citing two people with knowledge of the situation, reported that more than 50 Venezuelans were scheduled to be removed from the country.

“The real issue here is that the administration is wrongly using the [Alien Enemies Act] to remove people into a black hole without any process,” Brané said. “People disappear and there is no way to know who has been sent or who will be next. We know they have already made mistakes. It endangers everyone in the United States.”

According to court documents and interviews,Cárdenas appears to be one of many Venezuelans at imminent risk of removal under the act. As with the previous group of deportees—many of whom were sent to El Salvador in apparentviolation of Boasberg’s court order last month—the men are being accused by the Trump administration of membership in the criminal organization Tren de Aragua, which the US government claims has invaded the country. It is using the invasion claim to invoke the Alien Enemies Act and summarily remove Venezuelans without allowing them to go before an immigration judge.

In a court hearing earlier this month concerning potential removals under the Alien Enemies Act, a Justice Department attorney declined to commit to providing Venezuelans at least 24 hours to dispute their removal. The notice now being provided to theVenezuelans at Bluebonnet does not provide any information about how to contest their removal—it merely states, “If you desire to make a phone call, you will be permitted to do so.” (The ACLU has said it is only aware of the notice being provided in English, although Ensign said at the Friday hearing that it has also been provided in Spanish.)

One of the two plaintiffs in the ACLU case was moved from a county jail in Minnesota to Bluebonnet on April 14. The man came to the United States in 2023, fleeing political persecution in Venezuela for protesting the government of Nicolás Maduro. He has a pending application for asylum and other forms of reprieve from deportation, such as withholding of removal and protection under the Convention Against Torture, with a hearing scheduled later this month. The petition states that ICE detained the man in March whileon his way to work, and that he was targeted because of “tattoos and associates that indicated membership in the Tren de Aragua gang.” His tattoos include one of a clock with the date and time of his son’s birth, as well as one of the Virgin Mary and a cross.

His tattoos include a clock with the date and time of his son’s birth, as well as one of the Virgin Mary and a cross.

On Thursday night, Brané spoke to a relative of another man, Luis Yoender Mercado. The relative said she had talked to Mercado that afternoon and that he was very worried about potentially being sent to El Salvador. Brané said Mercado has an immigration hearing scheduled for April 23, and added that family members are in complete panic about the possibility of their loved ones being removed from the United States while their cases are still pending.

In response to questions from Mother Jones, DHS assistant secretary for public affairs Tricia McLaughlin wrote in an email, “We are not going to reveal the details of counter terrorism operations, but we are complying with the Supreme Court’s ruling.”

The ACLU has said in legal filings that in recent days the government has transferred Venezuelans from detention centers across the country—including Minnesota, California, and Louisiana—to the Bluebonnet facility. Jaime said his relative, Cárdenas, arrived there around Wednesday and was initially forced to sleep on the floor. That mirrors how Venezuelans were concentrated at another Texas facility, the El Valle detention center, before being sent to El Salvador last month.

In a declaration, attorney Karene Brown of the Legal Aid Society said her client called from Bluebonnet on Thursday evening to say ICE had handed him a notice in English alleging he was a member of Tren de Aragua. The client, who Brown said only speaks Spanish and doesn’t have a final order of removal from an immigration judge, declined to sign. ICE then told the man the papers “were coming from the President, and that he will be deported even if he did not sign it.” According to another court filing, immigration attorneys and family members of detainees at Bluebonnet have reported that “forms are being passed out widely to the dozens of Venezuelan men who have been brought there over the past few days.”

On Thursday, a Trump-appointed judge in the Northern District of Texas, James Wesley Hendrix, denied the ACLU’s initial request for a temporary restraining order, finding that the detainees at Bluebonnet were not at “imminent risk of summary removal” because the government had assured the court that they would not deport the two plaintiffs “pending resolution of their habeas petition” and that they would inform the court of any changes. The ACLU filed another emergency request after hearing that Venezuelans were being given documents designating them Tren de Aragua members. It has now elevated that request to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.

In his order, Hendrix cited a 5-4 Supreme Court decision earlier this month that lifted a district court’s temporary restraining order, which had blocked the Trump administration from removing Venezuelans via the Alien Enemies Act. The Supreme Court’s majority ruled that plaintiffs should have brought challenges in the jurisdiction where they were being detained; as a result, habeas petitions have since been filed across the country.

The justices also reaffirmed that those subject to deportation based on the wartime law should be given appropriate and timely notice and the opportunity to challenge their removal and their designation as members of Tren de Aragua. In a dissenting opinion, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s failure to allow detainees to seek relief would be “in direct contravention of an edict by the United States Supreme Court.”

As Mother Jones has reported, many of the men deported to El Salvador last month were sent based on flimsy evidence and unsubstantiated claims that their tattoos indicated gang affiliation. One of those men was Neri Alvarado Borges, a 25-year-old whose most prominent tattoo is an autism awareness ribbon on his leg, in honor of his teenage brother, who has autism.

DHS has repeatedly refused to provide evidence to support allegations of gang membership. In response to a detailed request for comment from Mother Jones earlier this month, a senior DHS official said, “We aren’t going to share intelligence reports and undermine national security every time a gang member denies he is one.”

“That would be insane,” the DHS official said.

Lindsay Toczylowski, co-founder and CEO of Immigrant Defenders Law Center (ImmDef), said that from what she has heard, the removals seem imminent. Toczylowski, whose organization represents Andry José Hernández Romero, the makeup artist sent to El Salvador on March 15, said that the group, much like last month, is monitoring closely to see if any removal flights take off from Texas to the Central American country.

“The Trump administration appears afraid to give people due process,” she told Mother Jones, “because they know that if given a day in court to show how flimsy the evidence that they are using to send people to a prison in El Salvador is, they would certainly be defeated in those proceedings.”

Toczylowski also said ImmDef has tried, but not been able, to locate several of their other young Venezuelan clients who had been transferred to other states from California. As of this morning, they no longer appeared to be held in the same facilities. When the group called the Bluebonnet detention center, Toczylowski said, they were told the clients hadn’t been sent there.

“For us, having a Venezuelan client who we can’t confirm has been either removed to Venezuela or can’t confirm what facility they’re in,” she said, “obviously, we are concerned that they’re potentially being staged for removal under the Alien Enemies Act.”

ImmDef is also representing as many as seven Venezuelans currently detained and held incommunicado at CECOT. Toczylowski fears that if the detainees at Bluebonnet join the hundreds of others in the mega-prison in El Salvador, attorneys like her will have few options as they attempt to fight for their clients’ safety and legal rights. Caught in a special kind of trap, at least one of ImmDef’s clients has had their case terminated in absentia by a US immigration judge because they had been sent to El Salvador and couldn’t appear in court for their hearing.

“We know how incredibly complicated and legally tenuous their situation becomes once they’re sitting in a prison in a foreign country,” Toczylowski said.

Mother Jones first spoke to Jaime shortly after Cárdenas was arrested by ICE in Texas on March 20. At the time, ICE had just shared Cárdenas’ photo on Facebook and Instagram in posts that accused him of being a member of Tren de Aragua.

In a videointerview earlier this month, Jaime said that Cárdenas called him in desperation as he was being detained in March. He told Jaime that the agents taking him into custody had a photo of him and a document that accused him of being a member of a criminal organization.

A photo of Cardenas provided by his relative.

“Why are they accusing you of that?” the relative recalled asking Cárdenas at the time.

“They say it’s because of the tattoos I have,” Cárdenas replied, according to his relative.

Though Cárdenas now has a lawyer working on his case, that may not matter if he is removed under the Alien Enemies Act and deprived of his due process rights. Mother Jones has reviewed some of the documents that could be used to demonstrate that—as Jaime insists—he is not a member of Tren de Aragua. They include a form showing that he has no criminal record in Venezuela, annotated photos of his tattoos that explain why they are not related to any criminal organization, and records demonstrating that he was studying business administration at university before fleeing Venezuela.

Cárdenas’ aunt Belkis Martínez, who lives in Venezuela, vouched for his character during the video call. “I’ve known him since he was in his mother’s womb,” she said. “I saw him grow up as a child, a teenager, a young man. Omar has always been a very calm, respectful, hardworking, and studious young man.”

“He had to leave the way he did because of the political situation in this country. It was dangerous for him to stay. That’s how he ended up in the United States,” she added. “And from the moment he arrived, he’s used the proper legal channels.”

She and Jaime explained that he entered the country in 2023 after making an appointment through the CBP One app, which the Biden Administration used to encourage migrants to come to an official port of entry. He applied for Temporary Protected Status and eventually received a work permit and Social Security card. Jaime said he was working at an H-E-B supermarket at the time of his arrest.

A gift card that Jaime said Cardenas’ manager at H-E-B gave to thank him for his hard work. Translated into English, it reads, “Thank you for helping us so much! I appreciate you! Thank you for always working so hard!”

“He’s a very hard-working guy. Very noble. Very loved,” Jaime stressed on Friday. “He hasn’t done anything at all. He is not a criminal, as he is being portrayed. He is completely and utterly innocent.”

Later on Friday, Jaime received another call from his relative. Cárdenas said he was being moved again. This time, he had no idea where.

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Mother Jones

Noem to Ban Harvard International Students if Trump’s Demands Not Met

On April 11, the Trump administration sent Harvard University a sweeping set of demands—among them that the university report international students to the federal government for violation of student conduct policies—ostensibly to curb antisemitism on campus. Three days later, Harvard president Alan Garber announced that the school would “continue to follow the law”; Harvard, he said, would not comply with Trump’s demands. The administration promptly froze $2.2 billion in federal funding to the university.

The backlash didn’t stop there. On Tuesday, Trump proposed revoking Harvard’s tax-exempt status for “pushing political, ideological, and terrorist inspired/supporting Sickness,” following similar threats leveled at other prominent universities. And on Wednesday, Homeland Security secretary Kristi Noem sent Harvard yet another letter: On top of actualizing earlier threats to withdraw federal funds—$2.7 million dollars in her agency’s grants, she announced, would be paused—Noem now threatened to revoke Harvard’s eligibility to host any international students, describing the institution as “a cesspool of extremist riots…with anti-American, pro-Hamas ideology poisoning its campus and classrooms” and international students as “foreign visa-holding rioters.”

If Harvard did not comply by April 30, Noem said, Immigration and Customs Enforcement would remove the university from its Student and Exchange Visitor Program (SEVP). “The withdrawal will not be subject to appeal,” she wrote. (An ICE website updated in mid-March says that students whose schools are removed from SEVP must seek to transfer to another institution, change their status, or depart the United States.)

Wednesday’s letter sent Harvard’s international student community into a panic. A group of students organized a rally the following day, pushing for Harvard to stand firm in its refusal to “allow itself to be taken over by the federal government,” as lawyers for Harvard President Alan Garber put it. “Harvard will not accept the government’s terms,” the lawyers wrote—terms which included providing the names and records of international students disciplined “as a result of participating in protests” or for “obstruction of the school learning environment.”

More than 500 people showed up to Thursday’s rally—but only two international students were prepared to speak publicly.

Abdullah Shahid Sial, a 20-year-old sophomore from Pakistan, was one of them. Sial, who is the incoming co-president of Harvard’s undergraduate student body, considered it a duty to speak on behalf of Harvard’s 6,700 international students, who comprise over a quarter of the school’s total population. But he understood why few international students were joining him.

“Speaking out comes at a very high personal risk,” Sial admitted. “I don’t want to get sent back home on a free flight…but I’ve made peace with that worst-case scenario. I would probably be sent back home in a very undignified manner, first to Louisiana and maybe somewhere else.” Some of his fellow students, he said, are considering preemptively leaving the country: “They don’t want to get ICE involved.”

“People are scared. I’ve seen so many texts, so many calls about whether it’s wise to, you know, book a flight home,” Sial said. “International students are being played as poker chips, as negotiating tools…being disrespected and dehumanized.”

Harvard is only one of dozens of educational institutions nationwide where students are getting letters out of the blue saying their visas have been withdrawn. More than 1,550 students nationwide have had their visas revoked by the State Department since mid-March, according to Inside Higher Ed—often for arbitrary or unclear reasons.

Harvard, however, is the first school to be threatened with wholesale visa revocation for its entire international student body.

Leo Gerdén, a 22-year-old Harvard undergraduate from Sweden, is set to get his degree this spring. “The risk [of speaking] is somewhat more acceptable for me,” Gerdén said; he plans to leave the country after graduation.

“There is no Harvard without the international community. And what Trump is trying to do right now is divide us,” Gerdén said. “He’s telling us to point fingers and turn in the names of our friends so that we can keep our own student visas. And that is what we have to stand up against.”

If the university sends in the names of student protesters now, Gerdén and Sial said, there’s still no guarantee that the Trump administration won’t demand more. Last month, Columbia University caved to a series of Trump administration demands for more campus private security, a ban on face masks, and an external overseer for its Middle Eastern, South Asian, and Africana Studies department. Two weeks later, undeterred,a Senate committee led by Louisiana Republican Bill Cassidy renewed demands for extensive information on student protesters at Columbia, and on campus groups such as Students for Justice in Palestine.

“Trump wants us to turn on each other,” said Sial. “But even if we comply now, there will be a new demand letter next week.”

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Mother Jones

Pandemic Truthers Take Over HHS Covid Site

As of Friday, Covid.gov, the Department of Health and Human Services COVID-19 resource launched in 2022, is no longer providing information and resources about Covid—and Covidtests.gov, the website used to order free Covid tests from the government, isn’t, either.

Both now redirect to a White House page promoting the “lab leak theory,” which contends that the virus originated from China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology. The website, touting the “true origins of Covid-19,” depicts President Donald Trump strolling out from between the words “Lab” and “Leak.”

The change was shared widely by Trump supporters, including by right-wing conspiracy theorist Jack Posobiec on X: Posobiec, a frequent amplifier of Russian intelligence–backed website Southfront, white nationalist ideas and anti-vaccination misinformation, commented, “This is amazing.”

The new site centers blame on the HHS, NIH, the World Health Organization, and, of course, China.

The pagedoes more than seek to refute evidence against the lab leak theory. It criticizes much of the federal government’s Covid response, and that of the state of New York, beginning with a 2020 research paper titled “The proximal origin of SARS-CoV-2” that was published by the National Institutes of Health underDr. Anthony Fauci, a target of the MAGA base.

As you continue scrolling, the page runs through various conservative talking points about the ineffectiveness of pandemic measures like masking, social distancing, and lockdowns. It also claims that “the federal government demonized alternative treatments and disfavored narratives, such as the lab leak theory, in a shameful effort to coerce and control the American people’s health decisions.” Beyond just policy critique, the new site centers blame on the HHS, NIH, the World Health Organization, and, of course, China.

Support for the lab leak theory has continued to grow over the last few years, as reported by ProPublica and as expounded in government analyses and by intelligence agencies, though many scientists believe research points to the virus originating in a market selling live animals. Regardless, Covid remains prevalent in the US and across the world—and the erasure of guidance by the federal government hangs Americans out to dry.

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Mother Jones

Trump’s DOJ Claims Academic Journals Hold “Partisan” Stance in Scientific Debates

The publisher of CHEST, a prestigious, peer-reviewed medical journal focused on respiratory health, received a letter from the Trump administration seeking information about how its editors handle scientific controversies and “competing viewpoints.” Some medical professionals see the missive as an attempt to stifle academic freedom.

“It has been brought to my attention that more and more journals and publications like CHEST Journal are conceding that they are partisans in various scientific debates,” reads the letter, signed by Ed Martin Jr., acting US attorney for DC. Some journals, the letter vaguely claims, “have a position for which they are advocating” due to “advertisement” or “sponsorship.” “The public has certain expectations and you have certain responsibilities.” (The letter was first posted online by Dr. Eric Reinhart, a Chicago-based clinician, and first reported by MedPage Today.)

Some medical professionals see the missive as an attempt to stifle academic freedom.

It’s unclear why CHEST was targeted or what “scientific debates” the administration hopes to investigate. Laura DiMasi, a spokesperson for the journal, confirmed in an email to Mother Jones that it “received a letter from the US Department of Justice, and its content was posted online without our knowledge.” She shared that “legal counsel is currently reviewing the DOJ request” but declined to comment further. According to MedPage Today, at least two other journals have received similar letters.

In the April 14 letter, Martin asks CHEST’s editor-in-chief, Dr. Peter Mazzone, to answer five questions, including how the journal assesses its responsibility to “protect the public from misinformation,” whether it accepts articles from “competing viewpoints,” and how it “handle[s] allegations” that authors “may have misled their readers.”

In a statement Friday, the American College of Chest Physicians, which publishes CHEST, defended its editorial practices. “In its 90-year history, CHEST has published numerous articles that were breakthroughs in scientific research and clinical treatment, advancing the medical profession and improving the health and well-being of patients worldwide,” the statement reads. The journal publishes “review articles, offers commentaries, and fosters debate on emerging controversies.”

Reading between the lines, some academics interpreted the letter as a thinly veiled threat. “I’m jealous of whichever lawyer gets to write the response,” Charlotte Garden, a University of Minnesota Law School professor, wrote on Bluesky.

Others saw it as an attempt to dictate how academic journals operate. As Dr. Adam Gaffney, a pulmonary and critical care physician at Cambridge Health Alliance in Massachusetts, told MedPage Today, it “should send a chill down the spine of scientists and physicians.” ‪

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Mother Jones

RFK Jr. Knows Amazingly Little About Autism

While his anti-vaccine allies swooned and scientists cringed, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. used his first-ever press conference this week, in response to new data showing an apparent increase in the number of autistic kids, to promote a variety of debunked, half-true, and deeply ableist ideas about autism. He painted the condition as a terrifying “disease” that “destroys,” as he put it, children and their families. Kennedy made it clear he planned to use his powerful role as the person in charge of a massive federal agency devoted to protecting public health to promote the idea that autism is caused by “environmental factors,” a still-speculative thesis that’s clearly a short walk towards advancing his real aim: blaming vaccines.

Kennedy has spent the last 20 years promoting anti-vaccine rhetoric, falsely and repeatedly claiming that vaccines are linked to autism. Yet as the press conference made clear, Kennedy knows startlingly little about autism. In the course of his remarks, he detoured into a rabbit hole filled with pseudoscience about the condition, providing a vast display of all the things he does not seem to know about current research and basic facts about the condition.

Here’s a list of just a few of the major pieces of misinformation Kennedy shared.

Falsely framing autism as a debilitating “disease” and an “epidemic”

Kennedy’s ableist and factually incorrect framing of autism relies on explicitly calling it a “disease,” when most scientists refer to it as a “disorder.” Many autistic self-advocates object to that framing too, saying that autism is part of the wide range of human neurodiversity. According to data released in 2021, roughly 61.8 million people worldwide are believed to be somewhere on the autism spectrum.

Most significantly, autism is widely agreed to exist on a spectrum—hence its clinical name, “autism spectrum disorder”—and autistic people have a wide range of abilities and ways that their autism expresses itself. In remarks that drew the most scrutiny, Kennedy depicted profound autism as something that inevitably robs children of their abilities, proclaiming: “These are kids who will never pay taxes. They’ll never hold a job. They’ll never play baseball. They’ll never write a poem. They’ll never go out on a date. Many of them will never use a toilet unassisted.” (Our colleague Julia Métraux interviewed autistic poet and attorney Elizabeth McClellan earlier this week, who said his remarks are “useless eaters rhetoric,” the eugenicist idea used by Nazi Germany in the 1930s to dehumanize and eventually murder disabled people.) A press release issued by HHS this week even referred to autistic children as “afflicted.”

Kennedy previously claimed that under his guidance, HHS intends to uncover the causes of autism by September, a timeline as improbable as it is highly specific. One autism researcher, who asked to speak anonymously in order to freely address their concerns, told Mother Jones that framing autism as a “disease” with environmental causes seemed designed to set up Kennedy “as the ‘savior’ to the autism community” when he claims to have discovered its cause. The notion that there is a single cause of autism is, to put it mildly, not at all backed up by the decades of research on this highly complex diagnosis.

Framing autism as a “disease” with environmental causes seemed designed to set up Kennedy “as the ‘savior’ to the autism community” when he claims to have discovered its cause.

Declaring that autism is “clearly” caused by “environmental toxins”

But Kennedy took on step towards meeting this self-imposed deadline by stating, “This is coming from an environmental toxin,” adding the provocative assertion, “And somebody made a profit by putting that environmental toxin into our air, our water, our medicines, our food.” He promised that within two to three weeks “we’re going to announce a series of new studies to identify precisely what environmental toxins are causing it.” He also floated the idea of using AI to help in those studies.

The causes of autism are still being studied, but it’s widely thought that both genetics and environmental factors likely play a role in who develops it. Nor are those environmental factors necessarily “toxins.”

Dr. Paul Offit is a virologist, a pediatrician, the chief of infectious diseases at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, and a co-inventor of the rotavirus vaccine used in infants. He told Mother Jones that a variety of factors can contribute to the risk of developing autism, including advanced maternal or paternal age, intrauterine infections when the mother is pregnant, genetics, and maternal health.

“What those four things all have in common is that you’re born with autism,” he says. All the evidence, he says, “is that these are events that are occurring while the child is in the womb,” rather than what anti-vaccine advocates have suggested many times, that autism is caused by vaccines received after the child is born.

Craig Newschaffer, a professor of biobehavioral health and an autism researcher at Pennsylvania State University’s College of Health and Human Development, said that while he believes environmental exposures could play a role in autism, the interaction between those and other factors is incredibly complex. “There’s probably a constellation of environmental factors that could be involved here that they probably account on their own for small increases in risk,” he said, “and they probably work in concert with genetic mechanisms.”

Rejecting the idea that increased autism rates are due in part to better diagnosis and surveillance

The press conference was called to respond to a new CDC report which showed a small increase in the number of 8-year-olds diagnosed with autism. Kennedy repeatedly rejected the idea that the increase was due to better autism diagnosis tools and surveillance, declaring that making that argument amounted to “epidemic denial,” and saying that genes “don’t cause epidemics.”

Kennedy also said that the root causes of autism could be found much faster “because of A.I. and because of the digitalization of health records that are now available to us.”

Craig Newschaffer, who has spent the better part of his career studying potential causes of autism, called Kennedy’s idea of using artificial intelligence to quickly solve the mystery of autism “extremely infeasible.” He noted large-scale efforts are already underway to use machine learning to analyze existing autism datasets—but the results of those studies, he said, are at least five years away.

Yet Penn State’s Newschaffer said his research had suggested that expanded diagnostic capabilities were indeed an important contributor to increasing autism rates. “There’s been lots of accumulation [of evidence] that the diagnostic tendency is a strong, strong factor in this,” he said.

Claiming there are “no” older autistic adults

To bolster his claim that environmental exposures are causing autism rates to climb, Kennedy argued that older adults are not autistic. “Have you ever seen anybody our age—I’m 71 years old—with full-blown autism?” he asked. “Headbanging, nonverbal, non-toilet-trained, stimming, toe-walking, these other stereotypical features—where are these people walking around the mall?”

Putting aside the scornful and stigmatizing way Kennedy spoke about profoundly autistic people, it’s simply not true that there are no older autistic adults, which we know for many reasons, including the fact that their health outcomes have been studied for years.Autistic elderly people are at greater risk than the general population for a range of health conditions, including cardiovascular and metabolic disease, and they’re also more likely to suffer from anxiety and depression. Older autistic adults report loneliness at higher rates than the general population, and research suggests that many of them could benefit from the social services and support they do not currently receive. All of these factors could limit the likelihood that Kennedy might see them “walking around the mall.”

Relying on an expert who has connections to pseudoscience groups

Kennedy also brought Dr. Walter Zahorodny to join him on the stage. An associate professor of pediatrics at Rutgers University’s medical school, he has beena lead researcher on the New Jersey Autism Study, which has monitored the state’s autism rate for two decades.

Zahorodny said during the press conference that he believed that the uptick in autism rates could not be explained by expanded diagnostic criteria. “I would urge everyone to consider the likelihood that autism, whether we call it an epidemic tsunami or a surge of autism, is a real thing that we don’t understand, and it must be triggered or caused by environmental or risk factors,” he said, echoing Kennedy who has also claimed it is triggered by “toxic exposure.”

Zahorodny has collaborated with researchers and groups who deal in pseudoscience or are controversial in the autism community. He appeared in a 2018 video produced by SafeMinds, a group that has suggested that mercury in vaccines causes autism and regularly works with Kennedy’s anti-vaccine group Children’s Health Defense. In 2020, Zahorodny co-authored a study of autism rates in Black and Hispanic children with Cynthia Nevison, a University of Colorado climate scientist who is also a contributor to Children’s Health Defense. There, she writes not about climate but rather about her frustration with the lack of research into the “root causes” of autism. In addition, Zahorodny appeared on a 2020 episode of a podcast produced by the National Council on Severe Autism, which has come under fire for its support of the use of restraints for autistic people.

Melissa Alfieri Collins, an anti-vaccine activist in New Jersey, said in an email to Mother Jones that she had worked with Zahorodny in 2019 on her effort to defeat a bill that would have eliminated religious exemptions for childhood vaccination requirements. Zahorodny, Collins recalled, briefed legislators and “stated that vaccines could not currently be ruled out as one of multiple possible causes of sharply increasing autism prevalence.” The bill ultimately failed. Zahorodny did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Overall, Kennedy’s message worried autism researchers and mainstream scientists. But it was received ecstatically by the anti-vaccine community he’s long been a part of. Anti-vaccine activist Larry Cook, a California naturopath and one-man anti-vaccine clearinghouse, approvingly shared a tweet from Kennedy, underlining the places where the secretary referred to the “autism epidemic” and characterized autism as being “preventable.”

“We had the answers over 40 years ago,” Cook tweeted. “They were buried, dismissed, ridiculed, assassinated.”

Del Bigtree, a prominent anti-vaccine activist and the former spokesperson for Kennedy’s presidential campaign, who’s now the CEO of a group he co-founded with Kennedy called MAHA Action, also expressed his enthusiasm.

“For decades we have been gaslit by every HHS Secretary that stood at this podium and denied that autism was an epidemic as it climbed from 1 in 10k to 1 in 31 (1 in 12.5 boys in CA),” he tweeted. “If you are watching a news organization that is not celebrating RFKJ in this historic moment it’s time to cancel your subscription forever. It’s now clear who they work for. #MAHA

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Mother Jones

Why Trump’s Embattled US Attorney in DC Is Talking About Russia

Ed Martin, the acting US attorney in Washington, who has earned some notoriety through attempts to use his office to attack political opponents of the Trump administration, recently turned his sights on Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian efforts to help President Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign.

But Martin’s latest effort—a letter alleging misconduct by a former Mueller prosecutor—appears to lift language directly from an article that appeared five years ago in a conservative news outlet, and comes after Martin hired a press aide with a public vendetta against the Mueller team members who investigated him.

On Monday, Martin wrote to Aaron Zelinsky, a former federal prosecutor, who as part of Mueller’s team won convictions of political operative Roger Stone (for lying to Congress about his role in the leaking of Democratic emails stolen by Russian hackers) and offormer Trump campaign aide George Papadopoulos (for lying to the FBI about his Russian contacts). Trump pardoned both men in late 2020.

In the April 14 letter, Martin asserts that Zelinsky, while prosecuting Papadopoulos, made “false statements” that helped send “an innocent man to jail in an attempt to advance the false narrative that the campaign of a serving President had colluded with Russia to win the presidency.”

As a prominent former member of the Mueller team, Zelinsky is a target for Trump allies still looking to discredit that probe and erase Mueller’s findings that Moscow, with the knowledge of Trump aides, interfered in the 2016 election to assist Trump. Zelinsky also testified before the House Judiciary Committee in 2020 that then-Attorney General William Barr had pressured prosecutors to lower their recommended sentence for Stone due to Stone’s ties to Trump.

Martin’s letter to Zelinsky was reported on Tuesday by the New York Sun, a conservative publication, and posted online by a pro-Trump writer. Its disclosure came shortly after Martin hired Michael Caputo, a veteran GOP operative and longtime colleague and friend of Stone, as a press adviser. Martin also recently hired Neil McCabe, a former reporter for far-right outlets Breitbart and One America News, as another media aide.

Caputo was investigated by Mueller’s team over his own Russian contacts in 2016, though he was not charged with any wrongdoing. He has since regularly expressed anger over the probe. As recently as December, Caputo called for the prosecution of what he calls the “perpetrators” of the Russia investigation.

Martin’s letter cites an August 2018 sentencing memo signed by Zelinsky, which notes that Papadopoulos’ lies to FBI agents “impeded the FBI’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election” and hindered their ability to question a suspected Russian agent. That man, Joseph Mifsud, had contacted Papadopolous in London in 2016, and informed him, before it was public knowledge, that Russian hackers had stolen emails from Hillary Clinton’s campaign and planned to anonymously release them.

Martin’s letter includes, without attribution, a paragraph that appears to be copied verbatim from a February 2020 article published by Just the News, a right-leaning outlet launched that year by John Solomon, who at the time was under fire for working closely with Trump allies who were pushing bogus claims about Joe Biden’s involvement in Ukraine.

“But FBI 302 reports detailing agents’ interviews with Papadopoulos show that he had in fact supplied information that would have enabled investigators to challenge or potentially detain or arrest Mifsud while he was in the United States,” that passage lifted from Just the News says.

Martin’s letter contends that Zelinsky should have noted in court filings that Papadopoulos offered information that might have helped agents track Mifsud. Martin does not dispute that Papadopoulos lied to FBI agents about his contacts with Mifsud by claiming the interaction came before he joined the Trump campaign—a crime that Papadopoulos admitted as part of a guilty plea and for which he served a 14-day sentence.

Martin’s spokespersons did not respond to questions about the letter, including why he chose this week to borrow wording from a five-year-old story to attack the Mueller investigation. Zelinsky did not respond to an email seeking comment.

Martin’s letter to Zelinsky came a day after Stone on Sunday morning tweeted out the Just the News story, along with a prediction that Zelinsky’s “indictment is imminent.” Caputo followed suit about 45 minutes later. Neither mentioned that the story was old news.

THIS IS FULL BLOWN CORRUPTION!

Declassified FBI memos undercut Mueller team claims that Papadopoulos hindered Russia probe | Just The News https://t.co/RFdjM3DUDT

— Michael R. Caputo (@MichaelRCaputo) April 13, 2025

Zelinsky was part of a team of Mueller investigators who investigated Caputo and Stone’s contacts with Russians in 2016, when both were aiding the Trump campaign. The investigation examined a May 2016 meeting between Caputo and Stone and a Russian expat living in Florida, who offered to sell damaging information about Hillary Clinton. No deal was reached, but as the Washington Post reported, the meeting caused legal worries for Stone and Caputo, each of whom told the House Intelligence Committee in 2017 that they had not had any contact with Russians during the 2016 campaign. Both later said they had forgotten about the meeting.

Caputo was not charged in the case. Stone was indicted in 2019 for lying extensively to the lawmakers about another matter—his efforts to influence WikiLeaks’ release of hacked Democratic emails—and for witness tampering.

Caputo, who has credited Stone with acting as a professional mentor, raised money for Stone’s legal defense, attended his trial, and was even ejected from the courtroom for turning his back on the jury after Stone’s conviction.

Both Stone and Caputo have since expressed animus toward people involved in the investigation. Last year, Mediate reported audio from 2020 in which Stone told an associate, a former New York City police officer, to “abduct” and “punish” Zelinsky. Stone later claimed the tape was “AI manipulation.”

Caputo was again involved in alleged Russian maneuvers after he hosted a January 2020 film aired by One America News titled “The Ukraine Hoax: Impeachment, Biden Cash, and Mass Murder.”

In 2021, a US intelligence report said alleged Russian agents—including Andriy Derkach, a former Ukrainian legislator whom the Treasury Department has called a Russian intelligence asset, and Konstantin Kilimnik, whom a 2020 Senate Intelligence Committee report identified as “a Russian intelligence officer”—had “met with and provided materials to Trump administration-linked US persons” in an effort to help Trump win the 2020 election. As part of that endeavor, the men and their associates “helped produce” a documentary. In 2021 Mother Jones reported this was a reference to the OAN program Caputo hosted. Caputo said at the time that he was not aware of Russian government involvement in the segment and had not spoken to Derkach or Kilimnik about the film.

Martin has also been involved with Russian propaganda. He appeared more than 150 times between 2016 and 2024 on RT and Sputnik, the Washington Post recently reported, and failed to mention those appearances in a Senate disclosure form. Those are Russian government-funded networks that various US government reports have said function as Kremlin propaganda arms. In some of those appearances, Martin repeated dubious Russian talking points. In early 2022, for instance, Martin criticized US government warnings that Russia was preparing to attack Ukraine. He claimed there was “no evidence” of a Russian military buildup on Ukraine’s border. That statement came nine days before Russia invaded Ukraine.

Martin’s Russian TV appearances, and his flubbed attack on Zelinsky, are the latest in a long list of stumbles by the activist turned US attorney, who faces disbarment efforts, along with bi-partisan opposition to his Senate nomination, including a hold placed by Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif). The embattled US Attorney is unlikely to win confirmation without help from Trump. Martin appears to be working hard to try to secure that.

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Mother Jones

Just Do Something

When Sen. Chris Van Hollen of Maryland announced this week that he would travel to El Salvador to push for the release of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, the Maryland man wrongfully sent to the mega-prison at the center of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation plans, Van Hollen was met with plenty of skepticism. Neither the United States nor El Salvador had felt compelled to show evidence that Abrego Garcia was even alive; why would they grant a Democratic senator, one not exactly prominent on the national stage, a chance to meet with him? An escalating showdown between the Trump administration and the courts over Abrego Garcia’s detention only appeared to underscore the inevitable failure of Van Hollen’s pursuit.

And resistance certainly came: Salvadoran soldiers stopped Van Hollen at a checkpoint three miles away from the mega-prison; repeated requests to meet with Abrego Garcia, even virtually, were denied. But on Thursday evening, Van Hollen’s persistence paid off.

I said my main goal of this trip was to meet with Kilmar. Tonight I had that chance. I have called his wife, Jennifer, to pass along his message of love. I look forward to providing a full update upon my return.

Senator Chris Van Hollen (@vanhollen.senate.gov) 2025-04-18T01:02:08.991Z

The photo was the first piece of confirmation, amid weeks of uncertainty, that Abrego Garcia was alive. “It was very overwhelming,” Abrego Garcia’s wife, Jennifer Vasquez Sura, told ABC’s Good Morning America on Friday. “The most important thing for me, my children, his mom, his brother, his sibling, was to see him alive, and we saw him alive.”

Vasquez Sura’s relief here, delivered in a single photo, is palpable. It is at once simple and tremendous: an anguished family, after weeks of cruelty imposed by the US government, now knows that their fight for Abrego Garcia’s release had not been in vain. In fact, it will continue. “I won’t stop fighting until he returns home,” Vasquez Sura confirmed on Friday, signaling a sense of reinvigoration after Van Hollen’s meeting. Meanwhile, Trump on Friday piggybacked on Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele’s mockery of the successful sit-down, and attacked Van Hollen as a “GRANDSTANDER!!!” The once little-known senator, now a symbol of what it looks like to challenge this president by simply doing something, was now in Trump’s crosshairs.

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Mother Jones

This Company is Spending Millions to Profit Off Veterans’ Benefits. Why Won’t Lawmakers Stop It?

This article first appeared on The War Horse_,_ an award-winning nonprofit news organization educating the public on military service. Subscribe to their newsletter.

It started in 2017 with a group of friends and colleagues—the first 40 clients whom US Army veterans Scott Greenblatt and Bill Taylor signed up to help.

They had come home from combat zones weary and weakened by illness and injury, with a promise of monthly disability payments from the country they served. But first, they had to navigate the lumbering bureaucracy of the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Soon, those 40 veterans grew to 275 a month. Then 275 soared to 500. Last year, Taylor and Greenblatt’s company Veterans Guardian assisted about 30,000 veterans with benefits claims, according to Taylor. “We have your back,” the company’s website says. “Together we can uncover all the benefits you deserve.”

The one problem with their success story: Veterans Guardian’s business model runs afoul of the law, lawmakers and attorneys general across the country say. But nobody has been able to stop them.

With no accreditation, the company is charging veterans thousands of dollars for guidance that veterans service organizations and other nonprofits advise vets on for free.

A whistleblower lawsuit from one of Veterans Guardian’s former employees claims the firm’s business practices are “permeated with fraud and deceit” and cheating the federal government out of millions of dollars. A lawsuit filed by veterans alleges the company “preys on disabled veterans by unfairly and deceptively taking tens of millions of dollars of their disability benefits in violation of federal law.”

Lawmakers in nearly 40 states and Congress have moved to crack down on unaccredited companies like Veterans Guardian that are part of an industry that has only grown since the 2022 PACT Act led to the largest expansion of veterans benefits in decades. And, the Department of Veterans Affairs warned the firm back in 2019 in a cease and desist letter that it “is prohibited by law from assisting Veterans in the preparation, presentation, or prosecution of their VA benefits.” A congressional oversight panel rebuked Veterans Guardian three years later for denying such a letter even existed.

But instead of backing down, the Pinehurst, North Carolina-based company is spending millions of dollars to fight back—an indication, experts say, of just how much money is at stake in the highly politicized world of veterans benefits. One of Veterans Guardian’s competitors estimated in a 2021 SEC filing that the VA claims consulting market was worth a staggering $73 billion a year.

“Numerous large companies are siphoning off hundreds of millions of dollars a year in veterans benefits,” Rep. Morgan McGarvey, a Democrat from Kentucky, said last month during a hearing on Capitol Hill, “all to make a quick dollar on what has for decades been a free service.”

“Numerous large companies are siphoning off hundreds of millions of dollars a year in veterans benefits, all to make a quick dollar on what has for decades been a free service.”

The War Horse reviewed hundreds of pages of court filings, campaign finance records, and lobbying disclosures from two dozen states across the political spectrum and interviewed current and former employees to map out how Veterans Guardian courts veterans and wields influence on Capitol Hill and state capitals across the country.

The investigation found Veterans Guardian stood out from its peers by spending $2.3 million in the last three years to lobby Congress and hundreds of thousands more on lobbying state legislators.

But in an hour-long interview with The War Horse, Taylor passionately defended Veterans Guardian, insisting VA’s beleaguered benefits claims system is the real problem. Veterans are paying the price, he said, and companies like his are offering veterans a choice. He said 70 percent of Veterans Guardian’s clients have already tried to use a VA-accredited free service, like those provided by Disabled American Veterans and Veterans of Foreign Wars, to apply for benefits.

“If they know the free services are there and they’ve used them and they’re still coming to me,” he said, “that tells you that there’s something wrong.”

Leslie Carico had been working as a document control specialist at Veterans Guardian for about five months in May 2019 when she began discussing concerns with a coworker. It wasn’t long before “disloyalty” cost her the job, according to a whistleblower lawsuit she filed in 2020.

Her dramatic claims emerged last year when the US District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina unsealed the case. In a complaint that spans more than 60 pages, she detailed how Veterans Guardian “hijacks the application process, wresting control of it from the veteran” with a “singular focus”: a 100 percent disability rating for the maximum VA benefit possible so the company can charge the largest commission.

Among the alleged tactics, according to the lawsuit:

  • Claims strategists with no medical background interviewed veterans and quickly assessed which health issues should be listed on their forms.
  • The company referred veterans to the same psychologist for remote exams— sometimes conducted by the psychologist’s family members—and mental health forms were auto-populated with identical checkmarks.
  • Employees changed scores on depression self-evaluations if they felt the score was too low, sometimes without the veterans’ knowledge.
  • Applicants were coached to look “tired and shabby” for appointments with VA medical examiners. They were advised not to shave, told to use a cane or wheelchair if they had one, and to use buzz words such as “depressed,” “sad,” and “no motivation.”
  • Veterans Guardian employees routinely tacked on secondary conditions like erectile dysfunction and headaches to a veteran’s diagnosis if resubmitting an application was necessary.
  • Employees were instructed to tell prospective customers that the VA “could not be trusted to deal with veterans fairly. Misrepresentations may have to be made.”

The reason that the company went to these lengths, Carico’s lawsuit said, was simple: money. The company charged a one-time fee of five times the amount of a veteran’s monthly disability benefit increase. For a veteran going from a 0 to 100 percent rating, this could amount to up to $4,500 a month—a payout of more than $22,000 for Veterans Guardian. The company charged nothing to a veteran who received no benefit rating increase, but this was rare. In interviews with The War Horse, three former employees said the company “cherry-picked” who to help, turning away veterans who did not have a strong case.

Carico’s lawyers did not make her available for an interview with The War Horse. But two current and four former Veterans Guardian employees said in interviews they had seen many of Carico’s claims firsthand.

Bill Taylor, left, and Scott Greenblatt, both U.S. Army retired lieutenant colonels, started Veterans Guardian in 2017. C-SPAN/Ted Fitzgerald/The Pilot

When asked about Carico’s lawsuit, a Veterans Guardian spokesperson said in a statement, “This complaint was filed by a former employee who was terminated for toxic behavior and has since been accused of harassment and cyberstalking other Veterans Guardian employees.”

In an emailed statement to The War Horse, Carico’s lawyers called the allegation baseless, “designed to discredit a whistleblower revealing serious fraud,” and “a familiar tactic used against women who speak truth to power.”

Taylor wouldn’t directly address the lawsuit in the interview. He called accusations that the company “cherry-picked” clients “categorically false” and said the average one-time fee Veterans Guardian makes from a veteran is less than $4,000.

“I might be able to convince one or two people, maybe three to do something nefarious,” Taylor said in his interview with The War Horse. “There is no way I can convince this many people to cheat veterans, to take advantage of veterans. We’re proud of what we do.”

At first, so were the Veterans Guardian current and former employees who spoke to The War Horse on the condition they would not be named because they feared they would lose their jobs or experience retaliation. All six of them said they joined the company because they wanted to help veterans. Each was a veteran themself or a military family member. “Some veterans come back to you and say, ‘I got my increase, I went from 10 to 90 percent, my family is saved,’” one of the former employees said. “I was brought to tears a lot of times by the work that we did.”

Yet during that employee’s time at the company, things started to change. “We just felt there was a little more greed,” the former employee said. “It really became about statistics, quotas, the numbers.”

Before January, employees who booked more than 70 mental health appointments with veterans each month could be eligible for a $30,000 annual bonus, according to a company employment offer letter reviewed by The War Horse. Under a new pay structure, however, a company contract reviewed by The War Horse states that employees become ineligible for full bonuses if their calls with veterans run longer than eight minutes.

“Do I make any extra money and try to provide for my kids better? Or do I give these veterans the time and the attention that they deserve? That’s our option.”

“Do I make any extra money and try to provide for my kids better?” one of the current employees said in an interview. “Or do I give these veterans the time and the attention that they deserve? That’s our option.”

It might be hard to imagine that a veteran would willingly pay thousands of dollars to a company when they could get help from a lawyer or veterans service organization for free. But for some veterans entangled in VA’s bureaucracy, it might seem like a fair price.

“The VA disability claims process is horribly broken, it’s not well run, and it can be very despairing and understandably discouraging for veterans,” said Rose Carmen Goldberg, a lawyer accredited by VA to assist with benefit claims who also serves as associate director at the Deborah L. Rhode Center on the Legal Profession at Stanford University.

An influx of veterans filing for benefits since the PACT Act has strained the system, which has had a backlog of disability claims for years. As of March 2025, there were more than 240,000 cases in the queue. It can take an average of four and a half months for a decision on a claim. And with the Trump administration’s deep cuts across the federal government underway, veterans advocates fear things will get worse.

“I think that’s part of why these companies can be so alluring,” Goldberg said, “because they make promises about high success rates and speed.”

If an accredited agent acts unethically or makes a mistake on a claims submission then they are responsible. But lawyers and advocates warn that veterans could be the ones on the hook if any of the medical claims in their packets turn out to be fabricated or overstated by a claims consulting company.

No matter who helps a veteran file for benefits, all claims are sent to the same VA offices to be reviewed and processed by the same people, said Mike Figlioli, director of VFW National Veterans Service. VFW is one of the nonprofit groups advocating against Veterans Guardian in Congress and state legislatures.

“I think veterans that either had a bad experience with VA or a VSO think that these people have some kind of magic bullet, but there isn’t,” Figlioli said. “There’s nothing that cuts down on the processing time. What there is, is a potential for fraud.”

Mike Figlioli, director of VFW National Veterans Service, has been testifying against Veterans Guardian and other for-profit claims consultants in Congress and state legislatures. Photo courtesy of VFW

Veterans Guardian is among a growing group of “claims consulting” companies—called “claim sharks” by opponents—that the VA says are operating outside of the law because they aren’t accredited to perform the work and shouldn’t be charging for their services.

Trajector Medical, Veteran Benefits Guide, and VA Claims Insider are just some of Veterans Guardian’s competitors—and, in some cases, its allies. In 2023, Veterans Guardian joined forces with Veteran Benefits Guide to create a new trade organization: the National Association for Veterans Rights, helmed by Peter O’Rourke, who served as acting secretary for Veterans Affairs during President Trump’s first term.

“Veterans are making conscious, informed decisions to seek help outside the VA’s current system, and no one should be outraged that they now have a choice,” O’Rourke told a House Veterans Affairs subcommittee at a hearing in March.

Until 2006, there were criminal penalties for companies that took fees from veterans for filing disability claims. That year, however, the penalties disappeared in an update to federal law.

“We don’t have a clear answer why it was taken away,” said Rep. Chris Pappas, a Democrat from New Hampshire, who has introduced legislation to restore those criminal penalties.

Right now, if the VA finds out an unaccredited company is charging veterans for the preparation of their benefits claims, the department can send a cease and desist letter, like the one sent to Veterans Guardian in 2019. If that letter goes unanswered, the department can only report the matter to a state or federal agency, such as an attorney general, and hope it gains more traction.

The War Horse tried repeatedly to reach the Department of Veterans Affairs through phone calls and email, but the agency would not provide a comment for this story. The agency’s top watchdog was among more than a dozen inspectors general fired by President Trump during his first week back in office in a highly unusual purge. But before Trump’s return, then-VA Inspector General Michael J. Missal told The War Horse in an email that his office was aware of the issue, and “it is not appropriate for any unaccredited ‘claims consultants’ or other representatives to charge veterans a percentage of future payments or fees to assist with filing initial benefit claims.”

Taylor is careful when he describes how, in his view, Veterans Guardian complies with the law.

“What the current statute says is that you can’t assist a veteran as an agent or attorney without being accredited by the VA,” he said. They’re not attorneys, Taylor said, and “agent” has a dictionary definition that Veterans Guardian doesn’t fit.

“The purpose of the company is to provide veterans with the best represent—” Taylor stopped himself midsentence. “Actually, I need to rephrase that,” he said. “Not representation, because we do not represent them, but with the best consulting advice to help them navigate the process.”

The company has its fans and boasts a 4.8-star rating with over 2,000 reviews on Google. “They help us get what we have earned!” one recent review states. “Nothing more, and absolutely nothing less!”

Veterans Guardian points to its positive reviews online. Google

But several veterans were so unhappy with Veterans Guardian that they filed a lawsuit that alleges the company “routinely violates federal regulations” in a scheme that “has harmed and continues to harm veterans and their dependents.”

Eric Beard is one of those veterans. The former Army intelligence analyst gave the company access to his military and medical records, according to the lawsuit, and Veterans Guardian took care of the rest. It coordinated a private medical examination to assess his PTSD. It drafted and prepared all the necessary official VA forms and mailed him a packet. All he had to do, according to the lawsuit, was sign and date on the marked lines and put the prestamped, pre-addressed envelope in the mail.

When the VA required Beard to do an additional medical examination, Veterans Guardian coached him on how to present his symptoms to a VA medical examiner.

Eventually, Beard heard back from the VA: He got a 100 percent disability rating and was suddenly eligible for payments of about $4,200 per month. It also meant that Veterans Guardian came to collect its fee—to the tune of more than $21,000. The lawsuit said Beard never would have entered into an agreement with the company if he knew it was against the law to charge vets for such services.

“There’s no gray zone whatsoever,” said Wesley McCauley, a Georgia-based VA accredited claims agent. “It’s 100 percent illegal.”

For his part, Taylor called the lawsuit “baseless claims of wrongdoing” and pointed out that the veterans in the suit “received an increase in their benefits by choosing to hire Veterans Guardian.”

Though Taylor insists that Veterans Guardian doesn’t act as an agent, the company does skirt the line. Sometimes when veterans don’t let them know they got a ratings increase, Taylor said the company will call a hotline managed by the VA and use a veteran’s Social Security number to see if a veteran has gotten a rate increase. The majority of clients, however, just call and let them know, Taylor said. “Most of them are very happy.”

A House subcommittee wasn’t happy with Taylor in 2022 after his testimony at an oversight hearing on Capitol Hill. When asked if the VA had ever issued Veterans Guardian a cease and desist letter, Taylor testified that it had not.

But the committee managed to track down the letter that the VA had sent Veterans Guardian in January 2019. Not until lawmakers cited federal law that it was a crime to willfully make a false statement to Congress did Veterans Guardian’s attorney acknowledge the company had received the letter in question.

Showdowns with lawmakers would continue.

On February 2, 2024, Maryland Delegate Nick Allen, an Army veteran who was sent to Afghanistan twice, introduced a new bill in the Maryland General Assembly that would prohibit people from charging a fee or receiving compensation for providing veterans benefits services. Allen said he was motivated to craft the bill, along with Andy Gross, a Maryland VA accredited lawyer, to keep bad actors out of the state.

“It does seem like a lot of people are probably benefiting from the dysfunction in the VA,” Allen said, “and I think that’s creating kind of a perverse incentive to not fix the dysfunction and not actually help the veterans.”

Soon after the legislation was proposed, however, Veterans Guardian brought representatives and lobbyists to Maryland to kill the bill.

“We proposed the bill, they swooped in,” Gross said. “They were getting meetings with the committee chair and pushing hard against the bill.”

A similar story has played out across the country, as states race to use consumer protection laws to fill the gap left by the federal government’s inaction. Stacey Travers saw it in Arizona, when the Army veteran and state representative introduced a bill similar to Maryland’s that same month.

“We had been sandbagged and sabotaged.”

“We had been sandbagged and sabotaged,” she said. Despite bipartisan support, a hostile amendment was introduced, she said, gutting her bill, which eventually died.

Not all states mandate that lobbyists make their financial disclosures public. But after searching through lobbyist disclosures in 24 states with relevant legislation, The War Horse found that Veterans Guardian spent more than $420,000 on state lobbying in 2024.

When the lobbying doesn’t work, Veterans Guardian employs other tactics. Two states, New Jersey and Maine, recently passed laws that make the company’s practices illegal in those states. Almost immediately, the company sued the states’ attorneys general, alleging that its First Amendment rights had been violated.

These lawsuits could be creating a chilling effect. Allen said that among Maryland lawmakers there may have been some hesitation to pass the bill because they were worried about signing their attorney general, a veteran himself, up for a lawsuit.

“It’s kind of a nasty way to do business,” said Patrick Murray, past legislative director at VFW.

Last year, Veterans Guardian spent 2 1/2 times more on federal lobbying compared to what they’ve spent on a state level.

Their target? The Governing Unaccredited Representatives Defrauding VA Benefits Act, also known as the GUARD Act. Pappas, the New Hampshire Democrat, introduced the bill in 2022. It has strong backing from organizations like the VFW and attorneys general in more than 40 states.

“We’re putting penalties back in so it’s enforcing the law” that already exists, Murray said.

Veterans Guardian has lobbied strongly against it, testifying against the bill in Congress and spending millions of dollars on lobbyists. According to publicly disclosed lobbying records, the company spent more than $1 million on federal lobbyists in 2024, and more than $2 million in the three years since the GUARD Act was introduced.

“We can’t fight that kind of money,” said Murray of the VFW, which spent a total of $160,000 to lobby Congress on a variety of issues in 2024, public disclosure records show.

The fight keeps getting bigger: Veterans Guardian and its allies now have a bill that would benefit them.

In March 2023, Rep. Jack Bergman, a Republican and Marine Corps veteran from Michigan, introduced the Preserving Lawful Utilization of Services for Veterans Act, or the PLUS Act. The bill—co-sponsored at that time by Rep. Nancy Mace, a South Carolina Republican—would cap fees at $12,500 and allow individuals who charge veterans for preparing disability claims, like those who work at Veterans Guardian, to get VA accreditation.

The company set up its own political action committee, Veterans Guardian VA Claims Consulting PAC, made up of donations from Greenblatt, Taylor, other executives, and their family members. Donations from Veterans Guardian affiliates were in the top five campaign contributions for both Bergman and Mace, according to the campaign finance tracking database OpenSecrets. Bergman received $26,200 from these donors for 2024, and Mace received $19,700.

The War Horse reached out to Bergman and Mace multiple times through their offices by phone and email and did not receive a reply.

In a March 2023 legislative hearing in the Subcommittee on Disability Assistance and Memorial Affairs, Bergman touted the PLUS Act, name-dropping Veterans Guardian as Taylor sat in front of him.

“This bill seeks to strike a balance,” he said, by, “improving the accreditation system to allow businesses like Veterans Guardian and others to continue to do their good work.”

Both the GUARD Act and the PLUS Act have been reintroduced for the 2025 legislative session, though Mace is no longer co-sponsoring the PLUS Act. In fact, the South Carolina Republican grilled Taylor at a House subcommittee hearing in March, peppering him with questions about Veterans Guardian’s revenues and business practices.

​When Taylor said he wasn’t prepared to answer whether his company made more or less than $100 million a year, Mace shot back: “Of course not.”

Why Mace has gone on the offensive against Veterans Guardian was unclear.

But new cosponsors have come forward for the PLUS Act, including three Republicans from Veterans Guardian’s home state: Pat Harrigan, Addison McDowell, and David Rouzer. Veterans Guardian-affiliated individuals donated $10,000 to Rouzer’s campaign for 2024, $26,400 to Harrigan’s campaign, and $42,900 to McDowell, according to OpenSecrets.

“I fully support the PLUS Act,” McDowell said in an emailed statement to The War Horse, stating that the legislation “will protect veterans from fraud, abuse, and bad actors.”

Rouzer and Harrigan did not respond to The War Horse’s request for comment.

Lobbying, Taylor told The War Horse, is an unfortunate necessity for operating a business. The amount of money he and his associates have spent, Taylor said, “That’s hurt. But it’s either do that, or I shut my business down.”

Taylor said for the last several years, he has not just been focused on trying to defeat the GUARD Act. “I’ve actually been trying to reform accreditation,” he said.

Taylor suggests that a better solution than banning companies like his that charge fees would be to cap fees and put other guardrails in place to keep bad actors out of the system. “I want oversight,” he said, “but you have to change accreditation to make that possible.”

When it was pointed out that he could become accredited right now, he would just have to provide his services for free, Taylor acknowledged that was true.

“I could do that for free,” he said, “but I mean, you know, we live in the real world here, and I’m operating this as a business.”

This War Horse story was edited by Mike Frankel, fact-checked by Jess Rohan, and copy-edited by Mitchell Hansen-Dewar. Hrisanthi Pickett wrote the headlines.

Leah Rosenbaum is a freelance reporter who covers healthcare. Her reporting and editing have been featured in Business Insider_,_ Forbes_,_ Science News_,_ STAT News, and other publications. She has a master’s in journalism and a master’s of public health from UC Berkeley. She can be reached on her website or on Twitter at @leah_rosenbaum

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Mother Jones

A Former IRS Chief on Trump’s Attempts to Gut—and Weaponize—His Agency

The Internal Revenue Service, as the New York Times reported this week, is mulling Donald Trump’s request to revoke the tax-exempt status of Harvard University after Harvard refused to cave in to the president’s demands for a sweeping right-wing overhaul. The Times also reported, just yesterday, that a Treasury official had emailed a high-level official at IRS to find out whether Mike Lindell, a wealthy supporter of the president and spreader of Trump’s Big Lie, was “inappropriately targeted” for an audit.

John Koskinen is appalled. As the tax agency’s commissioner from 2013 through 2017, he understands, more than most, the importance of an independent IRS, and that no president has the right to weaponize the agency to curry favor or settle grudges. We haven’t witnessed this sort of nonsense since, well, Richard Nixon—and look how well that worked out for him.

“This has to be the worst time for the agency I can remember.”

Harvard was just the latest salvo. Republicans have waged an all-out war on the IRS since 1994, calling for its abolition and slashing its budgets—which is not how you behave if you are legitimately concerned about deficits and the national debt. Koskinen, appointed by President Barack Obama, has been hauled before Congress to defend his agency and its employees against an onslaught of tea party–fueled attacks. House Republicans even tried to impeach him, albeit unsuccessfully.

But what he’s seeing now is on another level. Trump is gutting the IRS workforce without congressional consent, and has grown increasingly brazen in his attempts to have the agency do his bidding. IRS is now sharing taxpayer information with Homeland Security to aid in Trump’s deportation efforts, a breach of privacy and independence Koskinen never would have abided.

Now 85 and (finally) retired—”I’ve flunked retirement a couple times,” he says—Koskinen was appointed commissioner at a time when federal agencies were, for the most part, still run by competent and experienced people, and not, to quote Thomas Friedman, “knuckleheads.”

Over a long and illustrious career, he has served under mayors, senators, judges, and presidents. He was a high level staffer for the Kerner Commission, ran the US Soccer Foundation, and chaired the 1994 World Cup host committee. He held a high position in President Bill Clinton’s Office of Management and Budget and chaired Clinton’s council on the “Y2K problem,” so successfully that nothing happened—which was the point. As the deputy city administrator of Washington, DC, from 2000 to 2003, “I was there for 9/11, for anthrax, for the sniper,” he told me. “I thought, ‘People are gonna think this guy’s got a black cloud, like Joe Btfsplk in the old Andy Capp comic.'”

He also spent decades in the private sector as a fixer, working to get tottering entities such as the Penn Central company, Levitt and Sons, and the Teamsters Pension Fund, back on track. One of his retirement “flunks” came about in 2009, when he was tapped to chair Freddie Mac—in the midst of a global mortage meltdown. (Black cloud indeed.)

As for who runs the IRS now, well, what day is it? Commissioner Daniel Werfel, a Biden appointee, stepped down shortly after Trump’s inauguration and well before the end of his five-year term. To replace him, Trump tapped Billy Long, a former congressman from Missouri who has yet to be confirmed by the Senate. Acting Commissioner Doug O’Donnell, a career employee, quit after about a month on the job, when he was asked to share IRS data with Elon Musk’s so-called Department of Government Efficiency. He was replaced by Melanie Krause, who pledged to cooperate with DOGE, only to resign after Homeland got its mitts on private taxpayer information—a development that prompted the exodus of a number of other IRS officials with “chief” in their titles, who probably didn’t want to be associated with whatever came next.

The speed and scope of the staff cuts, tens of thousands to date, could well make the next tax season a “disaster,” Koskinen says. And while Republicans often say that the government should be run like a business, what company in its right mind would deliberately alienate customers, encourage cheating, and undermine its own ability to collect revenue?

“A lot of these people come out of the private sector; you would think they would understand that,” Koskinen says. “Instead, they are barreling ahead. And the only explanation is that they think it’ll be good for them—they won’t get audited. It really is nonsensical if you’re concerned about the deficit.”

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The IRS has been under siege for decades, including on your watch. Does what’s happening now feel fundamentally different?

Yes, this feels more like a total frontal attack, and not only the budget—it’s the attempt to get access to protected data. And from the president suggesting that Harvard’s tax-exempt status ought to be reviewed, it’s just a small step to start ordering audits, even though that’s illegal, and we start moving back toward the Nixon “enemies list.” It also seems that this is an attempt to make the IRS less effective.

And this is one federal agency with a positive return on investment.

It’s never been disputed that if you give money to the IRS, you get more money in return. It goes the other way, too. If you take money away from the IRS, you lose multiples of whatever it is you think you’re saving. In my days, even the Freedom Caucus never disagreed with that.

The New York Times reports that about 22,000 IRS employees accepted a buyout. What happens when you eliminate so many people so quickly?

I am confident that includes a significant number of very experienced managers and executives. Over 30 percent of the IRS has always been eligible for retirement, but they don’t retire, because they’re committed to the mission. When, literally overnight, you lose that many people, you’re losing leadership. You’re losing guidance and mentoring. You really are disabling the IRS.

What people don’t understand is the IRS starts preparing for the next tax season in June or July. There’s a tremendous amount of reprogramming that has to go on. And then you have to make sure it works. And the underfunding? A lot of that money is coming out of IT.

What do the mass resignations tell you about agency morale?

Well, it has to be a problem. My theory has always been, if you want to know what’s going on in an organization, go talk to the people doing the work. When I was there, I went to two large IRS offices a week for three and a half months, holding town halls and lunches, and was just delighted with the level of [commitment].

“If the money is short, that’ll be a good reason to cut social programs—’We just don’t have the funds.‘”

The IRS was under tea party attack and people’s primary concern—these were employees, not managers—was how to get the work done with fewer people. We lost about 20,000 in the four years I was there because of the budget cuts, but that happened over time; we just didn’t replace people who left. Now, with the rattling of the cage that’s gone on, and the demeaning of government workers and attacks on the IRS, it’s not nearly as much fun to work there. This has to be the worst time for the agency I can remember.

Do you think Trump’s people will succeed in making the IRS a tool of his retribution?

They’re trying. I mean, they started out wanting access to all sorts of information about taxpayers, and they got pushback from the interim commissioners. So then we got [the shareable information] down to a narrower category. But even that is a broad category, and nobody seems to have paid attention to the documents: It’s criminal prosecutions and those under criminal investigation—without any explanation of what that means or how they’re measuring it.

Everybody is subject to being under criminal investigation as a way of getting access to your tax materials.

As for Harvard, that’s just the first step. This is an administration priding itself on revenge, and the FBI director and the Department of Justice people are out there saying, in effect, “We’re going to get our opponents.” They’re talking about investigating every member of Congress on the January 6 panel.

It’s one thing to have the agency not collect taxes well enough. It’s another if the administration doesn’t like me or my views, so the next thing I know I could be audited. And even if I don’t have any problem, being audited takes time and money, and you need a CPA or a lawyer or somebody to represent you.

They’ll make your life hell.

Yeah, and the threats to law firms and the press will be designed to intimidate people. You know George Orwell, right? You intimidate lawyers, you intimidate the press, and you intimidate universities. You try to make it so people do what you want, so their view of life is yours.

Then the administration can put out facts and information and there’s nobody to disagree. The head of HHS can say, well, we really do think autism is caused by vaccines, and people will say, Gee, if I object, I’ll lose my contract or grant or I’ll get audited. This is not beanbag anymore.

What do you mean?

This is not kid’s play. This is serious—a threat to the country and the democracy as we know it.

What do you hear from current IRS staffers?

It’s interesting. I hear from almost no one because they are so ingrained to protect taxpayers and their returns and the agency. Even at the executive level—and I know a lot of those people extremely well—they’ve all been very careful not to send me emails or complain or reveal anything. It’s to their great credit.

Michael Lewis just published a book called Who Is Government? Hes says that’s a default trait of federal employees: They aren’t clock-watchers. They tend to work obsessively, for low pay, and never seek credit. It’s just so different from the picture painted by guys like Elon Musk and Russell Vought. And Republican lawmakers, too. When Biden was working to boost IRS funding, they unleashed a propaganda campaign falsely claiming the agency would hire 87,000 new agents—basically jack-booted thugs—to harass ordinary people and small business owners.

They were going to come and get everybody! Yeah, it was just a stunning exaggeration.

The overwhelming majority of the layoffs to date have been probationary employees—Biden hires. Many of them actually had special skills, right?

Yes. They were easier to terminate. But probationary sounds like they’re just out of college. A lot of them came with very sophisticated backgrounds and experience in technology and tax law management. They weren’t 25-year-olds. They were filling important positions. When you lose them, that’s not good.

The Washington Post said almost half of the planned job cuts would come from the compliance division, which oversees audits and criminal investigations into tax fraud and money laundering. What message does that send?

As I used to say, “It’s a tax cut for tax cheats.” I mean, you encourage people not to file, because they’re not going to get caught. You encourage people to take deductions they aren’t eligible for—they figure, well, the worst that happens if I ever get audited, which I probably won’t, is they charge me interest or a penalty.

About 85 percent of Americans try to be compliant, because if you aren’t, the IRS will get you. If word starts to spread—and it will spread first among wealthy people with sophisticated CPAs and attorneys—that the audit rate has gone down by 80 percent, a lot of people are going to try to take advantage of that.

Say more about who benefits, and who pays the price.

When revenue agents and revenue officers were cut by 30 percent or 35 percent while I was there, large partnerships basically didn’t get audited. Everybody knew who was involved in those: usually wealthy investors and Wall Street types advised by sophisticated counsel. And those people knew the audit rate had to be cut. You can’t just go after rich people—even though you’d get more money that way—because you need to encourage compliance across the board. So ultimately you lose billions of dollars in collections. Then at some point the politicians raise taxes, and the compliant people pay for the taxes not paid by wealthy people.

Or…the politicians use the lower revenues to justify more budget cuts.

That exactly! If the money is short, that’ll be a good reason to cut social programs—we just don’t have the funds.

Do you think that’s the administration’s end game?

I don’t know whether they started out that way, but that’s clearly where it’s going to end up. A number of these people, historically, have thought the best government is no government.

Is there anything about these cuts you’ve found surprising?

The scope of them has surprised me. The irony is, those of us who have spent a lot of time in the government would say you can always find—and it’s important!—ways to be efficient and effective. The administration has missed a great opportunity to do that appropriately.

Having spent 20 years doing turnarounds of large, failed enterprises, the last thing I ever thought was, well, let’s starve the revenue arm. The salespeople—cut them back! No, your goal was to maximize revenues to give them the running room to do what was needed.

The IRS is easy to scapegoat, because Americans are kind of conditioned to hate the agency and hate paying taxes. What would you say to change their minds?

I would say the vast majority of people rely on social programs, some of which they don’t even realize are funded by the federal government. All of those are at risk. When you cut park rangers, suddenly there are long lines trying to get into a park. People are gonna say, “I didn’t mean get rid of a program I rely on.”

“If you cut the IRS by 40 percent, you’re at a minimum going to cut revenue collection by $500 billion a year.”

At the IRS, my approach was to be available and transparent and to try to get people to understand that we spent a lot of time and money trying to help people be compliant. If you had financial difficulties, we could arrange payment systems. You could do offers and compromise.

If you’re trying to be compliant, I used to say, we’re here to help you. If you’re trying to cheat or not file or not pay your fair share, then I’m happy to chase you to the ends of the Earth. I would hope that more people would understand you’ve got to protect the agency, because it’s how the government funds itself and it’s a way of making sure everybody pays their fair share. I don’t want to pay my fair share and have rich guys get away with not paying.

Speaking of helping people, the IRS recently rolled out free online tax filing. But now Trump, who took a $1 million inaugural donation from Intuit, which makes the TurboTax software, reportedly aims to kill it.

DirectFile is a good example of the government providing an important service, allowing people to file at no cost. Since most people aren’t thrilled about paying taxes, making it as easy and inexpensive for them as possible was a great goal. It’s a shame that this option has been arbitrarily taken away from them.

Another blow for compliance.

Even when they get through disabling all these agencies, they won’t have dealt with the deficit problem significantly, especially if they’re collecting less revenues. Just the undocumented immigrants pay almost $70 billion a year in taxes—or they did. Now that Homeland Security has negotiated [with IRS] to find out who they are, where they live, the estimate is half of that money is not going to get paid.

And that’s a tiny slice of what won’t be coming in.

Yes, there are estimates that, if you cut the IRS by 40 percent, you’re at a minimum going to cut revenue collection capacity by 10 percent—$500 billion a year.

And encourage cheating.

Yeah. There are people today who don’t file because they think the chances getting caught haven’t been large for the last 15 or 20 years.

So, does it worry you to see the DOGE kids mucking around in IRS systems?

It certainly does. These are people have no idea about how the place runs. Somebody told me that they had decided on Monday, the day before the tax filing deadline, to fiddle around with the website, and parts of it either had bad spelling or didn’t work. Who in their right mind would touch anything in the last week—or month—before the filing season ends?

You really are fixing the plane while you’re flying it. You can’t just shut down for a couple months and say nobody can file. Filing season ended on Tuesday, but a lot of people filed extensions and there’ll be returns, and the system will have to operate through October 15—and by then they’ll be testing the system to get ready for January 1.

After cutting so many people, I gather it would take quite a while to put things right.

Yes. Part of the problem is Trump’s people have no background in government and how things operate, and they tend to come from the private sector. They think, Well, they’re all fungible. We’ll cut them and then, if we need them, we’ll hire some new people back.

But the level of complexity of these programs and agencies is such that you just can’t hire people off the street who, like people at the IRS, understand the IT systems and the processes for dealing with complicated tax situations and dealing with things internationally. When you lose experienced people, you can’t replace them overnight. They are going to destroy the efficiency of agencies, and it’ll take years to build it back.

Too bad we don’t all know someone who works there, to put a face on the IRS.

When I was talking to these thousands of employees, I’d say I understand how, when people ask what you do, you say, “I work for the government.” And where in the government? “Well, the Treasury Department.” And where in the Treasury Department? “Well, I actually work for the IRS.”

“They are going to destroy the efficiency of agencies, and it’ll take years to build it back.”

I’m not saying you should wear an IRS hat to the grocery store, but people know you personally through the PTA or church or the soccer team, and they know you’re a good person. And if you work for the IRS and like it, it must be okay. We needed 80,000 ambassadors to say, “I work at the IRS and I love it!”

Reminds me how Harvard people would always say, Oh, I went to college in Boston.

Well, I went to law school at Yale. I’ve never been a Harvard guy, but you’ve got to hand it to them that they took the position they did. It’s like with the law firms caving. There’s strength in numbers, and if you get picked off one at a time, it’s hard to fight back.

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Mother Jones

Tariffs Are About to Hit Lifesaving Medical Equipment

For millions of disabled people, essential health devices known as durable medical equipment, or DME—think of CPAP machines or in-home dialysis equipment—help them both remain at home and stay alive. Donald Trump’s recent wave of tariffs, extremely broad in both the imports and countries they target, are still at a new 10 percent baseline in many cases—but they’re likely to raise the costs of medical devices, putting people’s ability to afford it (and providers’ ability to supply it) in jeopardy. That’s especially true for people who are low-income, including disabled people on Medicaid, or on fixed incomes, like many retirees on Medicare.

DME can include oxygen equipment, suction pumps, some diabetes supplies, and mobility devices like wheelchairs—all indispensable to the day-to-day lives of people who use them. Although states are compelled to cover such devices through Medicaid, they have flexibility in how far that coverage extends: like how often equipment will be replaced, how many items will be sent during a given time period, and how much the co-pay.

That’s particularly true of Medicare, which isn’t required to cover as many of the costs associated with letting disabled people remain in their homes. If tariffs drive up the cost of a piece of home medical gear, and if states don’t agree to quickly negotiate, people under Medicaid could be sent fewer supplies in a period, or may face greater co-pays. For Medicaid users, even a cost increase that an insurer or provider would treat as marginal—say, around $50 more per month for medical equipment—can be devastating.

Research from data analytics and consulting firm GlobalData found that around 75 percent of US-marketed medical devices are, at least in part, manufactured abroad. It also found that respiratory devices—one of the most common medical device imports, and very much not optional for those who rely on them—are likely to be one of the more seriously impacted products. Unlike with some consumer products, says Andrew Thompson, a director on GlobalData’s medical devices team, “the demand doesn’t go away” for medical devices.

Given that China is a major supplier of medical devices and is the target of massive US tariffs in Trump’s escalating trade war with the country, Thompson said firms may be incentivized to look at even cheaper factories in other countries. “The FDA inspects and approves the factories where these devices are made, in the US and overseas,” he said. If a company switches from China to Vietnam, Thompson says, “you have to go for the approvals again”—and due to thousands of layoffs at the FDA, that process is likely to take even longer.

The US instituting a 10 percent tariff should not, on its own, be a major problem when it comes to supply chains and costs, Thompson told me; the United Kingdom does the same. What causes issues, he says, is the “moment of uncertainty.”

To anticipate the potential impact of further tariff-driven caps to DME, Harvard University assistant professor of health policy and management Ari Ne’eman looks to the past.

“Some state Medicaid agencies in the 1990s put in place a prescription drug cap that really limited the extent to which people with disabilities enrolled in Medicaid could access prescription medications,” Ne’eman says. “One of the things we saw come out of that was people were forced into nursing homes in order to be able to bypass the prescription drug cap and get the medication they needed.”

Around a quarterof American adults with diabetes below the age of 65 are on Medicaid. Outside of medicine like insulin, durable medical equipment that people with diabetes need includes blood glucose meters, test strips, syringes and continuous glucose monitors.

Washington state chapter #Insulin4All organizer Kevin Wren is worried about having to ration continuous glucose monitors; he also sources his insulin pumps from China, where exporters are still coming to grips with a wide variety of tariffs that can stack in unpredictable ways.

“If you ration this thing [CGM] at the top, then you’re really making it much harder to manage an already difficult disease,” Wren said, who is on Medicaid; he has already been without his CGM sensors for some stretches because he had been through three in less than a month.

The tariff saga and its impact on disabled people cannot be separated from the administration’s brutal cuts to Medicaid, said Allie Gardner, a senior policy analyst at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Both houses of Congress passed a budget reconciliation bill in April that will result in up to $880 billion in cuts to Medicaid over the next decade. According to a KFF brief, these cuts “would represent 29 percent of state-financed Medicaid spending per resident.”

“All of that is likely going to have put pressure on states to make difficult decisions about reassessing eligibility benefits and reimbursement rates, all of which would directly affect people’s coverage and access to care,” Gardner said.

In addition, Ne’eman says, “anytime you’re taking hundreds of billions of dollars away from Medicaid, disabled people will be impacted.”

If states are prioritizing keeping their eligibility levels the same, Gardner says, “they could increase out-of-pocket costs”—a reality that is already on the table for DME in some states, if tariffs raise the cost of medical devices.

If people do die as a consequence of tariff-driven cost increases and supply issues with medical equipment, then their deaths, Wren is concerned, will be written off as expected.

“The full impact won’t be captured,” Wren said. “It’s really the most vulnerable of the most vulnerable Medicaid patients who need technologies to live.”

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Mother Jones

Cement Is a Carbon Bomb, and Trump Just Made It Harder to Defuse

This story was reported by Floodlight, a nonprofit newsroom that investigates the powerful interests stalling climate action.

Concrete built much of the modern world. It paves highways, shelters millions, and forms the foundations of countless buildings.

But cement, the crucial powder that serves as the binder in concrete, has become one of the planet’s biggest climate threats, generating about 8 percent of the world’s carbon dioxide emissions. And now, efforts to curb its pollution are facing new political headwinds.

Moves to decarbonize the cement industry picked up speed during the administration of President Joe Biden, which channeled billions of dollars in Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) money toward reducing the carbon footprint of concrete and other construction materials.

The Trump administration has reversed course. In January, the Environmental Protection Agency canceled 21 grants aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions from concrete, cement and other construction materials, according to a spreadsheet compiled by the Sierra Club from EPA records. “There’s definitely concern that the momentum is broken,” said Yong Kwon, senior campaign advisor for Sierra Club’s Industrial Transformation Campaign.

The EPA didn’t respond to Floodlight’s questions about why it canceled those grants. Instead the agency’s press office sent a two-sentence response:

“As with any change in Administration, the agency is reviewing each grant program to ensure it is an appropriate use of taxpayer dollars and to understand how those programs align with Administration priorities. The agency determined that the grant application no longer supports Administration priorities, and the awards have been cancelled.”

Prized for its strength, durability and versatility, concrete is the second-most used substance on Earth, behind only water.

But the explosive growth in its use has also heightened concerns about a warming planet. Carbon dioxide emissions from cement production have nearly tripled over the past 30 years. If the cement industry were a country, it would be the world’s fifth largest carbon polluter. Global demand is expected to soar by 50 percent by 2050.

Cement serves as the glue in concrete, binding together aggregate materials like sand and gravel. Key to giving cement its strength and hardening ability is a manufactured substance known as clinker. But in the process of making clinker, cement factories release massive amounts of carbon dioxide.

Some emissions result from the kilns used in the manufacturing process. Those kilns, commonly fired by fossil fuels in the United States, typically reach about 2,700 degrees Fahrenheit—roughly a quarter of the sun’s surface temperature. The chemical process used to convert limestone into lime, a key compound required for clinker, generates even more carbon dioxide.

Many of the efforts to reduce the cement industry’s carbon footprint have focused on reducing or replacing clinker with other materials, such as slag from the blast furnaces used to make iron, and fly ash, a byproduct of coal combustion in power plants.

“I think certainly industry, American industry, sees this as an opportunity to broaden its horizons.”

Other companies are using alternative fuels to power kilns. But that’s far more common in Europe than domestically. “Today, the US lags behind Europe and other parts of the world in adopting low-carbon approaches,” according to a 2023 report about low-carbon cement by the Department of Energy. “The EU uses alternative fuels for about 50 percent of primary energy consumption in cement, compared to just about 15 percent in the US.”

The Biden administration had begun funding an array of cement decarbonization efforts.

Last year, the DOE awarded $1.5 billion in grants to six projects designed to curb carbon emissions by the cement industry. It’s not yet clear whether any of that money will be held up under the Trump administration. The department did not respond to Floodlight’s emailed questions about the status of those grants.

The IRA, Biden’s massive climate law, also provided $2.2 billion for the purchase of low-carbon construction materials for planned federal buildings.

Concrete flows from a half-tube into the ground.

Concrete is poured at the site of an affordable housing complex in Greenville, NC, last February.(City of Greenville, N.C. via Wikimedia)

As of January, about $1.6 billion of that money had not yet been spent, according to the IRA Tracker, a joint project of Columbia Law School’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law and the Environmental Defense Fund. It’s unclear how much or whether any of the remaining money will be spent on green materials.

But a bipartisan effort in Congress could advance efforts to decarbonize the cement industry. The so-called Impact Act, passed by the House last month on a vote of 350-73, would establish a DOE program to support production of low-emission cement, concrete and asphalt.

A second House bill, now under consideration, would provide grants to states to encourage the purchase of green cement, concrete and asphalt. The Senate has introduced similar legislation that includes features from both House bills.

Rep. Valerie Foushee—a North Carolina Democrat who, along with Republican Max Miller of Ohio, sponsored both House bills—told Floodlight she understands there’s support for the legislation in the Senate, too.

“This opportunity for a bipartisan, bicameral way of reducing carbon emissions for the production of cement, concrete, and asphalt is very important, and this is a good time to do it,” Foushee said. “The time is now. We have the opportunity.”

Caught between Congress and the Trump administration, DOE is receiving “mixed signals” on decarbonizing the cement industry, according to Harry Manin, the Sierra Club’s deputy legislative director on industrial policy and trade.

“While there are incredible headwinds under this administration … there still seems to be some awareness by some Republicans that it would be to our advantage to continue down this path,” Manin said. “And I think certainly industry, American industry, sees this as an opportunity to broaden its horizons.”

A green machine flattens fresh concrete while the sun sets

Limestone-containing cement, which has a smaller carbon footprint than traditional cement, was used in this concrete slab for a large warehouse in Jacksonville, Florida.

Politics isn’t the only obstacle in reducing the industry’s impact on global warming.

Creating demand for low-carbon cement and concrete is challenging, partly because those products are more expensive, experts told Floodlight.

Another hurdle: Some low-carbon concrete takes longer to cure, according to Lionel Lemay, executive vice president of structures and sustainability for the National Ready Mixed Concrete Association. In a construction industry where time is money, that makes it a tougher sell, he said: “In reality, the demand for low-carbon concrete is still relatively low.”

Builders and other customers also want to know that low-carbon cements will be as reliable as conventional cement.

“It’s a pretty risk-averse industry,” said Ben Skinner, who focuses on cement for RMI, a nonprofit research group that works to reduce emissions. “And for good reason. If these buildings do fail, there’s serious consequences that may involve physical injuries.”

Given the uncertainty about what will happen with federal support for decarbonization over the next four years, much of the focus is now on efforts by private industry and the states.

A number of them—including New York, Minnesota, and Colorado—have created “buy clean” programs to prioritize the purchase of construction materials with a lower carbon footprint. Said Kwon of the Sierra Club: “State governments have a huge role to play now.”

Brown concrete blocks sit on a table. A man wearing a blue shirt and blue gloves bends over them.

A technician for Prometheus Materials shovels aggregate into a mixer to make a “bio-concrete,” whose properties are comparable or superior to traditional concrete, the company says.(Prometheus Materials)

The Portland Cement Association, a leading trade group, is among those whose EPA grants were canceled.

“Regardless of administration, our goal is carbon neutrality by 2050—that has not changed,” Bohan said. “That will be achieved.”

Will the industry really decarbonize without government help and pressure?

The National Ready Mixed Concrete Association also got word earlier this year that it lost its EPA funding. The association was planning to use its $9.6 million grant to help concrete producers develop “environmental product declarations” so government agencies and other customers could identify which products have a low-carbon footprint.

The grant would have boosted demand for low-carbon products, Lemay said. But the Trump administration’s EPA canceled it along with 48 others. “That just means that we’re not going to have the benefit of the federal government accelerating our progress,” Lemay said. “That would have helped. Clearly.”

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Mother Jones

A Conservative Judge Just Issued a Dire Warning About the Abrego Garcia Case

A conservative federal judge just issued a dire warning: The government must bring Kilmar Abrego Garcia back to the United States after he was illegally deported to a brutal Salvadoran prison, or else the country will descend into lawlessness. The opinion, from the 4th Circuit’s J. Harvie Wilkinson III and joined by two colleagues, is an extraordinary document—and is all the more notable coming froma judge who has long championed presidential power.

“The government is asserting a right to stash away residents of this country
in foreign prisons without the semblance of due process that is the foundation of our constitutional order,” Wilksinson wrote in an opinion Thursday rejecting the government’s request to halt a district court order that it takes affirmative steps to retrieve Abrego Garcia and vacate an order for discovery into these efforts. “Further, it claims in essence that because it has rid itself of custody that there is nothing that can be done.”

Justto recap what has happened thus far: On March 15,the Trump administration flew Abrego Garcia on the third of three flights taking immigrants to El Salvador’s notorious terrorism confinement center, known as CECOT, where prisoners are only expected to leave in a coffin. It did so illegally because in 2019, an immigration judge had issued an order that Abrego Garcia not be returned to El Salvador, his country of origin. The administration has admitted in court that the deportation happened due to “administrative error”—but it has argued that despite that error, it will not and cannot return him. “That’s up to El Salvador if they want to return him. That’s not up to us,” Attorney General Pam Bondi said during a press conference Monday. The logic is terrifying not onlyfor Abrego Garcia: No matter the law, you can be taken to a foreign prison and left to rot.

One week ago, the Supreme Court ordered the administration to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return. It instructed the district court to act “with due regard for the deference owed to the Executive Branch in the conduct of foreign affairs” but also expected that the administration would comply and “should be prepared to share what it can concerning the steps it has taken and the prospect of further steps.” Thursday’s opinion grasps the gravity of the situation.It orders the government to take active steps to bring Abrego Garcia back to the United States and rejects the government’s assertion that the courts cannot require it to actively seek his release.

“If today the Executive claims the right to deport without due process and in disregard of court orders, what assurance will there be tomorrow that it will not deport American citizens and then disclaim responsibility to bring them home?”

For the past week, the government has argued that it needs to do virtually nothing. “If today the Executive claims the right to deport without due process and in disregard of court orders, what assurance will there be tomorrow that it will not deport American citizens and then disclaim responsibility to bring them home?” Wilkinson wrote. “And what assurance shall there be that the Executive will not train its broad discretionary powers upon its political enemies? The threat, even if not the actuality, would always be present, and the Executive’s obligation to ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed’ would lose its meaning.”

Wilkinson’s words will likely be taken seriously by Chief Justice John Roberts and possibly the other GOP-appointed justices because he is one of them. A Reagan appointee, Wilkinson is a conservative jurist who, during the height of the War on Terror, wrote an opinion upholding the president’s wartime authority to detain US citizens indefinitely. And it was Wilkinson’s concurrence in this same case that gave the Supreme Court the “facilitate” language it had recently adopted. Wilkinson’s clarion warning today sends a strong signal to the justices, the conservative legal community, and the country that we are careening toward crisis. What remains unknown is if there’s any way to stop it now.

In concluding his opinion, Wilkinson accurately warns that without compliance, the checks and balances of our system will fail. And he essentially pleads with the Trump administration to come to its senses. “We yet cling to the hope that it is not naïve to believe our good brethren in the Executive Branch perceive the rule of law as vital to the American ethos,” he wrote. “This case presents their unique chance to vindicate that value and to summon the best that is within us while there is still time.”

Wilkinson’s writing also, if implicitly, is directed at the Supreme Court, where this case may be headed once again. A week ago, the Supreme Court stressed deference to the executive all while upholding the district court’s effort to return Abrego Garcia. But at some point, the justices will either have to call out the administration for failing to act—or throw up their hands and sanction Trump’s lawlessness. Wilkinson’s opinion is a warning to avoid that outcome.

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RFK Jr. Says There Are No Autistic Poets. We Asked an Autistic Poet.

To Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—and contrary to medical consensus and decades of study—autism is an appalling, family-destroying “disease.” To pediatric psychiatrists and autism experts like Vanderbilt University’s Zachary Warren, speaking Wednesday to National Public Radio, autism “isn’t a single thing; it is a word we use in an attempt to capture a spectrum of behavioral strengths, differences, and vulnerabilities.”

During a startling recent press conference, and following a pledge to establish the “cause” of autism by September, the HHS secretary sparked further outrage—by, as my colleague Anna Merlan reported yesterday, saying the following:

“These are kids who will never pay taxes,” Kennedy declared. “They’ll never hold a job. They’ll never play baseball. They’ll never write a poem. They’ll never go out on a date. Many of them will never use a toilet unassisted. We have to recognize we are doing this to our children.”

Kennedy’s years of anti-vaccine activism have centered in large part on autism, framing it as a “preventable disease” and epidemic driven by environmental contaminants. A lawyer by training, with no medical background beyond freelance taxidermy, Kennedy has consistently peddled misinformation about autism and autistic people, presenting the condition as a vaccine-driven scourge.

Increasingly, Kennedy has papered over some of the most problematic elements of his crusade—and licensed himself to ignore opposition and criticism from autistic people—by insisting that he’s referring to “profound” autism, or autism with high support needs. It’s a distinction that he’s happy to deploy when it serves his case, or to gloss over when promising to end autism once and for all; and, by definition, it excludes his autistic critics from the conversation.

A crucial slogan of the disability rights movement is “Nothing about us without us”—so it seemed appropriate to get the reaction of an autistic poet. I spoke with Elizabeth McClellan, an award-winning poet, attorney, and legal educator based in Memphis, Tennessee.

Could you tell me about yourself and your work as a poet?

I have been publishing poetry professionally since 2009, on and off. I primarily do genre poetry, which is poetry that falls sort of in the speculative fiction, science fiction, fantasy, [and] horror spaces. I have a book of horror poetry that will be coming soon from Kith Books that’s found poetry from Stephen Graham Jones’ My Heart Is a Chainsaw. Poetry doesn’t generally pay for itself, most poets are not just poets. That’s why I supplement it with my work as an attorney.

So you’re living evidence that someone can be both autistic and a poet.

I am not only living evidence that someone can be autistic and a poet, I will challenge RFK Jr. to write a poem as good as me any day of the week, because I don’t think he can do it.

“He’s trying to eradicate support, especially with education, that could help people live the kind of lives where they do get to write poetry.”

What was your reaction to Kennedy saying that an increase in autism diagnoses is bad in part because autistic people can’t “write a poem”? (Not that there’s anything wrong in more people getting diagnosed.)

It’s completely dehumanizing. He didn’t lead with “poet.” He led with they’ll never pay taxes, they’ll never have a job. It’s just “useless eaters” rhetoric. And then he fluffs it up with, they’ll never write a poem. They’ll never play baseball. Some people won’t—some people have higher support needs. They are still people. They have a right to live and a right to dignity. And that’s not what he wants for us. He is using the straight-up eugenicist playbook. People who can’t go to the toilet by themselves are still people. People who can’t write a poem are still people. I doubt [Kennedy] can write a poem, but he’s still a person.

You can’t eradicate autism without eradicating autistic people. It’s genocidal rhetoric against us that’s justified by “autism destroys families. It destroys children.” No, it doesn’t. It’s bias against autistic people.

His taking an axe to the Department of Health and Human Services means that a lot of autistic people are not going to have the support that they need to thrive and survive. Now, I’ve had support to thrive and survive. I don’t need a whole lot of support to do what I do, but I need it, and I probably would have had a less miserable childhood if the diagnosis were more available. [RFK Jr.] falls into using language like Asperger’s, which, of course, was the distinction that was used to decide who would die and who would work under the Nazis.

“What does he do? He chainsaws the heads off dead whales and leaves bear cubs in Central Park.”

There are many autistic poets. There’s already a call for a special issue of poetry by autistic poets that will pay those poets just to do an autistic resistance. There are poets writing short poems just to help all of us recover from this person with a great deal of power saying our lives are worth nothing. He’s trying to eradicate support, especially with education, that could help people live the kind of lives where they do get to write poetry.

With poetry, you have to be creative. RFK Jr.’s hostility to autistic people seems to indicate the opposite.

He’s the antithesis of creativity. I’ve never seen his book of collected poems. Who are you to tell us that we can’t write poetry? When you don’t write poetry, that’s not a thing that you do. You’re not a poet. You don’t get to tell us who gets to be poets. I know so many autistic poets. I know so many poets with various kinds of neurodivergence and that adds to the way that we see the world in our unique way, and that adds to our unique voice as poets.

Allistic people can write poetry too, but we have a different way of seeing the world, and that inspired some of us to take up this particular art form. Others of us paint. What does he do? He chainsaws the heads off dead whales and leaves bear cubs in Central Park. And I don’t think it’s performance art. I think it’s just that he’s creepy. What has he ever really done, other than have a last name?

What this is all really about is capitalism. “Oh, they’ll never go to the toilet by themselves. That’s a miserable existence.” Plenty of people need assistance going to the bathroom whose lives are rich and full—who will write poems, who will paint pictures, who will do things, and he doesn’t actually care whether we’re creative or not. He doesn’t actually care whether we’re writing poetry or not. It’s just the same old rhetoric over and over again that we get from eugenicists.

This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

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Abortions Are Rising—Even After Dobbs. A New Book Explains Why.

New data released this week reaffirmed a seemingly paradoxical reality of the post-Roe v. Wade era: Abortion rates have continued to rise despite the increasing restrictions nationwide.

The latest data, compiled by the abortion rights research and policy organization the Guttmacher Institute, shows that throughout 2024, clinicians provided more than one million abortions in states without total abortion bans, a slight increase compared to 2023. A closer look at the data reflects how healthcare providers and patients have adapted to changing circumstances—which have made access both more difficult and, in some ways, easier—since the Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization revoking the constitutional right to abortion.

About 14,000 fewer people traveled out-of-state for an abortion in 2024 compared to 2023. This can be partially explained by state bans that force people to travel further for care, as well as the logistical and financial difficulties travel involves. There were, however, about 40,000 more abortions provided through online-only clinics, which may be an undercount, since it doesn’t include medication abortions that are accessible through telehealth under shield laws. These laws seek to protect providers from prosecution for virtually prescribing and mailing abortion pills to people in states with abortion bans. (Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton is currently testing the limits of such laws by suing an abortion provider in New York—which has a shield law—for mailing abortion pills to a Texas patient.) Other research estimates telehealth provision of abortions under shield laws accounted for about 10,000 abortions a month in the first half of last year alone—most of which occurred in states with total or six-week bans, according to the Society of Family Planning, a reproductive rights research organization.

A new book co-authored by reproductive rights experts Carole Joffe, a professor emerita of sociology at the University of California, Davis, and David Cohen, a professor of law at Drexel University, helps explain how this came to be—and it’s not only because of the relative ease of access to abortion pills. After Dobbs: How the Supreme Court Ended Roe But Not Abortiondigs into the various strategies providers have pursued to continue offering abortions, and the ways advocates have helped people access them. Just a few examples: Providers moved clinics out of banned states, prescribed pills online, and mailed them to patients, while advocates coordinated patients’ travel and raised money to help them get to their appointments.

“It was a half-century mission to overturn Roe, and the result is that there are more abortions than before.”

To write the book, Joffe and Cohen conducted interviews, which began before the Dobbs’ decision, with two dozen abortion providers and advocates throughout 2022. They then continued to track what unfolded just after, and at the end of the year. In the process, they learned how providers, patients, and advocates adapted to their new realities. Ultimately, what they found surprised them: Their interviewees were clear-eyed about the new risks and barriers they faced, but also defiant. “I think when we started, we expected to write a much more sobering and much sadder book than what actually emerged,” Joffe told me.

“It’s a story of resistance and resilience and hope,” Cohen added. “But better than hope, it also offers strategies for thinking about how to make people’s lives better and fight against oppression.”

We spoke via Zoom to discuss the post-Roe paradox, the “creative alternatives” providers are pursuing, and the increased risks they face now compared to the pre-Roe era.

This interview has been lightly condensed and edited for clarity.

You write in the book: “By any account, with the data we have so far, Dobbs has not had the devastating impact on overall abortion numbers that many predicted.” How would you characterize what a “devastating impact” looks like? Did you expect this would be the case when you began research for the book at the start of 2022?

Carole Joffe:“Devastating impact” would be thousands of people not being able to get the abortions they needed; “devastating impact” would be women who were ill, who should not be pregnant. I thought there would be deaths—which in fact, there have been, though we don’t know how many—but we have seen a rise in maternal mortality. ProPublica and other journalists have documented some deaths. I have every reason to believe from what I’ve read and been told by abortion doctors there have been more that have not been documented.

“It was never in my conception of what would happen after Roe was overturned that abortion numbers would go up.”

I knew that abortion provision would go on. David and I have studied this field for years. We know the dedication of the people who work in it and their allies at the funds and in the national organizations. I did not anticipate that the number of abortions would actually rise. I think our book helps explain that, documenting the extraordinary efforts, not just of the provider community but the people getting the people who needed abortions to the clinics.

David Cohen: I thought increases in abortion-related deaths would be staggeringly high and there would be prosecutions all the time. Those things have happened in much, much smaller numbers than we expected, and there hasn’t been a decrease in the number of abortions. It was never in my conception of what would happen after Roe was overturned that abortion numbers would go up.

Which of the “creative alternatives,” as you call them in the book, that providers have used to continue offering abortions most surprised you in terms of effectiveness?

CJ: I think what surprised me a lot was the incredible, rapid response of the patient navigators. We saw them at the National Abortion Federation and at local abortion funds. What really sticks in my head was having a doctor tell us, “We had a patient who was scheduled to come, but there was a snowstorm, so right away the patient navigator changed the flights and got her an appointment in Las Vegas where it wasn’t snowing.” In abortion care in general, time is of the essence—if it takes two weeks to arrange something, someone goes from the first trimester to the second, or the second to the third. Just the ability to move that quickly to arrange care for patients—it was extraordinary to see.

DC: Yeah, that’s been amazing. The other part for me is the telehealth shield provision of abortion and the impact on patients stuck in states where there are abortion bans.

This reminds me of a quote from Francine Coeuytaux, co-founder of the abortion pill information website Plan C, that you included in the book. She said she believes “there is better access these days” because of the greater awareness people have about how to access abortion after Dobbs. There are a few similar quotes from other people in the book. Do you agree?

DC: I think for a lot of people, it’s much easier now than it was before. Pills are available and cheaper. More people know about pills than ever before. There’s a lot more variety in delivery mechanisms. There’s a lot more support in terms of people who travel. But I do think there’s a big asterisk next to that statement—it doesn’t mean it’s true for everyone.

There are a lot of people for whom travel is just really difficult—whether it’s because of kids, work, concerns about being racially profiled, they don’t have a car, they don’t have the executive capacity or time to deal with all of the different appointments and people to talk to about the funding. So that can be really hard. For people who are dealing with emergency pregnancy complications, they might have the resources to travel from the middle of Texas to Colorado, but when you’re in sepsis, traveling is not easy. That’s catastrophic for people’s lives. Other people just didn’t even know about all these options we’re talking about, so thery are left out of this equation.

CJ: For the very sick, what’s going on is still barbaric. Women who are near death are not getting the care they need.

DC: For the states that are pro-choice, Dobbs was really a kick in the ass in terms of changing policy. People like us have been pushing them to change their policy, get rid of restrictions, fund abortion under Medicaid, and support providers. We’ve been pushing them to do this for decades, and a lot of them just ignored it because they didn’t think there was a problem. But once Dobbs happened, they re-evaluated their own laws and got rid of barriers that existed even in some of the most liberal states.

You write that Dr. Curtis Boyd, a Baptist preacher turned abortion provider in Texas and New Mexico, “predicted that relatively few doctors would perform illegal abortions in this new era.” Do you see these alternative methods—such as providing pills via telehealth or moving clinics across state lines—as replacements for back-alley abortions that were occurring pre- Roe ?

CJ: There were different kinds of abortion provisions before Roe. “Back alley,” we normally code as bad—and they were bad, they were unsafe, and the people who did them were very unethical. There were also very decent doctors, like Dr. Boyd, who did abortions as a matter of conscience. So “back alley” did not mean defiance, but losers who wanted to make money off decent people like Dr. Boyd, who worked with the Clergy Consultation Service [a group of clergy members who helped people travel to access abortion] and took on great risks.

“People who don’t want to be pregnant will always search for abortion. This is a historical constant across societies.”

Speaking as someone who has studied that era, what I would say is, in those days, there were risks. There were some prosecutions—very few, as it turned out, against doctors, mostly against non-physicians who did them. When doctors were prosecuted and found guilty, the jail terms were typically one or two years. Several well-known African-American doctors were jailed, and their sentences were around two years. Now, in Texas and Alabama, it’s up to 99 years in prison for doctors. So risk-taking takes on a very different calculus. It’s very difficult for a grief-stricken provider who is going crazy because she can’t help her patients. But that has to be weighed against many years of imprisonment, losing her medical license, and having a huge fine.

As long as abortion remains legal in the states where it is not legal, I don’t see people doing illegal procedures. I see them continuing to still do the workarounds, whether it’s doing pills or moving across state lines.

DC: I think there are two other factors. Pills are just a huge difference from before Roe, because there weren’t pills that you could get somewhat freely on the internet, and now you can. The other big difference is social media and the internet. There were doctors before Roe who provided care, but they didn’t have the social media and the internet blaring this to everyone in the world that they were doing it. There was the doctor in Pennsylvania, Robert Spencer, who provided close to 40,000 abortions before Roe [Spencer claimed the amount was much higher: up to 100,000 abortions]. So people knew about him, but there weren’t websites devoted to telling authorities that he was doing this everywhere in the world. If someone starts doing illegal abortions now, there’s going to be a mob after them because of the internet.

Do you think the anti-abortion movement was prepared for the proliferation of these “creative alternatives” after Dobbs ?

DC: I think they knew that pills would become a big story post-Dobbs. But I think they’ve been caught pretty flat-footed with how to respond to all of this. They have not been able to effectively stop pills—yet. They have not been able to stop most referendums. They have not been able to get complete bans in some states where we thought there were going to be complete bans, whether because legislatures don’t want to go that far or state courts have stopped them. And they haven’t stopped abortion travel.

I don’t know if many of these things would have surprised them, but I think they probably hoped they had better strategies to deal with them, and they just haven’t. It was a half-century mission to overturn Roe, and the result is that there are more abortions than before.

Do you see the persistence of the provision of abortions as a reason for hope at a time when it seems like many other civil liberties are at risk?

DC: I do, but not necessarily hope, as opposed to illustrating there are effective ways to go about resistance in a time of oppression. Certainly, it would be better if there were a national right and abortion were legal and accessible everywhere. As a result of that not being the case, there’s oppression happening. But there are people fighting back. This is a story of people who are looking at the situation and saying, “I am not okay with it, and I’m going to do everything I can to make sure that people are not as negatively impacted by this oppression as they could be.”

CJ: Whatever happens legally, pregnant people who don’t want to be pregnant will always search for abortion. This is a historical constant across societies.

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Trump’s Order Targeting State Climate Laws Is Probably Unconstitutional

This story was originally published b_y Grist a_nd is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

President Donald Trump continued dismantling US climate policy this week when he directed the Justice Department to challenge state laws aimed at addressing the crisis—a campaign legal scholars called unconstitutional and climate activists said is sure to fail.

The president, who has called climate change a “hoax,” issued an executive order restricting state laws that he claimed have burdened fossil fuel companies and “threatened American energy dominance.” His directive, signed Tuesday night, is the latest in a series of moves that have included undermining federal climate and environmental justice programs, withdrawing from the Paris Agreement, and promising to expand oil and gas leases.

It specifically mentions California, Vermont, and New York, three states that have been particularly assertive in pursuing climate action. The order directs Attorney General Pam Bondi to identify and report state laws that focus on climate change or promote environmental, social, and governance initiatives, and to halt any that “the attorney general determines to be illegal.”

That directive almost certainly includes the climate superfund laws that New York and Vermont recently passed. The statutes require fossil fuel companies to pay damages for their emissions, a move the executive order deems “extortion.” The president’s order also gives Bondi 60 days to prepare a report outlining state programs like carbon taxes and fees, along with those mentioning terms like “environmental justice” and “greenhouse gas emissions.”

“These state laws and policies are fundamentally irreconcilable with my administration’s objective to unleash American energy,” the executive order reads. “They should not stand.”

“The only thing the Trump administration’s actions accomplish is chaos and uncertainty.”

Legal scholars, environmental advocates, and at least one governor have said Trump’s effort to roll back state legislation is unconstitutional, and court challenges are sure to follow. “The federal government cannot unilaterally strip states’ independent constitutional authority,” New York governor Kathy Hochul said in a statement on behalf of the United States Climate Alliance, a coalition of 24 states working toward emissions reductions.

Although critics of the move said Trump is on shaky legal ground, forcing state and local governments to litigate can have a chilling effect on climate action. Beyond signaling the administration’s allegiance to the fossil fuel interests that helped bankroll his campaign, Trump’s order is “seeking to intimidate,” said Kathy Mulvey, the accountability campaign director for the climate and energy program at the Union of Concerned Scientists.

“It seems pretty hypocritical for the party that claims to be about the rights of states to be taking on or seeking to prevent states from taking action,” she said.

The American Petroleum Institute praised the order, saying it would “address this state overreach” and “help restore the rule of law.”

Trump’s order comes several weeks after fossil fuel executives gathered at the White House to warn the president about increasing pressure from state lawsuits, including moves to claim polluters are guilty of homicide. Trump told the executives he would take action, according to E&E News.

“This executive order parrots some of the arguments that we’ve seen from companies like ExxonMobil, as they’ve sought to have climate cases removed from federal court and then dismissed in the state courts,” Mulvey says.

The president announced the move while standing in front of coal miners gathered for a White House ceremony during which he signed a separate executive order supporting what he called the “beautiful, clean coal” industry. That order removed air pollution limits and other regulations adopted by former president Joe Biden’s administration. “The ceremony as a whole was mainly about theatrics and bullying,” said Kit Kennedy, managing director of power, climate, and energy at Natural Resources Defense Council.

Experts say economics makes a resurgence of coal unlikely. For the last two decades, the industry has steeply declined as utilities have embraced gas and renewables like wind and solar, all of which are far cheaper. In California, which banned utilities from buying power from coal-fired plants in other states in 2007 and established a cap-and-trade program where power plants have to buy credits to pay for their pollution, emissions have fallen while the economy has grown. Such programs may be targeted by the president’s recent executive orders.

“It should be clear by now that the only thing the Trump administration’s actions accomplish is chaos and uncertainty,” Liane Randolph, who chairs the California Air Resources Board, said in a statement.

It remains unclear how the executive order will be implemented. “The executive branch doesn’t actually have authority to throw out state laws,” Mulvey said. States have a well-established primacy over environmental policies within their borders. The executive order would turn that on its head. “It’s hard to imagine a scenario in which the DOJ challenging the states on these policies would be successful,” Kennedy said.

That’s not to say the Trump administration can’t take steps to fulfill the objectives outlined in the order. Even if the executive order doesn’t overturn state laws directly, climate advocates worry the Trump administration will threaten to withhold federal funding for other programs, like highways, if they don’t comply.

“The executive order itself has no legal impact, but the actions that government agencies will take in pursuit would, and many of those will be vigorously challenged in court,” said Michael Gerrard, faculty director of Columbia University’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law.

It was immediately clear that at least some states aren’t going to back down. “This is the world the Trump administration wants your kids to live in,” California governor Gavin Newsom said in a statement. “California’s efforts to cut harmful pollution won’t be derailed by a glorified press release masquerading as an executive order.”

Republican states benefited the most from the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, a strategy some advocated could make the bipartisan legislation harder for future administrations to rescind. Ironically, Kennedy says, they aren’t necessarily labeled as climate policies, potentially sparing funding for things like battery-manufacturing facilities in the South from the executive order. “They’re simply going about the business of creating the clean energy economy,” Kennedy said.

That progress makes the executive order’s “lawless assault” galling, said Democratic Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island. “Not only does this latest Big Oil fever dream violate state sovereignty,” he wrote to Grist, “it tries to void decades of state-enacted policies that lower energy costs for families, protect clean air and water, reduce the carbon pollution responsible for climate change, and protect Americans from the price shocks of dependence on fossil fuels.”

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RFK Jr. Is Using a New Study on Autism Rates to Push His Anti-Vaccine Agenda

In a press conference Wednesday morning that surely delighted his allies in the anti-vaccine movement, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. responded to a report about apparent rising autism rates with a vow to look at “environmental factors” as a possible cause. While Kennedy didn’t explicitly discuss vaccines, his remarks made it clear, again, that he’ll likely use the power and money of the federal government to prop up the long-debunked claim that vaccines cause autism. He also repeatedly made crude and stigmatizing references to people with profound autism (which he calls “severe” autism,” an outdated term) painting a picture of such people as a burden on society and to their families.

“These are kids who will never pay taxes,” Kennedy declared. “They’ll never hold a job. They’ll never play baseball. They’ll never write a poem. They’ll never go out on a date. Many of them will never use a toilet unassisted. We have to recognize we are doing this to our children.”

“The epidemic,” Kennedy said at another point, “is real.” Autism, he added, “destroys families and more importantly it destroys our greatest resource, our children.” Many children, he claimed, were “fully functional” and “regressed.”

RFK Jr. called today’s press conference to discuss new findings published this week in the CDC’s Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, which found an increase in apparent autism rates, from 1 in 36 children to 1 in 31. The report, based on 2022 data, found that the prevalence of autism spectrum disorder was higher in 8-year-old children than in previous years, and higher in Black, Hispanic and Asian Pacific Islander children than in white children.

Kennedy made it clear that he believes “environmental factors” are driving the increase in the condition, not genetics. In his previous role as chairman of Children’s Health Defense, Kennedy repeatedly claimed that vaccines cause autism, which they do not, and accused the CDC of lying to “minimize the crisis.” (Among other things, a massive study of 10 million children published in Denmark in 2019 showed no link between the MMR vaccine and autism.)

From the podium on Wednesday, Kennedy declared that “overall, autism is increasing in prevalence at an alarming rate” and called it “shocking” and “relentless.” He added, again, and without apparent basis, that “most causes are now severe” and insisted that 25 percent of boys diagnosed with autism “are non-verbal, non toilet-trained and have other stereotypical features” including “stimming and toe-walking,” traits he has brought up frequently in past remarks and cast in a negative light. (Stimming can be a self-soothing behavior, but autistic adults have reported trying to mask it to reduce stigma from others.)

“Obviously there are people who don’t want us to look at environmental exposures,” he proclaimed. He said that the newly created Administration for a Healthy America (AHA), which part of HHS, would be responsible for overseeing autism rates. The AHA merged several previously independent offices; HHS has also faced deep cuts and layoffs throughout the agency. Kennedy said future autism studies may look at medication, mold, food addivities, air and water pollution and advanced parental age as other possible factors.

There’s long been a scientific debate about how much of the rise in apparent autism rates is due to better diagnosis and detection, with most serious researchers agreeing that better screening plays a major role. Kennedy rejected the idea that autism increases are the result of enhanced diagnostic criteria or better detection. He also trotted out a new phrase, “epidemic denial,” that he clearly plans to use against scientists and media outlets who disagree with his framing of autism rates or their potential causes. At several points, he called people who question or contextualize increased autism rates “deniers” and said they are engaging in “the myth of epidemic denial.” (Kennedy himself has dabbled in AIDS denialism.)

At the conference, Kennedy also briefly ceded the podium to Rutgers autism researcher Walter Zahorodny, who, among other things, also declared that autism is “real” and “not a quirky personality” trait, and concurred with Kennedy that the CDC report did not simply show better detection but a true increase in autism rates. It “strongly suggests that not only is this a high point in autism prevalence, but in the future rates can only be higher” he added.

The Autistic Self-Advocacy Network said in a press release that the new data is “explained by better access to screening and improved understanding of autism.” The group added that more work needs to be done to address the economic and racial disparities that affect which kids receive early, accurate autism diagnoses; for instance, a higher income was related to “a higher diagnosis rate for Black, Hispanic, and Asian and Pacific Islander children.”

”We will continue to advocate to address diagnostic disparities, improve access to diagnosis and support, and protect the programs and services that make this possible,” ASN added.

Responding to Kennedy’s characterizations of autistic people, Alycia Halladay, the chief science officer at the Autism Science Foundation, told Mother Jones that Kennedy “failed to recognize the diverse spectrum of autism.” Of the apparent increase in autism rates, she said, “All of the scientific evidence points to an improvement in access to services as being a driving force,” adding, “Also, about 20% of autism is caused by a known genetic variant, and there is no evidence that 85% of the increase in prevalence is due to environmental ‘toxins.'”

Kennedy has previously vowed to find the cause of rising autism rates by September, which is not how science works. At the conference today, he seemed to slightly walk back that pledge, saying he expected to see “some answers” by September and vowing to “remove the taboo” so that scientists could freely study this issue, which he implied they could not do previously without being “gaslit” or having their licenses taken away.

To add to the concern that any RFK-led studies won’t be serious ones, the Washington Post reported in March that HHS hired David Geier to study vaccine-autism data. Geier is a longtime anti-vaccine figure who, with his father, former physician Mark Geier, purported to study autism and often acted as expert witnesses in cases of alleged vaccine injury. David Geier was disciplined by the Maryland Board of Physicians in 2012 for practicing medicine without a license, while his father’s license was revoked. Neither David Geier nor HHS have responded to repeated requests for comment from Mother Jones. Kennedy promised on Wednesday that HHS’ autism studies would be “thorough and comprehensive.”

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Mother Jones

How the Establishment Is Helping Trump’s Revenge-a-thon

The below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

Let’s go back to June 2, 2024. That morning, Fox & Friends Weekend aired an interview with Donald Trump conducted by the show’s hosts—Pete Hegseth, Rachel Campos-Duffy, and Will Cain. Three days earlier, Trump was found guilty in his porn-star/hush-money case. (Remember, he’s a convicted felon!) And Campos-Duffy brought up a subject that’s long been of great interest to Trump: revenge. As I’ve written many times, Trump’s three most powerful psychological motivations are revenge, revenge, and revenge. (Last month in this newsletter, I traced some of his history as a “revenge junkie.”) In the aftermath of the verdict that found Trump guilty of 34 counts of falsifying business records to hide his $130,000 payment to Stormy Daniels, Campos-Duffy gently prodded him: “You [previously] said, ‘My revenge will be success for America.’ You just had this verdict. Do you still feel the same?”

“I say it, and it sounds beautiful: ‘My revenge will be success,'” Trump said on a Fox News appearance in June 2024. “I mean that.”

“It’s a really tough question in one way because these are bad people,” Trump replied, referring to his critics and those who had brought criminal cases against him. “These people are sick.” He rambled about how tough he was and bragged about how during his first term he had fired FBI Director Jim Comey. He then returned to the issue of retribution: “Look it’s a very interesting question. I say it, and it sounds beautiful: ‘My revenge will be success.’ I mean that. But it’s awfully hard when you see what they’ve done. These people are so evil.”

A far-too-sympathetic Cain tried to push Trump toward a clearer answer. “I hear you struggling with it. I hear you say it’s a tough question—a bit unsure. You famously said, regarding Hillary Clinton, ‘Lock her up.’ You declined to do that as president.”

Trump responded: “I beat her. It’s easier when you win. They all said lock her up and I could’ve done it. But I thought that would have been a terrible thing. And then this [verdict] happened to me. So, I may feel differently about it. I can’t tell you. I’m not sure I can answer the question.”

Here was a more interesting and revealing exchange than most of Trump’s softball sessions with Fox sycophants. He was still tethered to his lifelong obsession with revenge—if they screw you, screw ’em back 10 times worse, he often said when asked to describe his key to business success—but he knew it was unwise to vow vengeance during his comeback campaign. Yet he could not promise to abandon revenge altogether, as if he realized it was impossible for him to pass up an opportunity for retribution. In a rare (for him) moment, he said he could not provide a firm answer. He seemed to be saying, It would be great to promise I won’t be fixated on vengeance if I’m elected president, but I know me—and that ain’t me.

Trump has abused the power of the presidency to go after his enemies in ways Richard Nixon could never have imagined.

It sure isn’t. Trump cannot escape his compulsions, and perhaps his most powerful one is to get even. It was always obvious that score-settling would be job No. 1, should he return to the White House. An insecure man who’s always had a chip on his shoulder the size of a mountain, he’s defined his life by his relentless accounting and pursuit of grudges. The only surprise has been that his revenge-a-thon has been so extensive, so vicious, and that it has been so successful and generated such little pushback.

Trump has abused the power of the presidency to go after his enemies in ways Richard Nixon could never have imagined. He has pulled security details and/or security clearances from his political opponents and critics, such as John Bolton, Mike Pompeo, Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, and others. He has extorted law firms that employed lawyers who previously challenged him politically or legally, and in mob-boss fashion he has forced them to pledge hundreds of millions of dollars in free legal services to his favorite causes (other than himself).

This past week, Trump signed executive orders targeting two officials who served in his first administration: Chris Krebs, who was then the nation’s cybersecurity chief, and Miles Taylor, a Department of Homeland Security official who anonymously wrote an op-ed and then a book criticizing Trump. The president called Taylor a traitor and instructed the Justice Department to investigate him. Krebs’ sin was having declared the 2020 election, which Trump lost, free of fraud. Trump went so far as to revoke security clearances for employees of SentinelOne, a cybersecurity firm where Krebs now works. Trump has also trained his ire on universities (including Columbia University, Brown University, Harvard University, Princeton University, and the University of Pennsylvania, his alma mater), cultural institutions (the Kennedy Center and the Smithsonian Institution), and assorted news organizations.

In any previous era, this orgy of vengeance would be the top political story. Yet with the flood of Trump-spurred outrages underway since January 20, it does not dominate the headlines. Moreover, the surrender of many of his targets undermines criticism of Trump’s revenge frenzy. Trump has used the capitulation of these law firms as proof that he is right to assail them as hotbeds of evil scheming that threatens the nation. On Wednesday, he claimed that the settlements signed by these firms—some previously associated with Democratic causes—was proof the 2020 election was stolen from him: “The election was rigged. It’s been proven…When you look at all these lawyers and law firms that are signing, giving us hundreds of millions of dollars. It was proven by so many different ways…It was a very corrupt election.”

Trump claims it’s proven that the 2020 election was rigged, citing the fact that law firms are giving him money

Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) 2025-04-09T20:21:39.294Z

ABC News settled with Trump ($15 million); Meta settled with Trump ($25 million). CBS has been considering settling a case that Trump filed against its news division. It’s all encouragement for worse and more dangerous conduct.

Of course, Trump was lying about that. But embedded in that lie was an important point. By yielding and offering Trump hundreds of millions of dollars in pro bono work, these firms were indeed bolstering the notion they had done something wrong—whatever that may have been—when they had not. Each white flag waved in the face of a Trump attack strengthens him and his authoritarian bullying.

When Trump first targeted Paul, Weiss, that law firm explored joining with other firms to mount a united front against Trump’s assault. But it quickly folded, and that effort evaporated. Reuters reported on Thursday that the cybersecurity industry was declining to rally behind SentinelOne and Krebs. Columbia University complied with Trump strong-arming last month by agreeing to a list of onerous demands from Trump to regain the $400 million in federal funding he suspended. Was that sufficient? Absolutely not.In response, the Trump White House did not resume the funding and raised the prospect of slapping a consent decree on Columbia that would place the school even more so under the thumb of the administration. Feed the leopard, and the leopard wants more. (Brown, Princeton, and Harvard have told Trump to get lost.)

ABC News settled with Trump ($15 million); Meta settled with Trump ($25 million). CBS has been considering settling a case that Trump filed against its news division. It’s all encouragement for worse and more dangerous conduct. On Sunday night, after 60 Minutes aired two stories about Trump, he called on Brendan Carr, his loyalist running the Federal Communications Commission, to revoke CBS’ broadcast license. (In his first days as FCC chief, Carr ordered investigations of NPR and PBS.)

I don’t expect these careerist MAGA cultists to make a peep. But I confess I am disappointed in the Establishment.

What the last few weeks have taught Trump is not only that revenge is sweet; it’s also so easy! Why cease? Many of his foes fold, and there’s been no political cost for his perversions of power. Republicans and conservatives once were eager to decry excessive presidential flexing. They screamed about Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden issuing too many executive orders and governing through these directives. Remember the outrage when Biden tried to wipe out some student debt through an executive order? Now these fretters about presidential abuses are silent. As are those Republicans and right-wingers who in the past railed about the so-called “weaponization” of government, such as, notably, Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio). Trump is literally exploiting his position to demean and destroy his detractors and his perceived enemies, even ordering the Justice Department to investigate a critic. Yet…crickets.

I know: You are stunned by the hypocrisy.

I don’t expect these careerist MAGA cultists to make a peep. But I confess I am disappointed in the Establishment: those law firms, universities, media organizations, and corporate leaders who are either bending the knee or not protesting Trump’s arguably illegal blackmail operation. With their silence, they are all complicit in Trump’s war on America and enabling his march toward autocracy. “This is the Vichy moment. It’s a classic collaborationist dilemma,” says Michael Roth, the president of Wesleyan University, which has not yet been assaulted by Trump. “You can have preserved your school, but you live in a sea of authoritarianism.”

Trump’s latest attack on a law firm (as of this writing) demonstrated how absurd and dangerous is the mad king. His target was Susman Godfrey, and the executive order he signed denounced the firm for alleged efforts to “weaponize the American legal system and degrade the quality of American elections.” Like similar directives, it did not specify the firm’s supposed misdeeds. But we know why Trump is after it. Susman Godfrey successfully represented Dominion Voting Systems against Fox News in the defamation case that accused the right-wing network of knowingly spreading Trump’s lies about the 2020 election and won the company a $787 million settlement from Fox. It also has represented Dominion in lawsuits against Rudy Giuliani, former Trump campaign lawyer Sidney Powell, and others who peddled pro-Trump conspiracy theories about the 2020 election. And it has handled Dominion’s similar lawsuit against Newsmax.

Here’s another way for Trump to keep fighting for his Big Lie—and to punish those who have helped expose it as utter bullcrap. (The executive order also excoriates Susman Godfrey for offering financial awards and employment opportunities to “students of color.”) As with the other firms on his hit list, Trump ordered the suspension of security clearances held by its attorneys, limited government interactions with the firm, and barred its lawyers’ access to federal buildings.

Susman, to its credit, is fighting back, as are Perkins Coie, WilmerHale, and Jenner & Block. These other law firms, each a target of a similar executive order, have sued Trump and won preliminary rulings that found Trumps’ directives violated the Constitution. In the lawsuit Susman filed against the Trump administration on Friday, it summarized the emergency at hand:

It ought to be a point of widespread consensus: A president should not use the authority of the federal government to pursue his personal vendettas.

In America we have, in the words of John Adams, a government of laws and not men. President Trump’s campaign of Executive Orders against law firms and others, including the Executive Order he signed on April 9, 2025 against Susman Godfrey, is a grave threat to this foundational premise of our Republic. The President is abusing the powers of his office to wield the might of the Executive Branch in retaliation against organizations and people that he dislikes. Nothing in our Constitution or laws grants a President such power; to the contrary, the specific provisions and overall design of our Constitution were adopted in large measure to ensure that presidents cannot exercise arbitrary, absolute power in the way that the President seeks to do in these Executive Orders.”

The firm added: “If President Trump’s Executive Orders are allowed to stand, future presidents will face no constraint when they seek to retaliate against a different set of perceived foes. What for two centuries has been beyond the pale will become the new normal. Put simply, this could be any of us.”

More than 500 law firms and hundreds of law professors and former judges have filed amicus briefs to support the law firms Trump has attacked. Still, many leaders in the legal world and elsewhere have stayed mum, cowed by Trump. It ought to be a point of widespread consensus: A president should not use the authority of the federal government to pursue his personal vendettas. In fact, Trump’s flagrant abuse of power might constitute an impeachable offense.

So far, Trump has (mostly) gotten away with it. Even if he loses in court, he has blackballed law firms, and potential clients with interests before the federal government have been sent a signal: Don’t hire these guys. The acquiescence and silence, no doubt, emboldens Trump. Who know who he’ll come after next? Corporations, nonprofits, Hollywood studios, think tanks? With many in the powers-that-be class yielding to Trump’s revenge-palooza or declining to protest it, there’s likely no end in sight. After all, a junkie is always looking for the next fix.

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Mother Jones

What Trump’s Tariff Shock Will Cost You

Justin Wolfers teaches economics 101 at the University of Michigan. It’s an introductory course about supply, demand, and trade. The basics. He wishes President Donald Trump hadattended.

Wolfers, an Australian known for his research on how happiness relates to income, is one of the more prominent economists speaking out against Trump’s sweeping tariffs. He says they not only betray the most basic laws of economics, but could very well tip the US into a completely avoidable recession.

In early April, Trump announced a series of tariffs not seen in the US since the Depression. The plan roiled the stock market, unsettled the bond market, and is resulting in an unprecedented global trade war. A week later, Trump backed off somewhat by announcing a 90-day pause on reciprocal tariffs, but remained in an escalating tit-for-tat with China, with no end in sight.

Trump has always argued that tariffs are needed to bring back manufacturing jobs to the US, which have been declining for half a century. But Wolfers says the president’s vision is misguided and steeped in fantasy. Even if the US can claw back manufacturing power in the future, he says, it will be dominated by automation and robotics, not humans.

“What we have here is an economic policy that’s fundamentally driven by nostalgia,” Wolfers says. “This is not how you rebuild the middle class.” He doesn’t know what the future of work will look like in the US but adds: “What I want to do is trust that people will make their own damn choices.”

On this episode of More To The Story, Wolfers sits down with host Al Letson to discuss why today’s tariffs are markedly different from the ones Trump imposed in 2018, the likelihood that the US tips into a recession, and ultimately how Trump’s tumultuous tariff plan might affect you.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app.

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Mother Jones

If Trump Doesn’t Fix This Blunder, “People Would Die in Their Homes”

This story was originally published b_y Grist a_nd is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

The summer of 2021 was brutal for residents of the Pacific Northwest. Cities across the region from Portland, Oregon, to Quillayute, Washington, broke temperature records by several degrees. In Washington, as the searing heat wave settled over the state, 125 people died from heat-related illnesses such as strokes and heart attacks, making it the deadliest weather event in the state’s history.

As officials recognized the heat wave’s disproportionate effect on low-income and unhoused people unable to access air-conditioning, they made a crucial change to the state’s energy assistance program. Since the early 1980s, states, tribes, and territories have received funds each year to help low-income people pay their electricity bills and install energy-efficiency upgrades through the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program, or LIHEAP.

Congress appropriates funds for the program, and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), doles it out to states in late fall. Until the summer of 2021, the initiative primarily provided heating assistance during Washington’s cold winter months. But that year, officials expanded the program to cover cooling expenses.

Last year, Congress appropriated $4.1 billion for the effort, and HHS disbursed 90 percent of the funds. But the program is now in jeopardy.

For states, replacing the program would be “a nearly impossible task.” They “can’t have enough bake sales.”

Earlier this month, HHS, led by Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., laid off 10,000 employees, including the roughly dozen or so people tasked with running LIHEAP. The agency was supposed to send out an additional $378 million this year, but those funds are now stuck in federal coffers without the staff needed to move the money out.

LIHEAP helps roughly 6 million people survive freezing winters and blistering summers, many of whom face greater risks now that the year’s warm season has already brought unusually high temperatures. Residents of Phoenix are expected to have their first 100-degree high any day now.

“We’re seeing the warm-weather states really coming up short with the funding necessary to assist people in the summer with extreme heat,” said one of the HHS employees who worked on the LIHEAP program and was recently laid off. Losing the people that ran the program is “absolutely devastating,” they said, because agency staff helped states and tribes understand the flexibilities in the program to serve people effectively, assistance that became extremely important with increasingly erratic weather patterns across the country.

In typical years, once Congress appropriates LIHEAP funds, HHS distributes the money in the fall in time for the colder months. States and other entities then make critical decisions about how much they spend during the winter and how much they save for the summer.

The need for LIHEAP funds has always been greater than what has been available. Only about 1 in 5 households that meet the program’s eligibility requirements receive funds. As a result, states often run out of money by the summer. At least a quarter of LIHEAP grant recipients run out of money at some point during the year, the former employee said.

“That remaining 10 percent would be really important to establish cooling assistance during the hot summer months, which is increasingly important,” said Katrina Metzler, executive director of the National Energy and Utility Affordability Coalition, a group of nonprofits and utilities that advances the needs of low-income people. “If LIHEAP were to disappear, people would die in their homes. That’s the most critical issue. It saves people.”

In addition to Washington, many other states have expanded their programs to provide both heating and cooling programs. Arizona, Texas, and Oregon now offer year-round cooling assistance.

HHS staff plays a crucial role in running LIHEAP. They assess how much each state, tribe, and territory will receive. They set rules for how the money could be used. They audit local programs to ensure funds are being spent as intended. All that may now be lost.

But according to Metzler, there are some steps that HHS could take to ensure that the program continues to be administered as Congress intended. First, and most obvious, the agency could reinstate those who were fired. Short of that, the agency could move the program to another department within HHS or contract out the responsibilities.

But ultimately, Metzler continued, LIHEAP funds need to be distributed so those in need can access it. “Replacing the federal Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program is a nearly impossible task,” she said. States “can’t have enough bake sales to replace” it.

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Mother Jones

How to Call Congress—When the Phone Isn’t an Option

As someone who is deaf, Sara Nović says, “the phone has long been my nemesis.”

Nović, an organizer and author of the novel True Biz, has tried to call their representatives in Congress by phone—but they’ve been hung up on. When they started organizing earlier this year with fellow deaf people on issues like Donald Trump’s attacks on the federal Department of Education, Novic wrote in an email, “we started getting feedback from reliable sources that, due to the offices being overloaded, they were only really counting phone calls, and either not tallying emails or weighing those contacts less.”

At protests and rallies since Trump’s return to office, organizers often encourage people to call their representatives in order to fight changes that harm Americans. The pressure to call, not email, is just one of many challenges to disabled people’s participation in democracy—despite new urgency to resist the Trump administration’s attacks on disability rights through its campaigns against diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, the dismantling of the Administration for Community Living, and more.

“It’s my dream that all activist efforts would be planned for the broadest possible accessibility.”

Calling representatives has long been a straightforward way to push for political change; although there’s growing demand for such calls as part of the wave of protest action that has followed Trump’s return, some disabled people have long been left out by accessibility challenges.

There is assistive technology: video relays that connect Deaf people, for example, to American Sign Language interpreters who read out their messages. But there’s an often unfamiliar lag associated with that, Nović explained, and people on the other end tend to hang up.

A former legislative director for a Democratic member of Congress, now working in advocacy, told me phone calls tend to be encouraged because they can better disrupt business as usual.

“If you got a thousand phone calls in a day, phones ringing off the hook, that’s an audible thing in the office,” the former legislative director said. “It is probably overwhelming the more junior and front-line staff who typically field the phone calls, so more senior staff are having to pitch in and answer calls.”

Emails, the legislative director said, are for the most part put into batches based on the issue and how the constituent feels: “They will send the same letter to everybody who is writing, who are saying the tariffs are bad,” he said by way of example, “that will express their boss’ viewpoint.”

At the same time, another disabled person living with hearing sensitivity told me they wished that activism groups would put more of an emphasis on allowing for email-based advocacy, too: “It’s my dream that all activist efforts would be planned for the broadest possible accessibility and inclusivity,” they wrote in an email.

The Autistic Self-Advocacy Network (ASAN) has responded to concerns that some disabled people’s voices aren’t being heard by setting up a proxy calling system for issues with significant impact for disabled people. The system, first established in 2019, can accommodate six to nine action items each year. Disabled people—they do not have to be autistic—can fill out a form and have a volunteer call on their behalf, ASAN communications manager Dean Strauss told me.

“It takes a huge step forward in terms of advocacy, especially for nonspeaking autistic folks, that you don’t have to have a friend or a caregiver make the call for you,” he said. “You get to decide what you want to say and what’s going to happen because you get to make your voice heard.”

ASAN has about 50 volunteers helping to make proxy calls, who can make an impact by picking up even just a few calls at a time, with no set hours; it received 24 call requests in the first week after a call for action to protect Medicaid was announced in March.

“We do get folks who are excited, like, ‘I have an autistic child, and I want to be able to help the community,’” Strauss said, “but we also get a lot of like, ‘I am an autistic person, and I want to help my community.’”

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