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The One Crime Trump Doesn’t Seem to Have a Problem With? Domestic Violence.

Speaking at the Museum of the Bible on Monday, President Donald Trump repeated one of his favorite falsehoods as of late: That his deployment of the National Guard in Washington, DC, has virtually eliminated crime in the nation’s capital.

That is, of course, not true. But if that outright falsehood was not egregious enough, consider that Trump also complained that reports of domestic violence are inflating crime statistics and implied they should not be considered “crimes” at all.

“Things that take place in the home, they call crime,” Trump said. “They’ll do anything they can to find something. If a man has a little fight with the wife, they say this was a crime, see? So now I can’t claim 100 percent.”

Trump minimizes domestic abuse during a talk at the Museum of the Bible: "Things that take place in the home, they call crime … If a man has a little fight with the wife, they say this was a crime, see?"

Phil Lewis (@phillewis.bsky.social) 2025-09-08T15:44:26.977Z

Dawn Dalton, executive director of the DC Coalition Against Domestic Violence, told me on Monday: “We don’t agree with what the president is saying.” Nearly half of women in DC, and more than 40 percent of men, have experienced intimate partner violence or stalking in their lifetimes, according to statistics the coalition compiled last year. Nationwide, an average of two dozen people per minute are victims of rape, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner, according to the National Domestic Violence Hotline.

“There have been federal and local statutes in place for decades that do name domestic violence as a crime,” Dalton added, “and we know that domestic violence is often a precursor to other crimes, including domestic violence homicides as well as mass shootings.” Indeed,research has found that in nearly 70 percent of mass shootings, perpetrators had a history of domestic violence or had killed at least one partner or family member.

“The frequency and the harm [of domestic violence] is not paid enough attention to, and remarks such as the president’s certainly underscore that truth,” Dalton added.

Abigail Jackson, a spokesperson for the White House, said in a statement provided to Mother Jones: “Of course the President wasn’t talking about or downplaying domestic violence—and any Fake News hacks trying to use this as a political cudgel against the President are doing a great service to actual domestic abusers and criminals around the country.”

In fact, Trump has not only downplayed domestic violence through his speech, but also through his actions: His administration has cut millions of dollars in grants earmarked for victims of crime, including domestic violence, and has tried to force domestic violence service providers to agree to hand crime victims over to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in order to receive federal dollars.

A statement like the one Trump made is also not surprising when you consider the man that uttered it has himself been accused of rape by his ex-wife, Ivana Trump. She later claimed she did not mean it “in a literal or criminal sense,” adding that she “felt violated.” (Trump denied the allegation.)

Trump has also stacked his Cabinet and surrounded himself with men who have faced similar accusations. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s own mother called him “an abuser of women,” in a 2018 email, though she told the New York Times last year that she subsequently recanted and apologized for it. Hegseth has also been accused of rape and sexually inappropriate behavior, charges which he denies. (Hegseth paid the woman who made the rape accusation, the Washington Post reported, but he alleges the interaction was consensual.) Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. was accused of groping a babysitter in the late 1990s. While running for president last year, he texted her to apologize and said he had no memory of the incident. Ex-Department of Government Efficiency head and Trump frenemy Elon Musk was accused of sexual misconduct by a SpaceX flight attendant in 2016, but he denied the claim—after Business Insider reported that the company paid her $250,000 in 2018 to keep her from filing a lawsuit. And Rob Porter, a top White House aide, abruptly resigned during Trump’s first term after two of his ex-wives came forward with domestic abuse allegations, which Trump himself cast doubt on.

While there is ample evidence that the police do not always protect domestic violence victims or respond adequately to domestic abuse, it seems very unlikely that this is what Trump was referring to. The man is, after all, about the furthest thing from an abolitionist: His so-called One Big Beautiful Bill allocated more than $100 billion to ICE—the same agency that has created a chilling effect for immigrant survivors of domestic violence seeking help, as I previously reported. And the president has repeatedly threatened to send the National Guard to take over other cities after doing so in DC and Los Angeles.

Instead, his latest comments are a throwback to the infamous Access Hollywood tape. Trump seems to believe that, if you’re a man, “you can do anything” to women—and that you deserve to get away with it.

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Mother Jones

Impeach RFK Jr.

The below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

Of all the unqualified extremists Donald Trump has appointed to his Cabinet, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., as of now, poses the most direct threat to the nation. The secretary of health and human services is devastating the United States’ public health system and promoting quack science that imperils the lives of Americans. In recent weeks, he has decapitated the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, canceled mRNA vaccination research that held the potential for amazing medical breakthroughs, and loaded an important vaccine advisory panel with vaccine critics.

Kennedy is a threat to the well-being of the American citizenry. That’s why House Democrats should move to impeach him.

His promotion of vaccination opposition—don’t call him a vaccine “skeptic”; he’s a vaccine foe—has fostered an environment in which Florida this week announced it was ending all vaccine mandates for schoolchildren, with the state’s surgeon general, Joseph Ladapo, bizarrely declaring every vaccine mandate “is wrong and drips with disdain and slavery.” It’s unlikely a state would have taken this risky and outrageous step if the federal government—led by the HHS secretary and the president—would have denounced the move. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has no such worries with Kennedy and Trump.

Kennedy is a threat to the well-being of the American citizenry. That’s why House Democrats should move to impeach him.

This week, in a column for the New York Times, nine former CDC directors—who collectively served under every president from Jimmy Carter to Trump—asserted that Kennedy has waged a war on public health. Here is their summation of the damage he has done:

Mr. Kennedy has fired thousands of federal health workers and severely weakened programs designed to protect Americans from cancer, heart attacks, strokes, lead poisoning, injury, violence and more. Amid the largest measles outbreak in the United States in a generation, he’s focused on unproven treatments while downplaying vaccines. He canceled investments in promising medical research that will leave us ill-prepared for future health emergencies. He replaced experts on federal health advisory committees with unqualified individuals who share his dangerous and unscientific views. He announced the end of U.S. support for global vaccination programs that protect millions of children and keep Americans safe, citing flawed research and making inaccurate statements. And he championed federal legislation that will cause millions of people with health insurance through Medicaid to lose their coverage. Firing [CDC director] Dr. [Susan] Monarez — which led to the resignations of top CDC officials—adds considerable fuel to this raging fire.

He testified that he doesn’t know how many people died of Covid and whether the vaccines prevented Covid deaths: “The problem is they didn’t have the data.” But that data does exist.

More than 1,000 current and former HHS employees signed an open letter calling for Kennedy to resign or be fired. They noted he has appointed “political ideologues who pose as scientific experts and manipulate data to fit predetermined conclusions”; selected “David Geier, supporter of debunked theories linking vaccines to autism, to lead an HHS investigation on vaccines and autism”; refused to be “briefed by well-regarded CDC experts on vaccine-preventable diseases”; rescinded “the Food and Drug Administration’s emergency use authorizations for COVID-19 vaccines without providing the data or methods used to reach such a decision”; and insulted the HHS workforce by declaring, “Trusting experts is not a feature of either science or democracy.”

On Thursday, Kennedy, appearing before the Senate Finance Committee, repeatedly lied during a contentious hearing. He insisted he had not broken the vow he previously made to senators to not do anything to limit vaccines, though that’s exactly what he has done. He falsely claimed the CDC was overrun by financial conflicts and inaccurately said that was why he fired all 17 members of a vaccine advisory panel. (His new appointees have their own financial conflicts.) He testified that he doesn’t know how many people died of Covid and whether the vaccines prevented Covid deaths: “The problem is they didn’t have the data.” But that data does exist.

Kennedy demonstrated his slipperiness by agreeing that Trump ought to receive a Nobel prize for Operation Warp Speed, which developed the Covid vaccines, though he has previously said the Covid vaccine killed many people and was a “crime against humanity.” He told the senators that “there are no cuts to Medicaid.” But the Congressional Budget Office says that Medicaid provisions in Trump’s tax-and-spending bill would increase the number of people without health insurance by 7.8 million in 2034. And RFK Jr. hurled other falsehoods.

None of this is new. Kennedy has long been shown to be a deranged liar and conspiracy theorist. He lied during his confirmation hearings to hide his not-secret agenda to annihilate the nation’s vaccine regimen. And now we can see what happens when a disingenuous crusader obsessed with crackpot notions is put in charge of the US public health system.

Medical and scientific organizations—including the American Public Health Association, the American Society for Virology, and the Pediatric Infectious Diseases Society—have called for his dismissal. And numerous Democratic senators have done the same. House Democrats ought to do them one better and introduce articles of impeachment.

Do Americans want to Make Measles Great Again? Do they desire a wrecked public health system and severe cuts in research for cancer, Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s, and other diseases? Do they want to be unprepared for the next pandemic?

Cabinet members can be impeached. This has happened twice in US history. William Belknap, who served as secretary of war for President Ulysses Grant, was impeached in 1876 for his involvement in what was called the trader post scandal (in which he was accused of receiving kickbacks on federal contracts). He was acquitted by the Senate. In 2024, House Republicans impeached Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas for supposedly not complying with federal immigration law. The Democratic-controlled Senate dismissed the articles of impeachment, contending they did not “allege conduct that rises to the level of a high crime or misdemeanor.”

Yes, there’s not much chance that articles of impeachment filed against Kennedy in the House, which is ruled by Trump’s cult, will get too far. But as Trump continues his authoritarian rampage and his administration implements profoundly harmful policies, the Ds need to acknowledge they are not in a conventional political battle and, most important, show some fight. Do Americans want to Make Measles Great Again? Do they desire a wrecked public health system and severe cuts in research for cancer, Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s, and other diseases? Do they want to be unprepared for the next pandemic?

These are extreme times. House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries a few days ago stated that he’d like to work with Trump on affordable housing legislation. (See Dumbass Comment of the Week below.) The desire for bipartisanship is a tough craving for some of these guys and gals to kick. But to earn the trust and votes of concerned Americans, Democrats must show that they understand the multiple crises at hand and that they are willing and able to engage in the trench warfare that the Trump threat demands. Targeting Trump’s worst henchmen (and henchwomen) is just one way they can do that.

This can be a piece of the party’s 2026 strategy. The Democrats are aiming to regain the House and have hopes—though not as high—for the Senate. The most likely positive outcome for them at this point is a win in only the lower chamber. (I’m assuming nothing exceptional occurs to prevent or hinder the midterm elections—which is not an unsubstantial assumption.) Were the Democrats to triumph only in the House, their ability to thwart Trump’s assault on American democracy would increase but still be limited. They could mount investigations and issue subpoenas, but they could not pass legislation. And it’s important to keep in mind that much of what Trump has done in the past seven months to grab and consolidate power has not involved legislation. But the Democrats would hold the power of impeachment. And laying down a marker now for a Kennedy impeachment would be a serious flex.

What’s his impeachable offense? Endangering citizens ought to count, and lying to Congress is indeed a felony. His lies are life-and-death matters.

Why not move to impeach Trump? you ask. His authoritarian, unconstitutional abuses of power and arguably illegal moves could justify that. But the country has been through this before (twice!), and impeachment of a president is a direct defiance of the electorate’s will. Another Trump impeachment would allow an unpopular Trump to rally his supporters to oppose what he will call a new Democratic “hoax.” And his brown-nosing GOP lickspittles in the Senate would have his back. Also, a Democratic attempt to impeach Trump might make it seem the Democrats are as bent on revenge as Trump.

Impeaching Kennedy would cast the spotlight on his policies—which are not supported by the public—and place pressure on the handful of Republicans in the House and Senate who still have some connection to reality and who realize that Kennedy is a menace. What’s his impeachable offense? Endangering citizens ought to count, and lying to Congress is indeed a felony. His lies are life-and-death matters.

A handful of Republicans have begun to challenge Kennedy—or, that is, express concern about his perfidy. Talking about Kennedy’s recent decisions on vaccines, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), a medical doctor who has long championed vaccination, said, “This is about children’s health. This is about how we protect the children of the United States of America. There’s allegations that that that health is being endangered. We need to try not presupposing anybody’s right or wrong. We got to get to the bottom of it.”

For a Republican in the Trump era, that weaselly statement counts as criticism. The bottom is already evident. Kennedy is undermining vaccinations for children and for adults. Cassidy had the chance to stop this during Kennedy’s confirmation process, when he was a key vote. After much pondering, he chickened out, backed Kennedy, and assumed a huge chunk of responsibility for the mess Kennedy is creating.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) also was grousing about Kennedy this week. She asserted that the firing of Monarez and the departure of other high-level disease experts at the CDC raise “considerable questions about what is happening within the agency. Americans must be able to fully trust that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention rigorously adheres to science-based and data-driven principles when issuing policy directives. The removal of the director after such a short tenure appears to be evidence that politics are taking precedence over policy. I fully support…Cassidy’s call for congressional oversight and look forward to participating in the committee’s work.”

She, too, voted to place Kennedy at HHS. No point in crying for the barn door to be closed now. The mad horseman of the apocalypse is on a breakneck gallop.

Kennedy presents a clear and present danger. He is Exhibit No. 1 that the Trump regime is a fever swamp of fringe views, grift, extremism, and conspiracism. As the House Democrats prepare for the coming electoral battle against the forces of Trumpism, they will have to do more than highlight their gazillion policy proposals and proclaim their ideas for health care, the economy, retirement security, and you-name-it are the best. They must display fierceness—over and over. Moving to impeach Kennedy is one way to do this. And it has the benefit of being fully warranted.

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Mother Jones

We Can Remove Toxic Forever Chemicals From Drinking Water. Why Aren’t We?

This story was originally published by WIRED and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

A new study finds that technologies installed to remove “forever chemicals” from drinking water are also doing double-duty by removing harmful other materials—including some substances that have been linked to certain types of cancer.

The study, published Thursday in the journal ACS ES&T Water, comes as the Trump administration is overhauling a rule mandating that water systems take action to clean up forever chemicals in drinking water.

Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS), colloquially referred to as forever chemicals, are a class of thousands of chemicals that do not degrade in the environment and have been linked to a slew of worrying health outcomes, including various cancers, hormonal disorders, and developmental delays. Because they do not degrade, they are uniquely pervasive: a 2023 study from the US Geological Survey estimated that 45 percent of tap water in the US could contain at least one PFAS chemical.

Last year, the Biden administration finalized a rule establishing the first-ever legal limits of PFAS in drinking water, setting strict limits for six kinds of PFAS chemicals and mandating that water utilities needed to clean up drinking water under these limits by 2029. But in May, the Environmental Protection Agency said it would be reconsidering regulations on four of the six chemicals in the original rule and extend the deadline by two years. The changes come after widespread outcry from water utilities, who say that the costs of installing PFAS filtration systems would be far beyond what the agency originally estimated.

“There’s this gray area in between what is safe and what is legal where there’s still some risk, which is why we’re so concerned about all of these contaminants.”

“Building on the historic actions to address PFAS during the first Trump Administration, EPA is tackling PFAS from all of our program offices, advancing research and testing, stopping PFAS from getting into drinking water systems, holding polluters accountable, and more,” Brigit Hirsch, EPA press secretary, told WIRED in a statement. “This is just a fraction of the work the agency is doing on PFAS during President Trump’s second term to ensure Americans have the cleanest air, land, and water.”

Hirsch also emphasized that as EPA reconsiders standards for the four chemicals in question, “it is possible that the result could be more stringent requirements.”

Experts say the costs of cleaning up PFAS could have other benefits beyond just getting forever chemicals out of Americans’ water supply. The authors of the new study—all employees of the Environmental Working Group (EWG), a nonprofit that does research on chemical safety—say that technology that gets rid of PFAS can also filter out a number of other harmful substances, including some that are created as byproducts of the water treatment process itself.

The study looks at three types of water filtration technologies that have been proven to remove PFAS. These technologies “are really widespread, they’ve been in use for a really long time, and they’re well-documented to remove a large number of contaminants,” says Sydney Evans, a senior analyst at EWG and coauthor of the report.

Most routine water disinfection processes in the US entail adding a chemical—usually chlorine—to the water. While this process removes harmful pathogens, it can’t leach out PFAS or other types of contaminants, including heavy metals and elements like arsenic.

This method of disinfection can also, paradoxically, create some harmful byproducts as chlorine reacts to organic compounds present in water or in infrastructure like pipes. Long-term exposure to some of these byproducts has been linked to specific types of cancer. While there are some federal guidelines for water utilities to follow, experts say that a growing body of research illustrates that there’s a gap between what is legal and what is safe. (It’s also not uncommon for utilities to find water samples that exceed legal limits: Officials in Springfield, Massachusetts, and Akron, Ohio, have notified residents this year that their water was polluted with disinfection byproducts.)

“There’s this gray area in between what is safe and what is legal where there’s still some risk, which is why we’re so concerned about all of these contaminants,” says Evans, some of whose past work has focused on the links between disinfection byproducts and cancer.

“It’s really an interesting first effort to try to diagnose ancillary benefits—and perhaps unintended benefits—from installing advanced water treatment systems intended to remove PFAS,” says P. Lee Ferguson, a professor of civil and environmental engineering at Duke University. “This gets at a question many of us have asked, and that I’ve thought about quite a bit: [with] the very act of installing advanced treatment intended to remove really recalcitrant contaminants like PFAS, you really do have the potential to get a lot of other benefits.”

While putting together the study’s methodology, the researchers also demonstrated how large the gap in advanced technology is between smaller water systems and bigger ones. Just 7 percent of water systems serving fewer than 500 customers had some kind of advanced water filtration system, as opposed to nearly 30 percent of water systems serving more than 100,000 people. These smaller systems, the EWG researchers say, overwhelmingly serve rural and under-resourced populations. Cost explains a lot here: These types of technologies are much more expensive than treating water with chlorine. (In May, the EPA said it would launch an initiative called PFAS OUT, which will connect with water utilities that need to make upgrades and provide “tools, funding, and technical assistance.”)

The relatively small sample size of 19 water systems, and the lack of detail in the data, means there are some wide discrepancies in the results, says Bridger Ruyle, an assistant professor of environmental engineering at NYU who studies PFAS and water systems. Some of the systems in the study saw a nearly complete reduction in disinfection byproducts after they installed advanced filtration; at the other extreme, some water systems actually showed a gain in byproducts after they installed the filtration systems.

This, Ruyle says, doesn’t mean that the technology isn’t effective. Rather, it calls for more research into how variables like new exposure sources and seasonality might be affecting specific plants.

“In the lab, you can do all of these controlled studies, and you can say, ‘Oh yes, we eliminate all of the PFAS, and that also takes care of some other contaminant issues of concern,’” he says. “But when you’re talking about the real operation of a water facility, the environmental behavior of PFAS and these other chemicals are not the same. You could have different seasonal patterns, you could have different sources, you could have climate change impacting different components. And so, just because we’re treating a certain inflow of PFAS, a lot of other things could be happening to these other chemicals kind of independently.”

The question of cost comes back to who, exactly, needs to be on the hook to pay to clean up water. In communities across the country, water utilities are folding new PFAS testing and remediation measures into other needed upgrades, and some consumers are seeing their bills skyrocket. But understanding the full benefits of some of these fixes can help scientists and policymakers better grasp the path forward.

“This is an enormous financial challenge,” Ruyle says. “And at the same time, it’s a financial need. There’s a big focus now in the Trump administration from the MAHA movement [around] what are these causes of all of these health and well-being ills. If you’re not willing to put up the money to upgrade infrastructure, to actually address proven causes of environmental harm, then what are we going to do?”

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Mother Jones

Trump Has Turned the National Guard Into Mall Cops. Cost? $1 Million a Day.

When I went out to fetch lunch last Wednesday, three Louisiana Guard members were lounging outside the Mother Jones building, enjoying the perfect weather and watching dialysis patients spilling out of Metro access vans. The soldiers wore handcuffs on their belts and handguns strapped to their thighs, unaware that they were protecting some enemies of the people inside.

Later that afternoon, even more soldiers flocked to our building after a fire truck and ambulance pulled up to deal with a medical emergency. The Guard members stomped around, barking into walkie-talkies, but they contributed little more to the operation than the reporter and other rubberneckers on the sidewalk. They were back on Friday, clustered near the parking garage like smokers sheltering from the wind.

President Donald Trump has deployed more than 2,200 of these National Guard members to DC to execute his “historic action to rescue our nation’s capital from crime, bloodshed, bedlam and squalor and worse,” as he described it during an August 11 news conference. “This is liberation day in DC, and we’re going to take our capital back.”

City officials protested that crime in DC had fallen to near-historic lows. DC Mayor Muriel Bowser called the presence of the military in the city “un-American.”

American soldiers and airmen policing American citizens on American soil is #UnAmerican.

— Muriel Bowser (@MurielBowser) August 17, 2025

Nonetheless, armored vehicles rolled in the next day and lined up in front of the Washington Monument. The initial optics of an occupied city were terrifying,the fever dream of a budding authoritarian. Several weeks later, however, the military “liberation” of DC looks a lot different from the war on crime that Trump had promised to bring to our city.

National Guard members here aren’t actually doing much. Groups of bored soldiers seem to wander aimlessly around the city like tourists, taking selfies at national monuments and enjoying our varied dining offerings. On Tuesday, when I was walking my dog, I ran into a few Guard members patrolling my local coffee shop. The regulars were chatting them up, while expressing polite outrage at the militarization of this quiet, historic, gayborhood.

The soldiers were from Louisiana, a state whose capital city boasts a crime rate twice as high as DC’s. In their civilian lives, one was a cop, another an “assistant chiropractor.” They seemed oblivious to the pressing local crime wave: cyclists in the nearby bike lane blowing through the stop light, a scourge endlessly decried by the café denizens.

Groups of bored soldiers seem to wander aimlessly around the city like tourists, taking selfies at national monuments and enjoying our local dining offering

The presence of all these soldiers in my orbit this week left me pondering something that had nagged me since they first arrived in DC last month: If I got mugged in broad daylight, what could those National Guard members really, legally, do?

I put the question to John Dehn, a West Point grad and professor in the national security and civil rights program at Loyola University Chicago School of Law. The answer, he explained, depends on the mission and “the specific operational plans that have been put in place.” These guidelines, he said, are spelled out in the “Rules for the Use of Force,” which Guard members are supposed to carry with them. Two weeks ago, a HuffPost reporter got one from a local Guard member and posted it online.

Had a chance to stop a member of the Guard and ask whether they carried any guidance on their person about Posse Comitatus Act (and/or a list of "exceptions" like the troops in LA were given per DOJ). He didn't seem sure what PCA is but did show me this doc he had in his pocket on rules of force.

Brandi Buchman (@brandibuchman.bsky.social) 2025-08-23T15:51:43.825Z

The RUF and Rules of Conduct statethat “This is a civilian SUPPORT mission.” The document emphasizes that the National Guard can’t arrest people. Nor can soldiersinvestigate anything or conduct searches and seizures, hostage negotiations, or extract a suspect from a barricade. Trump made a big deal recently about allowing Guard members to carry weapons, but the RUF says they are strictly prohibited from using those weapons except for self-defense and defense of others. No pulling a gun on a fleeing suspect. (“Warning shots are NOT authorized.”)

A JTF-DC spokesperson later confirmed that the National Guard “will not be conducting law enforcement.” However, the Department of Justice recently deputized many Guard members as US Marshals. The DC Attorney General has argued in a lawsuit that deputizing them does, in fact, empower National Guard members to make searches, seizures, and arrests, and as such, violates the 1878 Posse Comitatus Act, which bans the military from participating in domestic law enforcement.

Given all the mixed messages, the Guard members I spoke with appeared somewhat confused about what the rules of engagement were. But they seemed to agree that if they witness a crime, they are mainly supposed to detain a suspect if possible, call for help, and wait for real cops to show up. “If there’s any concerns, we notify Metropolitan Police Department or the right personnel to make sure that the situation is taken care of,” US Air Force Maj. Jay Green, a chaplain with the 113th Wing, District of Columbia Air National Guard, explained in one recent Defense Department website posting.

That seems to be what they’re doing in DC. The Washington Post recently sent out a team of reporters to observe troops during rush hour in the Metro system. Fanning out across various stations, Post reporters witnessed National Guard members standing around watching Metro police arrest a woman with an outstanding warrant. They did not assist.

In another station, a Metro rider mistakenly assumed the soldiers could help and told them someone was selling drugs on a stalled train. What did they do with that information? “One of the Guard members passed the details about the alleged drug dealer to Metro police,” the Post reported.

The Defense Department has published several puff pieces on military websites touting the National Guard’s work in DC. But even those official accounts indicate that when Guard members witness a crime, their main job is to call for help and wait for the local cops to arrive. Last month, for instance, Joint Task Force-DC proudly announced in an online release that two Guard members had “alerted local law enforcement to a potentially life-threatening situation involving a man brandishing a knife and threatening another man at the Waterfront Metro Station.”

“We showed our presence and then made sure that citizens around that area were safe,” said US Army Capt. Giho Yang, with the District of Columbia Army National Guard. “To do that, we had to partner up and communicate with the law enforcement officers that were nearby, making sure that we had eyes and ears on the situation to keep everyone safe.”

They didn’t mention whether any ordinary citizens also communicated with the nearby law enforcement officers or called 911, as they are wont to do when they see someone brandishing a knife in a subway station.

It’s probably a good thing that the National Guard isn’t doing more to fight crime in DC. They’re not trained for domestic law enforcement. Besides, DC has seen plenty of enhanced federal policing since Trump declared his crime emergency. Most of the action is driven by the city’s multitude of federal law enforcement agencies, suchas the US Park Police, plus the stepped-up presence of ICE and Border Patrol. They’re the ones kidnapping and beating up DoorDash drivers, chasing drivers with fake tags and causing car crashes, and arresting people for drinking in public.

But using soldiers as props in Trump’s fake crime emergency seems insulting to people serving the country honorably. Indeed, deployed to a city whose crime rate was already plummeting, the National Guard has been filling the time by picking up trash and spreading mulch in federal parks. Social media wags have dubbed them “National Gardeners.” (“Fighting crime one weed at a time,” the local joke goes.)

National Guard doing landscaping right now in McPherson Square.
byu/sillychillly ineconomy

As humiliating as this might be for the troops, they are providing DC with a useful service. Some 200 US Park Service employees once helped maintain the city’s parks and gardens. But soon after taking office this year, Trump got rid of all but 20 of them, leaving the city’s lovely green spaces seriously neglected. Of course, at the cost of $1 million a day, the military troops make very expensive landscapers.

The pointlessness of sending the National Guard to pretend to fight crime in DC isn’t deterring Trump from planning to repeat the operation in other cities, even though a federal judge just ruled that it’s blatantly illegal. Trump appears intent on “creating a national police force with the President as its chief,” US District Judge Charles Breyer warned in a September 2 decision, finding that Trump’s use of the military in LA earlier this summer violated the Posse Comitatus Act.

Because the District of Columbia is not a state, Trump has had more leeway in deploying the National Guard here. Nonetheless, on Thursday, the city sued the administration, arguing that the National Guard deployment in DC is illegal and runs “roughshod over a fundamental tenet of American democracy—that the military should not be involved in domestic law enforcement.”

Trump has claimed that DC “is very safe right now” since he sent in the troops, and that crime has plummeted. Even if that’s true, and it’s not clear that it is, the ceasefire is likely to be short-lived.

“You can have a massive police presence that you put in the communities,” Elliott Currie, professor of criminology at the University of California, Irvine, told me recently. “They can really show some impressive optics when they do this… But history tells us you can never sustain this for very long.”

The DC National Guard recently announced that its deployment to the city will be extended through December. But eventually, the local criminal class seems likely to realize that the soldiers are no more of a threat to their activity than CVS security guards. And when that happens, Trump’s vaunted crime reduction may prove as ephemeral as his plan to end the war in Ukraine.

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Mother Jones

Let’s Review Trump’s Week of Massive Legal Losses, Shall We?

It was a week of so much losing.

Over the past week, President Donald Trump and his authoritarian agenda have sustained one loss after another in the courts. Putting all of them together reveals a stunning legal rebuke, and unsurprisingly, Trump World has been erupting with anger and petulance. Let’s review:

  • Last Friday, a federal appeals court ruled that Trump’s reciprocal tariffs were basically illegal, as my colleague Inae Oh covered. (On Truth Social, Trump alleged the court was “Highly Partisan,” adding, “If these Tariffs ever went away, it would be a total disaster for the Country.”)
  • The same day, a federal judge ruled that the administration could not fast-track deportations of people detained far from the southern border. (White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller called the ruling a “judicial coup.”)
  • Last Sunday, a federal judge temporarily blocked the administration from deporting hundreds of unaccompanied Guatemalan children. (Miller alleged the “Biden judge” was “effectively kidnapping these migrant children.”)
  • On Tuesday, an appeals court upheld a lower court’s ruling requiring Trump to rehire fired Federal Trade Commissioner Rebecca Kelly Slaughter. That prompted the administration to ask the Supreme Court to allow the firing to proceed.
  • The same day, a federal judge ruled that Trump’s deployment of the National Guard to Los Angeles was illegal, alleging that the president and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth are “creating a national police force with the President as its chief.” (White House spokesperson Anna Kelly characterized the ruling as “a rogue judge…trying to usurp the authority of the commander in chief to protect American cities from violence and destruction.”)
  • On Wednesday, a federal judge ruled that the administration broke the law when it froze billions of dollars in research funds to Harvard. (White House spokesperson Liz Huston called the decision “egregious.”)
  • On Thursday, an appeals court ruled that Trump could not cancel billions of dollars in foreign aid without getting approval from Congress. (The administration already appealed the decision.)
  • And on Friday, a federal judge blocked Trump from revoking the temporary legal status of hundreds of thousands of Haitian and Venezuelan immigrants. (A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson said the ruling “delays justice,” adding, “unelected activist judges cannot stop the will of the American people for a safe and secure homeland.”)

On top of all this, as my colleague James West covered, a new NBC poll out today shows that the majority of Americans—57 percent—disapprove of the job Trump is doing.

We may not be able to rely on the Supreme Court to keep Trump in check, but based on the last week or so, it seems we can trust the lower courts to step in where the high court will not.

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Mother Jones

Florida Surgeon General Admits He Banned Vaccine Mandates Based on Vibes

After his announcement this week that he would seek to eliminate “all vaccine mandates,” Florida’s surgeon general, Dr. Joseph Ladapo, made one thing clear: This decision was based on no science, just vibes.

In an interview on CNN’s State of the Union on Sunday morning, Ladapo told host Jake Tapper that officials did not undertake any analysis to determine how many new cases of hepatitis A, whooping cough, and chickenpox would arise after the ending of vaccine mandates. “There’s this conflation of the science and sort of, what is the right and wrong thing to do?” Ladapo said, before proceeding to claim that the whooping cough vaccine is ineffective at preventing transmission. (Research has shown the whooping cough vaccine is safe and effective; the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says the protection they provide “decreases over time.”)

He continued: “This is an issue very clearly of parents’ rights. So do I need to analyze whether it’s appropriate for parents to be able to decide what goes into their children’s bodies?”

"Absolutely not." @FLSurgeonGen admits he didn't study impact before calling to lift vaccine mandate pic.twitter.com/bJCo0aNvk0

— State of the Union (@CNNSOTU) September 7, 2025

In fact, as my colleague Kiera Butler explained when Ladapo announced his decision this week it is an issue of public health—not “parents’ rights”:

If successful, such a move could have broad implications for workers across state government sectors. Most significantly, it could allow many more unvaccinated children to attend school, putting others at risk of acquiring highly contagious and potentially deadly diseases such as measles and polio.

Under Ladapo’s leadership, Florida’s rates of routine childhood vaccination—shots that protect against catastrophic diseases like polio and tetanus—have already declined. Today, the immunization rate for kindergartners is 90 percent, the lowest it’s been in a decade, and below the threshold required to prevent the spread of some serious illnesses. The rate of families seeking religious exemptions to school vaccine requirements has increased over the past few years.

All this is part of why, as Tapper mentioned, experts ranging from Ladapo’s predecessor, Scott Rivkees, to major medical groups including the American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics have voiced their opposition to the plan.

A Washington Post-KFF poll conducted in July also found that more than 80 percent of Florida parents said public schools should require vaccines for measles and polio, with some health and religious exceptions. A new NBC News poll out today shows that nearly 80 percent of Americans strongly or somewhat support vaccines. Even President Donald Trump seems skeptical of Ladapo’s decision, telling reporters in the Oval Office this week: “I think we have to be very careful. We have some vaccines that are so amazing… I think you have to be very careful when you say that some people don’t have to be vaccinated.”

Even President Trump gets it right once in awhile.

Vaccines are safe and effective. They have saved millions of lives.

Sadly, Sec. Kennedy disagrees.

We need an HHS Secretary who believes in science, not conspiracy theories.pic.twitter.com/14D0Gnet11

— Sen. Bernie Sanders (@SenSanders) September 6, 2025

Later in the CNN interview, Ladapo seemed to slightly revise his argument, claiming that officials did not do any projections ahead of killing off vaccine mandates because they already recognized that outbreaks would, in fact, be inevitable: “We don’t need to do any projections. We handle outbreaks all the time. So there’s nothing special that we would need to do. And, secondly, again, there are countries that don’t have vaccine mandates, and the sky isn’t falling over there.”

So, buckle up, Florida. Your surgeon general just admitted that outbreaks of vaccine-preventable disease are coming.

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Mother Jones

Americans Continue to Really Dislike Trump and the Things He Does

NBC is out with a new poll this morning showing Americans continue to dislike Trump and the things he’s doing—including the things he said he was really good at, like fixing the economy. Respondents to the NBC News Decision Desk Poll reported weak approval across a range of signature issues, including tariffs, and mass deportations, while expressing overwhelming support for vaccines—a sharp contrast to the turmoil inside the administration over vaccine policy.

The topline approval rating remains in negative territory, with 57 percent saying they disapprove of the president’s job and 43 percent saying they approve—a similar result to the previous poll in June, NBC says. The results largely follow other polling tracked by The Economist, which uses a weekly YouGov survey to put Trump’s approval ratings significantly lower than both Biden’s and Obama’s at similar points in their presidencies, revealing it only took two months for his ratings to fall below zero, where they have remained. He’s currently languishing with a net approval rating of -14, according to The Economist. The average of a set of polls tracked by Nate Silver also puts him in negative territory at -6.9 net approval.

As my colleague Julianne McShane previously reported, Trump registered the lowest 100-day approval rating of any president in the past 80 years.

The headline in NBC’s poll today is that Americans of all political stripes really like vaccines—78 percent of all respondents said they support their use. Large majorities of Democrats, Republicans, and Independents agree. That comes as turmoil has erupted under Robert F. Kennedy’s leadership of the country’s top health agencies, including the decapitation of leadership at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention—a conflict that came to a boil during a heated marathon hearing on Thursday before the Senate Finance Committee. As my colleague Kiera Butler documented, Kennedy appeared to promote flat-out lies. In recent weeks, he has canceled mRNA vaccination research and stocked an important vaccine advisory panel with vaccine critics. A letter released this week and signed by 1,000 former HHS employees called for his resignation.

Americans are giving Trump poor marks on other issues too, with just 43 percent approving of his mass deportation regime (though he scores slightly higher on the broader issue of border security, at 47 percent). On trade (41 percent) and inflation (39 percent), Americans continue to view Trump dimly.

Meanwhile, the survey took the nation’s emotional temperature as well, showing nearly 70 percent of Democrats are either “furious” or “angry” at Trump’s actions. A smaller proportion of Republicans—45 percent—say they are either “thrilled” or “happy.”

Read the full results of the poll here.

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Mother Jones

This Rock Bassist Is Remixing Climate Activism

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Imagine if every climate policy rollback was met with the same unshakable loyalty Swifties show when Taylor drops a breakup song. What if climate action had the same unstoppable energy as Beyoncé’s BeyHive, marching full speed ahead toward a green economy?

According to Adam Met, the climate movement could learn a thing or two from fan-building tactics deployed by today’s pop stars. After all, he is one.

Met, 35, is the bassist of the multi-platinum indie-rock band AJR, which he started with his two brothers in 2005. Thirteen years later, after the band began selling out stadiums and amphitheaters, Met founded a climate focused nonprofit organization called Planet Reimagined—a climate research, advocacy, and storytelling hub—with his colleague Mila Rosenthal.

From plastic-free concessions to farm-to-stage initiatives, many musicians have worked hard to shrink the environmental footprint of their national tours. But for Met, carbon-neutral concerts and low-impact festivals are just the opening act. He sees bigger potential for the music industry: serving as a climate movement incubator.

Met is now juggling his work as an activist, author, musician, and adjunct professor at Columbia University. In June, he released his first book, Amplify: How to Use the Power of Connection to Engage, Take Action, and Build a Better World, which shows how fan-building strategies can be applied to social movements.

Between his book tour and AJR’s music tour, “Somewhere in the Sky,” Met sat down with Inside Climate News for an interview to discuss the connections between climate, music, and fan building.

When and why did you become interested in climate activism?

When I was in high school, I took a class on human rights, and we went on a class trip to see Mary Robinson speak. For me, it just took that one moment of hearing her speak about the connections between climate change and human rights that set me on this path. Since then, she and I have become friendly.

Then, over time, I started to see the impact of climate change firsthand on my work as a musician and on the fans who came to our shows. We would pull into San Francisco, and we would literally have to wear gas masks from the tour bus into the venue because the smoke from wildfires was so bad. When we pulled into Athens, Greece, the entire city flooded in minutes, and we had to drive through the floods to make it to the venue.

But we would experience these climate impacts and then move onto the next city in our tour, while our fans had to stay and clean up the mess. Seeing climate change directly, and studying it so deeply in undergrad and for my PhD, made me realize that this is the thing I need to dedicate my life to.

You recently came out with your first book that explores the connections between fan building and movement building. Can you tell me more about what those connections are?

Over the past 20 years AJR has built a fanbase, a unique fanbase. What I realized was that the same strategies we used to build our fanbase—and the strategies that a lot of other artists use—are all really relevant for how to build communities that can do good in the world.

Almost every day when I am on tour, I get asked by fans: What can I do? How can I help? The book answers those questions. It gives people creative, out-of-the-box ideas to build collective action. At the same time, the book gives people who have spent years working in this space fresh and different ideas. Ideas that work really well in music and entertainment, and how they can be applied to the climate space.

What are some of those fan-building ideas that can be applied to the climate movement?

Traditionally, the model of building a fan base and a social movement can be seen through the metaphor of a ladder. When you’re on the first rung of the ladder, that may mean you have heard a song or heard of a social movement. You go up a rung, and maybe you follow the band on social media or an organization connected to a social movement. Then you go up another rung; maybe you attend the band’s show or attend an organizing meeting. And you keep going up and up the ladder.

“People are much more likely to take action…if they have the opportunity to do it in person.”

This model doesn’t work in 2025, because it implies that this work is done as an individual. The actual model that I believe works looks more like a hurricane. At the beginning, you need to bring fans and followers really close to you, towards the center of the movement. Give them all the tools and skills they need to go out in the world to bring other people into the movement. Then those new people come close to the center, where we can again give them the skills and knowledge they need. By bringing them close to the center, they become really dedicated. They become evangelizers of the movement.

You can bring them to the center through gamification, building a bigger tent, effective storytelling, or featuring—where, just like bands, social movements can collaborate with each other. There are a lot of really effective fan-building methods that use the model of the hurricane rather than the ladder.

How does this understanding shape AJR’s practices as both a band and an advocacy group?

On our tours we try to limit our emissions as much as possible. We green the backstage areas by eliminating single-use plastics, donating extra food when possible, making sure energy from the show is coming from renewables, and whatever else we can do.

And that’s great, but at the same time we built in an advocacy strategy to our tours itself. At every stop on our last tour there was an opportunity for fans to take political or civil action on site. There were booths set up to call their representatives, flyers about volunteering at local nonprofits, or tables to sign petitions. And every action was hyperlocalized. In each city the actions are customized to the things impacting or relating to their local communities.

On our last tour we had 35,000 people take some sort of climate action.

What is the current state of the climate movement within the music industry? Are other artists speaking out?

Well, right now the climate movement seems to be a mess. It is leaderless and rudderless. The climate movement has a communications problem and is too large and existential of an issue to discuss easily. So how are you supposed to write a song that includes climate?

The way we are seeing the climate movement manifest itself into the music industry is not through the art itself, but through online advocacy and tours. Touring is not only the biggest emitter within the industry but is the place where you bring people together in person. All our research at Planet Reimagined shows that people are much more likely to take action—and see the impact of their action—if they have the opportunity to do it in person.

The best climate advocacy shows their fans the impact of climate locally and gives them an opportunity to engage in action. And by action, I do not mean switching the type of straws they’re using or taking shorter showers. By action, I mean civil and political participation.

For example, Billie Eilish did a great job implementing climate advocacy into her United Kingdom tour, and Planet Reimagined helped install those advocacy tactics into her tour. Artists like Jack Johnson and Dave Mathews are doing a great job as well.

What advice would you give to other artists who may want to speak out about climate change but are hesitant to?

Planet Reimagined just did a big study with Ticketmaster to figure out from fans what they want to hear from their favorite artists. And we found that fans want artists to speak about the issues they care about. If it’s manufactured or inauthentic, then don’t talk about it. Climate change is not an issue artists should pretend to care about. But if the artist actually does care about climate change and is talking about it online, then have real-world opportunities for fans to participate at your shows.

Planet Reimagined, AJR and Inside Climate News all focus a lot on storytelling. What is the importance of storytelling within the climate movement?

Stories are the only way to drive meaningful change. A lot of articles about climate change that are filled with statistics are so dry that they turn people away—1.5°C means nothing to anyone other than scientists. Plus it is Celsius, so it really means nothing to Americans. Good stories are a way for people to feel something and connect issues to their real life.

When we are building a show or tour for the band, it’s all about how we can get people to be happy, sad, angry, frustrated, and hopeful, because feeling all these emotions will connect them to the band. It’s the same thing with climate storytelling. We need to get people to have an emotional connection to climate issues, because that drives them to be a part of the movement.

The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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Mother Jones

Washington Turns Out to Protest Trump’s Occupation

Thousands of people took to the streets of Washington, DC, on Saturday to voice opposition to Donald Trump’s armed federal intervention in the city.

This is what democracy looks like! A people united will never be defeated. We want federal forces out of DC NOW! #WeAreAllDC #FreeDC

Free DC (@freedcproject.bsky.social) 2025-09-06T17:16:02.898Z

The demonstration, organized by a coalition of local activist groups and unions, demands the “immediate withdrawal” of federal troops from Washington and an end to Trump’s federalization of the city’s own police department.

Thousands march to the White House united in our demand. We want federal forces out of DC Now!! Free DC! Free DC! #WeAreAllDC #FreeDC

Free DC (@freedcproject.bsky.social) 2025-09-06T17:07:34.462Z

Ever since Trump claimed a “crime emergency” in Washington on August 8, he has flooded the city with federal assets. When it comes to the National Guard, according to my colleague Schuyler Mitchell, experts “estimate that the DC deployment is costing roughly $1 million a day.”

“So far,” she wrote on Tuesday, “their work has not gone exactly as planned. Last week, soldiers deployed to fight a ‘crime emergency‘ instead found themselves completing ‘beautification’ duties on Capitol Hill and patrolling Krispy Kremes. Users on the r/NationalGuard subreddit were quick to give their colleagues a new nickname: National Guardeners.”

One guard member complained to Mitchell that the administration “see us as little toy soldiers to put on the street,” and that domestic deployments were damaging recruiting efforts. “We are losing candidates left and right,” the soldier said. “Certainly, people are watching this and making decisions—not only to not join, but plenty of people within our ranks who are pushing toward retirement are deciding they’re done, and they are leaving before it gets too bad.”

🚨 FREE DC 🚨Right now, DC is rising. Thousands are in Malcolm X Park and marching through the streets against Trump’s occupation. National Guard patrols, ICE raids, FBI harassment — our communities refuse to live under fear. DC belongs to the people. #WeAreAllDC #FightOligarchy

Our Revolution (@our-revolution.bsky.social) 2025-09-06T16:39:52.054Z

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Mother Jones

Trump’s Mortgage Fraud Smears Backfire on His Administration

When New York Attorney General Letitia James accused Donald Trump of committing fraud by lying to banks and insurance companies about the value of his properties, he never really denied it. Everyone does things like this, his lawyers argued, and no bank ever lost money—so what’s the big deal?

All three Trump cabinet members denied any wrongdoing.

But now that he’s in back office, Trump seems to have decided that telling banks things that aren’t true while seeking loans is a very big deal after all. His administration has launched investigations into James herself and Lisa Cook, a Biden-appointee on the Federal Reserve’s board of governors, alleging both women improperly told banks that two different properties each owned were both their primary residences. He’s previously made similar accusations against one of his main Democratic antagonists in Congress, California Sen. Adam Schiff.

The investigations were launched with the help of Bill Pulte, the Trump appointee leading the Federal Housing Finance Agency. On Friday, Reuters reported that relatives of Pulte appear to have done the very thing Trump and Pulte are targeting James and Cook over. Reuters says that Pulte’s father and stepmother had simultaneously requested “homestead exemptions”—a discount on property taxes for a primary residence—on two different properties, one in Michigan and one in Florida. It’s not clear if it is illegal to do so, and in some cases, tax experts told Reuters, it is permissible—for example if a married couple live separately. But after being asked about the Pultes’ situation, local tax officials promptly revoked the exemption on the Michigan house, Reuters reported.

The news about Pulte’s relatives comes after a Thursday report from ProPublica revealed that three different members of Trump’s cabinet appear to have simultaneously claimed multiple properties as their primary residence. ProPublica found records showing Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, and Environmental Protection Agency administrator Lee Zeldin all claimed two different homes as primary residences. Chavez-DeRemer made the claims about her two homes (one in the Oregon Congressional district she previously represented, and one in Arizona, where she is known to vacation) within two months of each other. All three cabinet members denied any wrongdoing and accused ProPublica of liberal bias.

According to ProPublica, it is not necessarily illegal to claim multiple homes as your primary residence at the same time—and in some cases, it may be encouraged by bank employees—but it is generally frowned upon. Banks typically offer reduced mortgage rates for primary residences, and higher rates for second homes; the practice stems from a belief that people are more likely to diligently repay the mortgage on a property if they live in it full-time.

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Mother Jones

Trump Invites World Leaders to Put Money in His Pocket

Donald Trump famously doesn’t pay much attention to critics who complain about his many conflicts of interests and attempts to use the presidency to enrich himself. But in 2019, his attempt to host the G-7 summit at his Doral golf course outside of Miami was a rare example of the critics winning out. Asking a half-dozen of the world’s most powerful leaders and their large entourages to pay to stay in his hotel rooms was a step too far. Trump relented and said the summit would be staged elsewhere; it was ultimately cancelled due to COVID.

When Trump suggested Doral for a 2019 summit, the idea went over like a lead balloon.

But Trump never really backs down, and he’s come back with an even bigger plan for Doral, announcing on Friday that it would host next year’s G-20 summit—which features an additional 13 global leaders and entourages in need of hotel rooms and room service.

In his Friday announcement of his plan to stage the major international event at his Doral property, Trump said that “everybody wants it there because it’s right next to the airport. It’s the best location. It’s beautiful.” Trump even told reporters that G-20 officials had asked that it be at the resort.

Trump insisted the decision to have the giant summit at his own property wasn’t about making money. “We’re doing a deal where it’s not going to be money. There’s no money in it,” he said. “I just want it to go well.”

Of course someone will have to pay for the cost of shutting down the giant resort and moving in the world’s leaders for the three-day conference—not to mention time needed before and after for logistical and security purposes.

Doral was built in the early 1960s and for decades hosted PGA tournaments, but in recent years had become known for being increasingly shabby. Trump borrowed $125 million from Deutsche Bank to buy the property out of bankruptcy in 2012 and has been working on it ever since. He has refinanced the loan with Axos Bank, a California bank owned by a supporter who has helped Trump shore up mortgages at his other resorts.

In 2019, revenue at the Doral property had dropped significantly, but in his most recent personal financial disclosures, it seems to have picked up. It is unclear if the property is profitable.

When Trump suggested Doral as a location for the G-7 conference in 2019, the idea went over like a lead balloon. European leaders made it clear they were not interested in paying to stay at his resort, and both Congressional Republicans and Democrats quickly threw cold water on the scheme.

At the time, Republican Sen. Mike Simpson of Idaho told reporters he couldn’t get behind the idea. “You have to go out and try to defend him. Well, I don’t know if I can do that!” Simpson said at the time. “I have no doubt that Doral is a really good place—I’ve been there, I know. But it is politically insensitive. They should have known what the kickback is going to be on this, that politically he’s doing it for his own benefit.”

On Friday, the Washington Post reported that Simpson has seen the light, with a spokesperson telling the paper said the senator now supports holding the summit at Trump’s resort.

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Mother Jones

Trump Plans to Deport Millions. Here’s How ICE Is Making it Happen.

A young woman clings to a tree as masked men try to peel her off. The men wrench one of the woman’s arms behind her back, then stuff her into the back of an unmarked SUV as bystanders film and shout. She was selling food outside a Home Depot in West Los Angeles when federal agents chased her down and arrested her.

Videos of aggressive immigration raids like this have become commonplace as the Trump administration pursues its goal of deporting millions of people over the next four years.

US Immigration and Customs Enforcement is arresting people in front of their kids during school dropoffs, on the way to church, and at routine check-ins at immigration offices. Communities are pushing back, leading to clashes with police and protests. These raids are remaking the country.

“Being forced apart like this is tearing through the heart of our home and community,” says Cecelia Lizotte, the sister of a Nigerian man in ICE detention.

This week on Reveal, producers Katie Mingle and Steven Rascón and reporter Julia Lurie tell stories about the people swept up in President Donald Trump’s mass deportations and the families that are left behind.

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Mother Jones

A Tornado Destroyed Their Home. Then the “Vultures” Showed Up.

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

When a mile-wide tornado hit St. Louis on May 16, DeAmon White hopped in his car and rushed home. As he navigated downed trees and power lines, turning his 10-minute commute into a three-hour slog, he worried whether his family, neighbors, and home made it through unscathed.

When he turned the corner onto his block, White’s heart sank. The entire back wall of his house had been blown off. Chunks of ceiling plaster littered the floor, windows were shattered, and much of his property was damaged beyond repair.

Next, White checked on his mother, Bobbie, who lives a five-minute walk away. The third floor of her home was gone. But miraculously, her front yard flower garden made it through the 150 mph winds unscathed.

The St. Louis storm, an EF-3, was just one of 60 tornadoes that tore through Missouri, Illinois, Kentucky, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the Carolinas over 48 hours in May, killing at least 26 people and injuring 168. DeAmon and Bobbie considered themselves lucky: A neighbor of theirs had his leg impaled by a pole that flew through his window. Bobbie went to her sister’s house to get some sleep; DeAmon spent the night in his truck, trading shifts with neighbors to fend off looters.

The next morning, at 8 a.m., the phone calls started: Would he be interested in selling his home? “They were aggressively going at it,” he said. This continued for the next two weeks, with half a dozen calls every single day.

A roofless house.

Damage to DeAmon White’s home in St. Louis from an EF-3 tornado on May 16.Courtesy of DeAmon White

They’re “vultures,” Bobbie and DeAmon both called the speculators. Some walked down the street with flyers, some texted, and some called.

In White’s West End neighborhood, an estimated 63 percent of renters and 49 percent of homeowners are uninsured. For many North St. Louis residents, their homes are their only major asset, meaning they don’t have the cash on hand necessary to rebuild without insurance. And when federal aid is slow to arrive, quick offers to buy a home in cash can look like a lifeline.

“You end up with this system where people are exploiting the misfortunes of others.”

“Hi, this is Paul with H.B. LLC,” read one text sent to a homeowner just north of the tornado’s path on August 4. “Touching base with you … is this Steven?”

Grist tried contacting several of these numbers, but most were not set up to receive call- or text-backs. One, however, did pick up. A woman, sounding like she was in a call center, asked if there was a property to sell. “We’re a ‘we buy homes’ company,” she said, but repeatedly refused to give Grist the company name.

Eight months earlier and 600 miles away, Gina Miceli’s community in Fairview, North Carolina, was devastated by Hurricane Helene, which triggered hundreds of landslides. The rushing earth swallowed up homes and cars and killed 15 of her neighbors. In the months following, she received near-constant texts asking if she’d be open to selling her family’s two plots of land. “They text really chummy, so they sound like they already know you,” Miceli said. “‘Hey, Gina, it’s so-and-so!’ It’s very, very creepy.”

“Let me know your price,” said one text on July 9, signed simply, “Bella.”

“Hi there Gina, hope you’re having a great day,” said another exactly two weeks later. “My name is Christine, I am a land buyer. I’m reaching out to see if you have any plans to sell the lot.” The text was signed by “Twin Acres.” Twin Acres is not a registered real estate broker. Grist’s attempt to text the number back went unanswered.

Images repeating the text quotes above.

Screenshots of text messages from real estate investors looking to buy homes in the wake of natural disasters, as shared with Grist. Homeowners’ personal information has been removed to protect privacy.Grist

Sometimes, Miceli said, she answers the texts. “It depends on my mood. I think there’s been a time or two I’ve said, ‘Go to hell.’” She has no plans to leave. She’s raising her family in the home her husband’s grandparents bought, and she owns a local brewery.

Some theorists call this phenomenon “disaster gentrification,” when real estate investors flood a disaster zone to buy up damaged properties for cheap.

Samantha Montano, a professor of emergency management and author of the book Disasterology, spent years living and working in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina and saw it happen with her own eyes. In areas like the Lower Ninth Ward, some people displaced by the storm didn’t have the resources to return. Speculators rushed in. Some landowners became instant millionaires, selling their properties to out-of-state developers hoping to rebuild and flip their property.

“The issue of gentrification in New Orleans was there from the beginning,” Montano said. “There were many groups who were warning about that, advocating for housing policy and other recovery policies to account for gentrification. [They] tried to prevent it.” Twenty years later, the demographics of New Orleans have shifted: Lower-income and Black residents have been displaced, and whiter, wealthier new residents took their place. “Certainly that is all very much intertwined in the recovery and in who had access to the resources to return and rebuild—and who didn’t,” she said.

In the wake of the Eaton Fire in Altadena, California, earlier this year, half of home purchases were by limited liability corporations, according to Dwell, the home design news site. That’s nearly double what they typically represent compared to individuals buying homes. Just six companies—among them Ocean Development Inc. and Black Lion Properties LLC—dominated those transactions in Altadena, spending millions of dollars to purchase destroyed properties in historically Black neighborhoods. It’s difficult to find out who these companies are: Often, they contact potential sellers through fake phone numbers or under names that aren’t necessarily attached to real corporations.

A destroyed home office

Damage to DeAmon White’s home in St. Louis from an EF-3 tornado on May 16. Courtesy of DeAmon White

The value of disaster-struck land consistently bounces back fast, meaning that buyers can flip the land or homes—sometimes even without making repairs. As climate change fuels more frequent severe natural disasters across the United States, “disaster investors” seem set to make greater profits than ever—and communities like North St. Louis stand to bear the burden.

Justin Stoler, a University of Miami researcher working on urban health disparities, recently published a paper on hazard gentrification. This phenomenon, Stoler told Grist, diverges from our standard understanding of gentrification in its speed. “It’s typically happening in a very punctuated, short-term manner. It doesn’t necessarily take years and decades to roll out.”

“People’s lives are completely upended, and they’ve got to make difficult choices,” Stoler said. “And opportunistic entities, companies, investors try to step in and get a good deal. You end up with this system where people are exploiting the misfortunes of others.”

In DeAmon White’s neighborhood, he saw the signs of gentrification long before the tornado: A community barbershop replaced by a trendy new restaurant; a former school turned into an upscale apartment building inhabited by law students; and “just a lot of white folks moving into what they used to call ‘the hood,’ you know?” he said. And investors were already circling. Signs with “WE BUY UGLY HOUSES” could be found on utility poles and in mailboxes before the May storm. These are markers of real estate wholesalers and house-flippers looking for a quick sale. But they increased in frequency and aggressiveness after the neighborhood was turned to rubble, he said.

It’s a little too soon to say whether the St. Louis tornado will lead to big land buys. But signs—and Zillow search results—are pointing in that direction.

At least 10 severely damaged homes in the tornado’s path have gone up for sale on the real estate platform Zillow in recent weeks. Each one is labeled not as a home for locals to move into, but as an investment opportunity: 4641 Maffit Avenue “offers investment potential” for rehab or brick salvage, with a starting bid of $20,000; 4236 East Sacramento Avenue—“Investor Special!! Tornado damaged property”—in the historic Ville neighborhood is going for $30,000.

“They find people in vulnerable situations that maybe don’t have equal access to information.”

One hundred days after the storm, many St. Louis neighborhoods remain as damaged as they were the day of the tornado in May. Debris still litters streets and yards, blue tarps still stand in for caved-in roofs, and windows are still boarded up—even as the weather cools. Community activist organizations are providing aid where they can. One group, The People’s Response, which mobilized some 10,000 volunteers, estimates that over 2,000 St. Louis households still require housing and shelter assistance.

But even with a robust volunteer network, $30 million from an NFL settlement redirected toward tornado relief, and FEMA aid (slowly) arriving, homeowners have been left in the lurch for months, facing a difficult decision about how—or even whether—to rebuild.

Deserai Anderson Crow, who researches community resilience at the University of Colorado-Boulder, says what is happening in St. Louis follows a pattern similar to other extreme weather disasters: Those who rebuild are more often than not landlords looking for renters, rather than people who intend to live in the homes they’re rebuilding.

“It’s a predatory renting cycle,” Crow said. “These huge industrial-rental landlords are trying to snap up disaster-affected homes because they assume, correctly, that a lot of people want to get out from under those mortgages as quickly as possible, and that they just don’t have the emotional bandwidth or financial bandwidth to deal with rebuilding.”

Bobbie White’s damaged home was built in 1901, back when St. Louis was a thriving Mississippi River transit hub. One of the industries that built St. Louis was brickmaking, with the materials renowned worldwide for their strength and quality. Bobbie’s home, and others on her block, are made of those bricks. “A lot of these houses are 100-year-old structures,” DeAmon said. What is built in their stead likely won’t be as unique or sturdy, and yet will cost far more, he lamented—prices out of reach for many in the neighborhood today.

Stacey Sanders, president of the St. Louis Association of Realtors, says she’s been inundated with reports of speedy post-disaster sale offers. But they often come with red flags: For one thing, multigenerational homes may not have access to a title, or the title might be in the name of a deceased family member. Sometimes, resolving title issues can take years.

Many of the storm-impacted multigenerational homes are in that legal category. Those “heirs’ property” homeowners are stuck, Sanders said. Without a title, it can be harder to access FEMA benefits, filing an insurance claim is extremely difficult, and sales without a title are legally dubious at best.

Broken glass and debris on the front lawn

Damage to DeAmon White’s home in St. Louis from an EF-3 tornado on May 16. Courtesy of DeAmon White

When Sanders’ own home and car were hit by a tornado this March, “we had letters, door hangers, people knocking on the door, doing everything.” They were either selling her on repairs or selling her on a home purchase. She was, as a professional real estate agent, able to access resources and recover her damaged property. But she worries others may have a harder time.

“It might be the easiest and the quickest way,” Sanders said, “ but it’s not always the best way to go.”

“A lot of the people that are out making these offers on houses are not doing it because they’re like, ‘Oh, these poor people, let’s give them a fair shake,’” she said. Instead, they’re seeing “desperate people” and chasing an opportunity to buy property for far less than it is worth.

There are options to curb this mass sell-off. One tactic, Crow, of the University of Colorado, said, is providing a few months of bridge funding so residents can stay and navigate the rebuilding process. Another is to stymie buyers: This June, the Ohio Senate passed a bill requiring real estate wholesalers to tell homeowners when they may be selling their homes for less than market value. Pennsylvania passed a similar law in January. The market in Missouri, however, remains unregulated at both the local and state level, according to attorney Peter Hoffman of Legal Services of Eastern Missouri, a nonprofit that has been providing pro bono services to tornado victims.

“They find people in vulnerable situations that maybe don’t have equal access to information,” Hoffman said. Those issues—redlining, displacement, exploitation—existed before the tornado. But the storm, he said, brought them to the light.

Talking on the phone between orders of fish, fried okra, and potato salad while at his restaurant, Ozell’s Kitchen and Food Mart, DeAmon White reflected on the last few months. Rebuilding his home has been hard. Though he does have insurance, he expects his home won’t be livable until February or March, the better part of a year after the tornado. Because he’s disabled, with a partially amputated foot, he stays mostly on the first floor of his mother’s house. A neighbor of his is still living in a camper on her lot. Others, he said, took the offer to sell. Right now, there are only four families left on his block. On August 21, White said, his mother received an offer in the mail: A man named Chris wanted to buy her home for about two-thirds of what it was worth.

“I really would like the people who are in the line of gentrification to realize what it is they have, and if they can, don’t sell out,” White said. “I know money talks, and when you’re in a stressful situation you got to do what you got to do, but resist, you know?”

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Mother Jones

Baltimore’s Mayor Slams Trump Troop Threat: “What We Want from the President Is Very Simple.”

President Trump is planning to ramp up his federal reach into local enforcement after first flooding the streets of DC with National Guard troops, and this week he promised to send troops to more cities—including Baltimore.

Despite a federal judge ruling that Trump broke the law when deploying the National Guard in Los Angeles earlier this summer, Trump insisted during a press conference on Tuesday that his administration had “a right to do it because I have an obligation to do it to protect this country… and that includes Baltimore.”

Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott has been speaking out in defense of his city, including in a sit-down interview this week with me. Scott pushed back against Trump’s claims, saying that this year, his city has witnessed “the fewest amount of homicides through this date on record. That’s a 50-year low, and that’s still not good enough for me.” The Washington Post recently reported that homicide rates in Baltimore have plummeted nearly 23 percent compared with the first half of 2024, while non-fatal shootings fell by nearly 20 percent.

Scott also decried federal cuts to the very programs he says have been instrumental in reducing crime in Baltimore.

“Community violence intervention, victim services, all of those kinds of services that have been cut,” he said. “What we want from the president is very simple — reinstating all the cuts that they’ve made to federal grants to programs that have been working to reduce violence.”

Watch the full video here:

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Mother Jones

DeSantis Celebrates as Appeals Court Blocks Dismantling of Alligator Alcatraz

An appeals court has temporarily blocked a federal judge’s decision ordering Florida and federal officials to begin winding down operations at Alligator Alcatraz, the controversial immigration detention center in the Everglades that opened in July.

As I reported last month, in response to a lawsuit filed in June by environmental groups, US District Judge Kathleen Williams had ordered the dismantling of equipment at the detention camp, such as fencing, lighting, generators, and other infrastructure, as well as a pause on the transfer of detainees to the site. The groups had argued that the construction of the camp proceeded without an environmental review or opportunity for public comment, in violation of the National Environmental Policy Act. But the state of Florida argued that the facility was a state-run operation, and, therefore, federal environmental protection laws did not apply.

Hastily erected in late June on a remote airfield by Big Cypress National Preserve, Alligator Alcatraz has been fraught with reports of malfunctioning air conditioners, scarce food, and rampant mosquitoes. Detainees are held in large white tents, each containing multiple fenced areas with 32 beds and three toilets. State and federal officials running the center have previously stated that the camp would be for immigrants with criminal records, but as the Miami Herald reported in July, many detainees have no prior arrests. In July, nearly 1,000 detainees were being held at Alligator Alcatraz. This week, The New York Times reported that between 120 to 125 detainees are currently at the center.

In her ruling, Williams had sided with the environmentalists. “The project was requested by the federal government; built with a promise of full federal funding; constructed in compliance with ICE standards; staffed by deputized ICE Task Force Officers acting under color of federal authority and at the direction and supervision of ICE officials,” she wrote, “and exists for the sole purpose of detaining and deporting those subject to federal immigration enforcement.” Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier promptly filed a notice indicating the state would appeal to the US Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit.

In a 2-3 decision on Thursday, the three-judge panel in Atlanta granted the defendants’ request to pause Williams’ ruling pending a future decision on the appeal. The judges found that the detention center did not violate NEPA because it was funded by the state and not the federal government. “Obtaining funding from the federal government for a state project requires completing a formal and technical application process,” the ruling states, which has not yet occurred. Alligator Alcatraz is predicted to cost $450 million a year, and the DeSantis administration has previously stated it would seek FEMA funds to cover those expenses.

“Alligator Alcatraz is in fact, like we always said, open for business.”

Florida officials celebrated the ruling on social media. “Alligator Alcatraz is in fact, like we always said, open for business,” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis said in a video posted to his X account. “We are going to continue leading the way when it comes to immigration enforcement.”

Meanwhile, Friends of the Everglades, one of the plaintiffs in the case, issued a statement saying that “the case is far from over.”

“While disappointing, we never expected ultimate success to be easy,” Eve Samples, executive director of Friends of the Everglades, said in the statement. “We’re hopeful the preliminary injunction will be affirmed when it’s reviewed on its merits during the appeal.” Talbert Cypress, chairman of the Miccosukee Tribe of Indians, which later joined the lawsuit as a plaintiff due to the detention center’s close proximity to their communities in the Everglades, told the Miami Herald they were “disappointed in the majority’s decision to stay the injunction. We were prepared for this result and will continue to litigate this matter.”

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Beleaguered Workers at Yosemite and Sequoia & Kings Canyon Flock to Unionize

This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Hundreds of staff at two of California’s most popular national parks have voted to unionize, a move that comes during a troubled summer for the National Park Service, which has seen the Trump administration enact unprecedented staff and budget cuts.

In an election held in July and August, more than 97 percent of workers at Yosemite and Sequoia & Kings Canyon national parks voted in support of organizing a union, according to a statement from the National Federation of Federal Employees. The Federal Labor Relations Authority certified the results last week.

“I am honored to welcome the Interpretive Park Rangers, scientists, biologists, photographers, geographers, and so many other federal employees in essential roles at both Yosemite and Sequoia & Kings Canyon to our union,” said Randy Erwin, the NFFE national president.

“By unionizing, hundreds of previously unrepresented employees have obtained a critical voice in their workplace and now have the power to make significant changes to benefit themselves and their colleagues.”

“You have no idea what is going to happen next. It’s like we are all being subjected to psychological warfare.”

The vote means 600 workers at the parks, including park rangers, researchers, educators, fee collectors, and first responders, among others, will be represented by the National Federation of Federal Employees (NFFE).

Labor organizers have been trying to form a union at the parks for years but did not have the necessary support until this year when the Trump administration’s mass firings left the parks service in turmoil, the Los Angeles Times reported.

“It comes as no surprise workers in the National Park Service are overwhelmingly in favor of unionizing, as federal employees across the country have been faced with reductions in force, threats to workplace protections, and slashed agency budgets under this administration,” Erwin said.

Since Trump took office this year the National Park Service, which manages 85 million acres of America’s public lands, has lost a quarter of its permanent staff, seasonal hiring is down and the administration is seeking to slash more than $1 billion from the NPS budget.

The US interior secretary, Doug Burgum, has said the cuts were “clearing out the barn.” Despite the upheaval, the federal government has ordered parks to stay open to the public. That has left staffers scrambling to manage the parks amid the peak summer season, and, as the Guardian reported last month, archeologists are managing ticket booths while park superintendents have cleaned bathrooms.

At Yosemite, scientists were also cleaning public bathrooms because there were no other workers to do it. Amid the turmoil this year, NPS employees told the Guardian earlier this summer they had received unsigned emails from the office of personnel management urging them to resign and find a job in the private sector.

“Every day you come to work and you have no idea what is going to happen next. It’s like we are all being subjected to psychological warfare,” a staffer said this spring.

Earlier this year at Yosemite, laid-off employees hung a US flag upside down, a symbol of distress, at the park’s El Capitan to bring attention to the cuts.

Erwin with the NFFE said the union would take “every step possible” to increase staffing and resources, and defend employees.

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Mother Jones

RFK Jr. Is Living in a Pretend Anti-Vax World

In a marathon hearing on Thursday before the Senate Finance Committee, US Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. faced a barrage of questions from senators who were outraged by his recent actions, especially those concerning vaccine policy and recent shake-ups at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Kennedy vigorously defended himself, often making statements that contradicted his previous assertions.

In some cases, Kennedy appeared to promote flat-out lies. He said any American who wants a Covid vaccine can get one. In many states, that’s now not true because of a recent ruling by his agency. He claimed that it was impossible to say how many Americans have died of Covid, despite widespread agreement among epidemiologists and modelers that the figure is well over a million. He accused the CDC of allowing “the teachers union to write the order closing our schools” during the pandemic; a Politifact fact check clarified that the agency had actually “consulted multiple stakeholders.” He suggested that widely used antidepressants could cause violent behavior including school shootings, despite the fact that there is no evidence to suggest that such a causal relationship exists.

“This is crazy talk—you’re just making stuff up,” he snarled at Sen. Maggie Hassan (D-NH) when she suggested that he had restricted Americans’ access to Covid vaccines.

It’s possible that Kennedy was comfortable stretching the truth because he didn’t swear an oath at the beginning of the hearing, but it’s more likely that he simply suspected it didn’t matter what he said. He appeared utterly confident in the president’s estimation of him—and for good measure, he lavished praise on his boss. During the hearing, he told Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-LA) that he thought Trump deserved a Nobel Prize for his Operation Warp Speed Covid vaccine initiative—an apparent about-face from his previous assertion in a since-deleted 2022 tweet that the vaccines were a “crime against humanity.” Kennedy’s tone during the hearing was, at times, downright Trumpian—he mocked his questioners and challenged them more belligerently than he had during previous hearings. “This is crazy talk—you’re just making stuff up,” he snarled at Sen. Maggie Hassan (D-NH) when she suggested that he had restricted Americans’ access to Covid vaccines. As the New York Times reported, toward the end of the hearing, Kennedy appeared to lose interest, instead opting to scroll on his phone.

It’s also possible that Kennedy’s false statements were a reflection of the fact that he lives in a kind of a parallel MAHA universe, one defined by alternative “facts” and “data.” It’s important to keep in mind that Kennedy has no medical or scientific training—rather, he is a lawyer who has spent the last decade of his career working for the anti-vaccine organization Children’s Health Defense—and his worldview has been shaped by the activists he now considers to be experts and friends.

For example, in Kennedy’s circles, it is accepted wisdom that the drugs ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine are effective Covid treatments, and that public health officials have deliberately restricted access to them. During the hearing, Kennedy praised Trump for promoting “therapeutics like hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin.” Kennedy’s alternative health universe is populated by people who claimed that those drugs worked—sometimes profiting by doing so—despite resounding evidence that they are ineffective. For example, Dr. Meryl Nass, a Maine physician who served on the scientific advisory board of Children’s Health Defense and lobbied for the FDA to remove Covid vaccines from the market, temporarily lost her license in 2022 for prescribing ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine to Covid patients.

In Kennedy’s world, claims of vaccine injuries are backed up by a robust database: the Vaccine Adverse Events Reporting System (VAERS). In today’s hearing, he claimed that more than 30,000 deaths from the Covid vaccine had been reported in VAERS. What he didn’t say was that mainstream scientists don’t consider VAERS an accurate source for vaccine safety data, because it isn’t designed that way: Rather, it’s a repository for reports of adverse events—to be included in the database, you only have to claim a vaccine injury or death, you don’t have to actually prove it. In its “Vaccine Curriculum,” Children’s Health Defense warns that “The public health establishment claims vaccine injuries are extremely rare, and the benefits of vaccination far exceed the risks. However, the Vaccine Adverse Events Reporting System (VAERS) tells another story.”

Another accepted truth in the antivaccine universe is that the jury is still out on whether vaccines cause autism. In Thursday’s hearing, Kennedy accused public health officials of hiding the results from a study that showed that “that study showed that black boys who got the vaccine on time had a 260 percent greater chance of getting an autism diagnosis than children who waited.” In the real world, the idea of a link between vaccines and autism has been both exhaustively studied and roundly disproven. The study that Kennedy mentioned, meanwhile, was debunked and retracted. Guess where its author works now? Children’s Health Defense.

From the tense exchanges during the hearing, it was apparent that senators from both parties have realized that Kennedy is living in a world defined by activists who crusade against vaccines and, for that matter, the entire enterprise of public health science. So far, however, they seem unwilling to take any action—unmoved even by a letter this week in which 1,000 former HHS employees called for his resignation. If he didn’t resign, they urged President Trump and Congress to “appoint a new Secretary of Health and Human Services, one whose qualifications and experience ensure that health policy is informed by independent and unbiased peer-reviewed science,” the letter read. “We expect those in leadership to act when the health of Americans is at stake.”

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Mother Jones

Texas Lawsuit Over Cocoa “Laced” With Abortion Drug Gets Even Wilder

This article was republished from Autonomy News, a worker-owned publication covering reproductive rights and justice. Sign up for a free or paid subscription, and follow them on Instagram, TikTok, and Bluesky.

A Texas man accused of putting abortion pills in his partner’s drink has countersued for $100 million, claiming she made the whole thing up.

Last month, Autonomy News reported on a lawsuit filed by Liana Davis, a Texas woman who alleged that Christopher Cooprider, a 34-year-old Marine pilot, had given her abortion-inducing medication without her knowledge or consent, causing her to lose her pregnancy. On Wednesday, Cooprider countersued Davis in the same federal court in Corpus Christi, Texas, alleging that Davis’ suit was malicious and intended to cause him emotional distress.

When covering the initial complaint, Autonomy News did not name either party, but is doing so now because Cooprider alleges the suit was fraudulent and initiated for retribution and political purposes. Davis is represented by anti-abortion legal activist and former Texas Solicitor General Jonathan Mitchell, and the case is thought to be the first instance of a woman suing for wrongful death from abortion pills.

When reached for comment, Mitchell said Thursday, “These are abject lies and we will disprove every one of them in court. Cooprider is guilty as sin and will be held to account for what he did, both in this civil suit and in the upcoming criminal proceedings.” He did not immediately respond to questions about a possible criminal case.

In his countersuit, Cooprider says he had a brief sexual relationship with Davis, a 37-year-old who was going through a divorce, and that her behavior escalated to harassment when he expressed that he didn’t want the relationship to continue. After that, Cooprider claims Davis faked multiple pregnancies and miscarriages, and that after she actually became pregnant, she failed to treat medical conditions which themselves could have triggered a miscarriage.

Cooprider alleges that Davis concocted her suit after the Corpus Christi Police Department declined to recommend charges based on her allegations against him.

He further alleges that Davis’ lawsuit was filed early on August 11 “so it could be immediately and widely disseminated to national and Texas media outlets that morning” prior to a Texas Senate committee hearing on legislation that would supercharge the state’s existing “bounty hunter” abortion ban, inviting citizens to sue manufacturers and providers of abortion pills and win $100,000 bounties. Davis’ suit was cited in the hearing by Jana Pinson, executive director of Pregnancy Center of the Coastal Bend, a small crisis pregnancy center chain with locations in and around Corpus Christi.

Cooprider alleges that Davis concocted her suit after the Corpus Christi Police Department declined to recommend charges based on her allegations against him.

“Just this morning, a lawsuit was filed for wrongful death where a military guy got a next-door neighbor pregnant, tried to force an abortion,” Pinson said during the August 11 hearing. “He ordered in his own name from Aid Access, and then when she wouldn’t take them, he … put 10 pills in her chocolate and she doubled over in pain about 30 minutes later. Then he left her to bleed out while she had to get help to get to the ER.”

“This is another avenue of men being able to force abuse on women,” Pinson continued. She mentioned the case again in a hearing on August 22, this time before a House committee.

Davis’ suit also named online abortion provider Aid Access and its founder, Rebecca Gomperts, as defendants. In addition to alleging that they violated wrongful death laws in Texas, the complaint accused them of violating the Comstock Act, a dormant 1873 law that Mitchell and other anti-abortion leaders argue outlaws the mailing of abortion pills. In 2025, the anti-abortion movement has made it a major priority to attack “shield” laws, which protect abortion providers like Aid Access who prescribe abortion pills via telehealth to patients in states where abortion is illegal.

Mark Lee Dickson, a prominent anti-abortion activist who was first to announce Davis’ case on social media, also mentioned the case in the August 22 hearing. In his initial social media posts about Davis’ lawsuit, Dickson connected it directly to anti-abortion legislation: “I hope these stories drive us to see more protections pass.” At the time, Dickson said he first heard Davis’ story from a CPC director in Corpus Christi. If Pinson was the person who told Dickson about the story, it’s unclear how she came in contact with Davis in the first place. According to Dickson, he put Davis in touch with “my attorney”—meaning Mitchell, who has recently filed a spate of wrongful death suits related to the use of abortion pills, usually on behalf of men upset about their partners’ abortions.

Versions of the abortion pill bounty bill have passed in both chambers of the Texas legislature in recent days. It appears poised to become law.

In his suit, Cooprider claims he didn’t coerce Davis, and that she was the one threatening him. He said Davis asked him to order abortion pills for her in February 2025, which he alleges that she never took, and that she began harassing him after he expressed that he didn’t want her to join him at his next military post in North Carolina. One night in early March, he claims, Davis stood outside his house and implied she’d accuse him of sexual assault if he didn’t speak to her. He called 911 for police to do a wellness check and told operators that she’d called him 40 times that day, according to a transcript provided in the counterclaim. He told the operators he took video of her outside his home and added: “And she’s also threatening… she’s saying that I coerced her into taking the abortion pills against her will, and that’s illegal in Texas.”

Later on the call, he said Davis told him that she was miscarrying and was sitting “in a pile of her blood in the bathtub.” Cooprider’s filing then notes that “Law enforcement checked on [her] and she was not sitting in blood. She said that she was fine.”

However, she was actually pregnant at this time, per an ultrasound on March 21, where a physician said that she had conceived about four weeks earlier. Cooprider claims that Davis invited him over on April 5, at which point she tried to frame him for a coerced abortion by alleging that he slipped abortion pills into her hot chocolate. She claimed she was bleeding profusely, and got a neighbor to drive her to the hospital, where she told staff that Cooprider “drugged” her.

Officers from Corpus Christi Police Department came to the emergency department and opened an investigation. CCPD told the New York Times in August that it shared results with Nueces County District Attorney’s Office, but that, “after careful review, both agencies concluded that the elements of a crime could not be established, and the investigation was subsequently closed as unfounded.”

According to Cooprider’s admittedly melodramatic suit, Davis’ “lethal lies in the malicious allegations now embedded in her made-up complaint read like the screenplay written for Glenn Close in the movie “Fatal Attraction.” Other salacious allegations featured in the complaint include that Davis failed to properly treat a sexually transmitted infection and typhoid fever, either of which could have led to natural miscarriage. Cooprider also alleges that Davis failed to take progesterone prescribed in late March due to a low embryonic heart rate, which his complaint presents as evidence that she did not want to continue the pregnancy. (However, while progesterone is commonly prescribed in an attempt to prevent first trimester miscarriage, evidence doesn’t support the practice except in people with a history of three or more miscarriages.) He also claims she was a heavy drinker and that she continued to drink when her children were in her home despite being ordered not to by family court.

Cooprider’s lead attorney is Mikal Watts, a puzzling figure who frequently donates to Democratic politicians, per Federal Election Commission records, but is also listed as a Federalist Society contributor. Watts faced a federal trial in 2016 on 96 counts of wire fraud, mail fraud, and identity theft after he was accused of inventing 40,000 victims of the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill in order to file a class action suit that would have earned him an estimated $40 million. Watts fired his attorney on the eve of trial and chose to represent himself. A jury acquitted him.

Cooprider is seeking $100 million in damages, but pledges in his counterclaim to donate any proceeds to the Wounded Warrior Project. Watts and two other attorneys said they are working on the case pro bono.

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Mother Jones

Laura Loomer Is “Basically a Cabinet Member at This Point”

Conspiracy theorist and self-described “proud Islamophobe” Laura Loomer continues to wield a jarring amount of power in the Trump administration. The latest example: She appears to have had a Democratic senator’s classified visit to a military spy agency canceled.

On Wednesday, Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.), the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said that his visit to the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA)’s Virginia headquarters had been cancelled after Loomer launched what Warner called “a campaign of baseless attacks” on social media against him and the NGA’s director, Vice Admiral Frank Whitworth, who is also known as “Trey.” The classified visit, planned for Friday, had not been publicized. It was intended to be an oversight visit to the agency, which works within the Department of Defense (DOD) to provide intelligence through maps and satellites. But in a series of X posts on Sunday, Loomer called Warner a “Russia Hoaxer” and alleged the NGA “is infested with Trump haters” because Whitworth was appointed under former President Joe Biden.

“Why are the Pentagon and [intelligence community] allowing for the Director of an Intel agency to host a rabid ANTI-TRUMP DEMOCRAT SENATOR at NGA under the Trump administration?” Loomer asked.

On X, Warner said that Loomer “is basically a Cabinet member at this point.” And in a YouTube video discussing the news, Warner said it appears that Loomer “actually has more power and sway than [Defense Secretary] Pete Hegseth or [National Intelligence Director] Tulsi Gabbard.” Then he ticked off several recent examples of Loomer’s apparent power in the defense and intelligence sectors. After an Oval Office meeting earlier this year in which Loomer alleged some members of the National Security Council were disloyal to Trump, the president fired six of them. In May, she claimed credit for Trump’s firing of National Security Adviser Mike Waltz. Warner also said Loomer also appears to have had a role in Trump revoking the national security clearances of 37 current and former officials last month, and in the firing of the Defense Intelligence Agency Director Jeffrey Kruse. Spokespeople for the White House and Defense Department did not immediately respond to requests for comment from Mother Jones.

Loomer told the New York Times that she learned of the classified meeting from someone inside the intelligence community, and claimed that Warner should “be removed from office and tried for treason.” On X, she said that Whitworth should be fired.

In a meeting with reporters on Wednesday, Warner said Loomer’s influence “is the kind of thing that happens in authoritarian regimes,” according to the New York Times. “You purge your independent intelligence community and make them loyal not to a constitution but something else.”

Warner also told the Times he is concerned about what the cancellation of the visit means for congressional oversight. “Is congressional oversight dead?” he asked. “If we are not doing oversight, if the intelligence is potentially being cooked or being bent to meet the administration’s needs, and we end up in a conflict—the American people have the right to say, ‘How the hell did this happen?”” Several Democrat members of Congress have reported being denied oversight visits to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) facilities in recent months.

When you consider Loomer’s politics, her sway in the White House seems even more jarring. And as former Mother Jones reporter Ali Breland explained in a piece when Loomer lost her 2022 congressional primary in Florida, her politics pretty much boil down to one word: racism.

She has a years-long history of raw, unfiltered Islamophobia that possibly reached its zenith when she said, after 50 people were killed in a New Zealand mosque, that: “Nobody cares about [the] Christchurch [shooting]. I especially don’t. I care about my social media accounts and the fact that Americans are being silenced.” (Loomer was bemoaning those kicked off websites like Twitter for being racist.)

She did not change her rhetoric to make herself more palatable for Congress during the campaign. Loomer recently shared an article that lamented the “accelerating” of the “erasing” of “America’s white history.” She’s also kept up a public dialogue with Nick Fuentes, a white nationalist, who endorsed her. In March, Loomer went on white nationalist Jared Taylor’s podcast. Right Wing Watch has documented her saying things like “I’m a really big supporter of the Christian nationalist movement,” and “I’m going to fight for Christians, I’m going to fight for white people, I’m going to fight for nationalist movements.”

Despite—or maybe because of—this, Loomer’s influence continues to grow. As I reported last month, Loomer managed to convince the State Department to halt visitor visas to people from Gaza, including humanitarian medical visas for injured children. This weekend, when she wasn’t trashing Warner or Whitworth on X, she celebrated a new development: The State Department went further, suspending almost all visitor visas for Palestinian passport holders, as she had called for. “Thank you, @SecRubio!” Loomer wrote.

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Mother Jones

Has Trump Ended Staten Island’s Wind Power Dreams?

For over a decade, New York has worked to bring wind power jobs to Staten Island as part of an ambitious plan to establish the state as the biggest hub of offshore wind. A centerpiece of the effort, situated in the southwest of the island, is the Arthur Kill Terminal (AKT), an envisioned staging and assembly port.

But on Friday, the Trump administration’s Department of Transportation rescinded a 2022 $48 million grant supporting the project that had been funded by President Joe Biden’s Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. The news comes after President Trump’s first day memorandum dismantling federal backing for wind energy had already placed the project in permit purgatory, halting the Republican-leaning borough’s push into the offshore wind industry.

“There’s a lot of money invested in this industry already, and these companies can’t take the hit.”

Boone Davis, president of AKT, began planning for the assembly plant in 2018. He’s no stranger to regulatory barriers hindering wind power; while he worked as a consultant on the Block Island Wind Farm, which opened in Rhode Island waters in 2016 as the country’s first offshore commercial windfarm, he also helped manage the Cape Wind Project in Massachusetts, which, after years of permitting and lease issues, was never built.

Davis spotted this plot of shoreline on the Arthur Kill strait—the phrase is an English version of the Dutch words for back channel—that splits Staten Island from New Jersey. This slice of New York’s harbor has been used for industrial purposes as far back as the 18th century. Today, a major part of its appeal is that it sits on the ocean side of the road spanning Outerbridge Crossing, allowing the site’s users to assemble tall turbines and get them out to sea.

The construction of the facility would create 600 jobs, according to Charles Dougherty, AKT’s chief commercial officer, and once up and running, manufacturing work would sustain 100 to 150 jobs, all union. The project would also add nearly $400 billion in “direct economic impact” according to Empire State Development.

When Trump reentered the White House, the project faced just one final federal hurdle, a public notice period on the terminal’s Army Corps of Engineers permits, to inch closer to breaking ground on AKT’s manufacturing and assembly plant. But Trump’s memorandum promptly halted all off-shore wind energy efforts, pausing the facility’s development.

Arthur Kill Terminal is not alone. Across the nation, wind energy is in a bardo state—stuck between alive and dead—as industry players navigate Trump’s memorandum that withdrew most federal support for any project with “the purposes of generation of electricity or any other such use derived from the use of wind.”

In May, New York, alongside 16 other states and D.C., went to a Massachusetts federal court to argue Trump’s memorandum was illegal. Their complaint cites the holdup at Arthur Kill Terminal as an example of how the memorandum has damaged the supply chain supporting offshore wind. So far, the administration has avoided providing the court basic information about how the Interior Department and other relevant agencies operationalized Trump’s memo. The next hearing is later today.

The case docket includes filings from community groups in waterfront areas claiming wind projects will cause harm. According to research from Brown University’s Climate and Development Lab, many of the groups have financial or organizational links to climate denying think tanks backed by the fossil fuel industry. Save Long Beach Island, a group based on New Jersey’s Atlantic Coast, told the court that rising offshore wind energy activity is killing whales, an assertion refuted by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, but one that was nonetheless put forward last week by HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. during a televised cabinet meeting. The Brown report found over $72 million in donations from the Koch brothers and other pro-fossil fuel donors had helped fund this misinformation campaign.

Bringing wind power to Staten Island used to be a bipartisan project.

In late July, the Department of Interior’s Bureau of Ocean Energy Management placed a new hurdle ahead of developing offshore wind energy, rescinding designated wind energy areas on the outer continental shelf—including on the New York Bight, where AKT was anticipated to support windmill installations.

The Biden administration’s clean energy efforts had called for the country to get 30 gigawatts from offshore wind by 2030. New York state planned to produce over 10 percent of that figure, or enough to power 6 million homes by 2035. Its own state-level climate goals call for sourcing 70 percent of energy from renewables by the end of this decade.

Bringing wind power to Staten Island, which has only voted for a Democrat presidential candidate four times in history, used to be a bipartisan project. Staten Island’s GOP representative, Nicole Malliotakis, has supported AKT, while boasting of the economic and environmental benefits of expanding wind power facilities in her district. She voted for Biden’s infrastructure package, and on Earth Day 2022 introduced legislation to create a program to share federal offshore wind revenue with states. In April, despite Trump’s order halting offshore wind development, Rep. Malliotakis petitioned the Army Corp of Engineers to nonetheless expedite the remaining federal permit for AKT. Her office did not respond to a request for comment, but after the Department of Transportation announced on Friday that it would pull its financial support of the terminal, Malliotakis told the Staten Island Advance she would push the agency “to get the funding repurposed to another maritime, port infrastructure or economic development project that would benefit Staten Island.”

Beyond investments in infrastructure, local officials also worked to build the island’s workforce.Beginning in 2023, New York City’s Economic Development Corporation gave over half a million to the College of Staten Island to “train the next generation of professionals for offshore wind careers.” The day before the 2024 election, AKT provided the college another $1 million to develop a future offshore wind industry workforce.

In the past, Staten Island has been left behind from growth opportunities that benefited other parts of New York City, says Nadia Adam, president of the Staten Island Industrial Alliance. She attributes this to the GOP-voting borough being “isolated physically and ideologically” from the rest of the city. That context has made some residents hesitant to wholeheartedly welcome offshore wind.

“People are unsure where Staten Island fits in, and they want to make sure we’re not being a dumping ground, because that’s what we have been historically for the rest of New York City,” says Adam, in a nod to the borough’s infamous Fresh Kills landfill, now being converted into a park.

But Staten Island’s maritime history has primed the borough for offshore wind, says Adam, who is also a co-founder of EcoWind Solutions, which offers legal and regulatory guidance to wind power companies. For decades, the island has served as both an industrial and maritime corridor, and already hosts a high volume cargo port.

Other wind power projects in New York have seen some movement. In May, the Trump administration reversed a stop work order it had issued for Empire Wind, a project off Long Island and tied into Brooklyn, following several calls with New York Governor Kathy Hochul and additional advocacy from environmental groups.

One such organization, the Alliance for Clean Energy New York, joined the 17-state plaintiff team in May, claiming Trump’s anti-wind memorandum is causing “irreparable harm” to their members.

“It’s impacting not only the state of New York for our own policy goals, but also there’s a lot of money invested in this industry already, and these companies can’t take the hit,” says Alicia Gené Artessa, the alliance’s offshore wind director. “The state of New York has also invested a lot of time and money, and then everyone else connected to it” has too.

If Trump gets his way, she explains, “It would just be totally squandered.”

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Mother Jones

Epstein Survivors Begged Trump to Release Their Files. He Called It a “Hoax.”

There’s one issue that is gaining rare bipartisan support in a very divided DC: Outrage over the continued stonewalling of the full release of the Epstein files.

On Wednesday, a group of Democrat and Republican lawmakers—including Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.)—held a press conference on Capitol Hill featuring survivors of the late financier and sex abuser Jeffrey Epstein. The purpose: Push Republicans to help force a vote on a House bill that Massie introduced in July, dubbed the “Epstein Files Transparency Act,” that would force Attorney General Pam Bondi to publicly release, within 30 days, all of the unclassified materials related to their investigations into Epstein and his accomplice, Ghislaine Maxwell. This would include flight logs, names of people and entities with ties to Epstein, sealed settlements, and any internal Department of Justice (DOJ) communications about declining to charge or investigate his associates. The bill would also prohibit the withholding of any files based on “embarrassment, reputational harm, or political sensitivity.”

President Donald Trump’s DOJ has repeatedly purported to release new batches of the files, including on Tuesday night, when the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee [released][4] more than 33,000 pages of documents that it secured through a subpoena from the DOJ. But Democrats and those present at the Wednesday press conference said those documents had already been made public through prior court cases.

At the news conference, Massie alleged the House Oversight Committee was “allowing the DOJ to curate all of the information that the DOJ is giving them” and said that 97 percent of the documents released were “already in the public domain.”

“This is a litmus test: Can we drain the swamp?” he asked. “Are there people who are outside of the reach of the law? I don’t think there should be.”

GOP Rep. Massie: I hope my Republican colleagues are watching. The Washington establishment is asking you to believe 2 people created hundreds of victims, and no one else was involved. They are allowing the DOJ to curate all the information. The pages are heavily redacted, and… [pic.twitter.com/W3r3MlS7B4][5]

— FactPost (@factpostnews) [September 3, 2025][6]

The DOJ did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Mother Jones. Oversight Committee Chairman Rep. James Comer (R-Ky.) [said][7] Wednesday that its investigation into Epstein was “the most comprehensive…to date” and that more documents will be forthcoming, including from Epstein’s estate.

The survivors spoke at length and in detail about the abuse they suffered at the hands of Epstein and Maxwell, who was recently moved from a Florida prison to a minimum-security federal prison camp in Texas [after a two-day interview][8] with Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche. For one survivor, Marina Lacerda, an immigrant from Brazil, Wednesday was the first time she spoke out publicly about her abuse, she said. Lacerda recounted entering Epstein’s orbit while working three jobs to support her mother and sister as a high school student, and a friend offered her $300 to give a man, presumably Epstein, a massage. “It went from a dream job,” she said, “to the worst nightmare.”

Lacerda said she started getting called upon to go to Epstein’s house so frequently that she dropped out of ninth grade and never returned. Her only way out, she said, came when Epstein told her she had gotten too old to work for him.

Lacerda said she struggles to remember some of the details of her abuse, which she believes the government documents could help her fill in. “[The government] have documents with my name on them that were confiscated from Jeffrey Epstein’s house and could help me put the pieces of my own life back together,” she said, “but I don’t have any of it, and I know the same is true for many of these women.”

Epstein survivor Marina Lacerda: It's so hard to heal knowing that there are people out there who know more about my abuse than I do. The government is still in possession right now of the documents with my name on them that were confiscated from Jeffrey Epstein's house, and… [pic.twitter.com/f0pcqePARw][9]

— FactPost (@factpostnews) [September 3, 2025][10]

The survivors appealed to Republicans for their support in backing the bill that would require the full release of the files. Massie is trying to force a vote on his bill through a discharge petition, which compels the release of legislation from committee for a floor vote once 218 members sign on. With all 212 House Democrats reportedly signing onto the petition, plus four Republicans—Massie, Greene, Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.), and Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.)—officials at the Wednesday press conference called for two more Republicans to join their colleagues to get it done. Meanwhile, a White House official [told][11] NBC News they viewed voting for the petition as “a very hostile act to the administration.”

“The only motive for opposing this bill would be to conceal wrongdoing,” said survivor Anouska De Georgiou. “You have a choice: Stand with the truth or with the lies that protected predators for decades.”

Epstein survivor Anouska de Georgiou: To be clear, the only motive for opposing this bill would be to conceal wrongdoing. You have a choice. Stand with the truth or with the lies that have protected predators for decades. [pic.twitter.com/7eVnfmsKb4][12]

— FactPost (@factpostnews) [September 3, 2025][13]

The survivors also appealed directly to Trump, begging him to back the bill that would force greater transparency from the DOJ. “President Trump: You have so much influence and power in this situation,” De Georgiou added. “Please use that influence and power to help us, because we need it now, and this country needs it now.”

Trump, though, did not appear to be moved. In response to a question from a reporter during a concurrent Oval Office meeting, the president alleged the effort to release the files “is a Democrat hoax that never ends.”

“Nobody’s ever satisfied,” he added. “They’re trying to get people to talk about something that’s totally irrelevant to the success that we’ve had as a nation since I’ve been president.”

President Trump on Jeffrey Epstein Files: "This is a Democrat hoax that never ends…I think it's enough because I think we should talk about the greatness of our country and the success that we're having…that's what I want to talk about…not the Epstein hoax." [pic.twitter.com/0CowxRnOVk][14]

— CSPAN (@cspan) [September 3, 2025][15]

Word soon got back to the survivors on the Hill that the president had, [again][16], dismissed their pleas. “This is not a hoax. We are real human beings. This is real trauma,” said survivor Haley Robson, in response to a question from a reporter about Trump’s comments.

“To say that it’s a hoax—it’s just not. Please humanize us,” she said, adding that she is a registered Republican. “I would like Donald J. Trump and every person in America and around the world to humanize us, to see us for who we are, and to hear us for what we have to say.”

In the meantime, the survivors are pursuing their own justice in the absence of government action: They said they are discussing creating their own list of people who they allege participated in Epstein’s abuse. “We know the names. Many of us were abused by them,” said survivor Lisa Phillips. “Now, together as survivors, we will confidentially compile the names we all know who were regularly in the Epstein world, and it will be done by survivors and for survivors, no one else is involved. Stay tuned for more.”

Epstein survivor Lisa Phillips: I stand here today for every woman who has been silenced, exploited, and dismissed. We are not asking for pity. We are here demanding accountability, and I'm demanding justice. Congress must choose. Will you continue to protect predators, or will… [pic.twitter.com/78QKtaQUxF][17]

— FactPost (@factpostnews) [September 3, 2025][18]

Later, Greene said that if the survivors asked her to read the names from the House floor, she would. “I’m not afraid to name names, and so if they want to give me a list, I will walk in that Capitol on the House floor, and I’ll say every damn name that abused these women,” Greene said. “I can do that for them, and I’d be proud to do it.” If she did, she would presumably be protected from legal retaliation or questioning by the [Speech and Debate Clause][19] of the Constitution—the same one that Mace invoked when she [accused][20] four men of sexual abuse in a speech on the House floor earlier this year.

[4]: http://House Oversight and Government Reform Committee [5]: https://t.co/W3r3MlS7B4 [6]: https://twitter.com/factpostnews/status/1963256239644688893?ref%5Fsrc=twsrc%5Etfw [7]: https://x.com/GOPoversight/status/1963266752558600315 [8]: https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2025/08/ghislaine-maxwell-absolves-trump-and-everyone-else-in-doj-interviews/ [9]: https://t.co/f0pcqePARw [10]: https://twitter.com/factpostnews/status/1963260815718383672?ref%5Fsrc=twsrc%5Etfw [11]: https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/epstein-accusers-put-pressure-congress-release-files-rcna228762 [12]: https://t.co/7eVnfmsKb4 [13]: https://twitter.com/factpostnews/status/1963259675568181602?ref%5Fsrc=twsrc%5Etfw [14]: https://t.co/0CowxRnOVk [15]: https://twitter.com/cspan/status/1963271648414425599?ref%5Fsrc=twsrc%5Etfw [16]: https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2025/07/trump-epstein-republican-supporters-maga/ [17]: https://t.co/78QKtaQUxF [18]: https://twitter.com/factpostnews/status/1963266577110851886?ref%5Fsrc=twsrc%5Etfw [19]: https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S6-C1-3-1/ALDE%5F00013300/ [20]: https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2025/02/please-dont-use-nancy-maces-so-called-victim-hotline-advocates-say/

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Mother Jones

Trump and Adams Might Soon Go Official

The grand arc of Eric Adams’ political evolution, which kicked off in 2021 with a bombastic claim that the former NYPD officer was the “future of the Democratic Party,” only for him to find salvation in Donald Trump’s return to office, appears to be reaching its logical endpoint: a prominent gig with the Trump administration.

The New York Times reports that advisers to the president, who has been drumming up ways to meddle in the politics of a hometown that hates him, are weighing potential positions for Adams in the Trump administration. (The other guy, in the red beret? He’s also reportedly being considered for a job.) The president’s advisers believe that the move could put an end to the game of chicken between Adams and Andrew Cuomo, helping the latter out of a virtually nonviable path to defeat Zohran Mamdani, the mayoral race’s overwhelming frontrunner.

If true, the plan would be the logical next step in Trump and Adams’ increasing alliance: a scandal-plagued mayor, in the most official capacity, answering to the guy whose Justice Department dropped criminal charges against him. Yet, it’s difficult to see how a wide-open contest between Cuomo and Mamdani, the 33-year-old frontrunner and democratic socialist, would work the way Trump apparently thinks: that defeating the Republican Party’s biggest bogeyman would be good for him politically. Even Cuomo seems skeptical. He told the Times that Mamdani’s victory “would be a political gift to the Republican Party, which would then use him to characterize the Democrats across the country going into the midterms.”

Of course, Trump’s decision-making is rarely governed by logic. Here, the president appears to relish the opportunity of meddling in New York’s mayoral race, flexing real political muscle with imagined, even potentially self-destructive, results. As for Adams, it would merely make official what we already know.

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Mother Jones

House Dems Blast Labor Department For Abandoning Disabled Workers

On Wednesday, a group of six Democratic members of Congress, led by Rep. Lateefah Simon (D-Calif.), raised concerns that the federal government is “failing to protect federal contractor workers with disabilities” in a letter sent to Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer.

“The Trump administration is waging a war on disabled people and working to undo the hard-won rights our elders secured,” Simon said in a statement. “They want to roll back protections, weaken enforcement, and make our communities invisible again.”

Under Section 503 of the Rehabilitation Act, landmark disability rights legislation which has been in effect since 1973, the federal government is supposed to take proactive steps to hire contractors with disabilities, provide accommodations, and not discriminate against them. As I reported in July, Chavez-DeRemer’s Labor Department is in the process of rulemaking to end goals for companies with federal contracts to have at least seven percent of their employees have a disability.

“When you strip those…provisions away, what is left of [Section] 503, and what are they actually enforcing?” Anupa Iyer Geevarghese, a former deputy director of policy in the Labor Department’s Office of Federal Contractor Compliance Programs, asked in July. “Anything that gives you a strong basis for enforcement is sort of whittled away.”

According to the letter, “undue delays in investigating complaints of discrimination, abandonment of compliance reviews and stalled affirmative action plan monitoring call into question the agency’s commitment to enforcing protections for federal contract workers with disabilities.”

“The agency is abandoning review of employment practices for 2,000 companies,” the letter continues, including “technology companies such as Google and Meta, airlines such as American Airlines, Delta Air Lines, and consulting firms including Deloitte and Boston Consulting Group,” also noting that the Labor Department, apparently throughout Trump’s second term, “was not processing and investigating complaints.”

The letter asks Chavez-DeRemer a series of questions, including how many disability discrimination complaints the office has received since January, how it has responded, and the impact of the delay on workers with disabilities. It requests a response by October 1—the first day of National Disability Employment Awareness Month.

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Mother Jones

RFK Jr.’s Enemies List Just Got a Lot Longer

It hasn’t been a great week for Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

On Saturday, Sen. Bernie Sanders (D-Vt.), ranking member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, authored an op-edin the New York Times calling for Kennedy to resign, as my colleague Inae Oh wrote. The next day, nine former directors of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) joined in, alleging in another Times op-ed that Kennedy “is endangering every American’s health.”

More calls for his ouster came Wednesday, when more than 1,000 current and former HHS staffers published a letter demanding Kennedy’s resignation. “We believe health policy should be based on strong, evidence-based principles rather than partisan politics,” the letter states. “But under Secretary Kennedy’s leadership, HHS policies are placing the health of all Americans at risk, regardless of their politics.”

The letter cites several of the same examples as the New York Times op-ed written by the former CDC directors: Kennedy has fired thousands of HHS workers, boosted unproven treatments for measles while undermining vaccines, backed Medicaid cuts, and, of course, fired former CDC Director Susan Monarez, which led to the resignations of other top CDC officials.

The letter from the former HHS staffers also mentions additional issues, like Kennedy’s habit of “appointing political ideologues who pose as scientific experts”—such as vaccine skeptic David Geier to investigate long debunked links between vaccines and autism—and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA)’s recent decision to limit access to the Covid vaccines. If Kennedy declines to resign, they write, President Donald Trump and Congress should replace him with someone “whose qualifications and experience ensure that health policy is informed by independent and unbiased peer-reviewed science.”

The signatories, part of a group called Save HHS, addressed the letter to members of Congress. Their names were reportedly provided to lawmakers but are not listed publicly “in order to safeguard the privacy and security” of the signatories, according to the group. Those who signed on worked at sub-agencies including the FDA, the CDC, and the National Institutes of Health.

In a statement provided to Mother Jones, Andrew Nixon, communications director for HHS, claimed that “[Kennedy] and the HHS team have accomplished more than any health secretary in history in the fight to end the chronic disease epidemic and Make America Healthy Again.” Spokespeople for the White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment. But Kennedy and administration officials won’t be able to ignore the growing calls for his resignation or firing for long.

On Thursday, he’s due to testify before the Senate Finance Committee, Politico first reported last week. Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), the committee’s top Democrat, wrote to Kennedy last week alleging that “transparency and communication from HHS has been selective at best and deceptive and deeply harmful at worst” and demanding that Kennedy “correct course and deliver on the promise of ‘radical transparency'” at the Thursday hearing.

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Mother Jones

The National Guard Soldier Pissed About Trump’s DC Takeover

Thanks to President Donald Trump, the residents of Washington, DC, are now safe from the horrors of fallen leaves and errant litter. Otherwise, as the US commander in chief threatens to send National Guard troops to Chicago, the usefulness of Trump’s DC deployment has been doubtful.

“They just see us as little toy soldiers to put on the street to show some muscle.”

On August 11, Trump declared DC’s violent crime rate higher than some of “the worst places on Earth”—likening the capital to Baghdad, Iraq, and Bogotá, Colombia. In fact, DC’s violent crime rate is at a 30-year low. No matter: In a show of fealty to Trump, six Republican states sent troops to DC.

So far, their work has not gone exactly as planned. Last week, the soldiers deployed to fight a “crime emergency” instead found themselves completing “beautification” duties on Capitol Hill and patrolling Krispy Kremes. Users on the r/NationalGuard subreddit were quick to give their colleagues a new nickname: National Guardeners.

The joke shows an undercurrent of dissent within the Guard after Trump unleashed members on major American cities. Alex, a National Guard recruiterfrom one of the states that sent troops to DC who requested anonymity to speak freely, told Mother Jones that the DC mission has deterred potential recruits and pushed already-disillusioned soldiers to their breaking points.

“I think people have hit their limit. This is an encroachment on everything we signed up for, and it feels like a violation,” said Alex. “They just see us as little toy soldiers to put on the street to show some muscle. There’s no clear mission or understanding of that mission.”

Trump’s moves have also drained budgets. Experts estimate that the DC deployment is costing roughly $1 million a day. The recent Los Angeles deployment cost $134 million. The lack of money, Alex said, puts retirement for some members at risk.

In order to receive retirement benefits, National Guardsmen generally need to acquire at least 20 “good years” of service. This means committing some time to the National Guard each month. Often, this takes the form of practice drills. But, shortly after the DC deployment, Alex said, they received instructions not to drill for the rest of the fiscal year (which ends September 30).

“It generally gets like this at the end of the fiscal year, money’s always tight, but not to the point where I’m not able to drill,” Alex said. Without additional drills, some will not be able to log a “good year” toward retirement. Alex put it succinctly: “I’m missing work for the army because the state ran out of money because they decided to send military police to DC.”

National Guard morale already fell after the deployment to LA, but it has sunk to new depths after the DC call to arms. Increasingly, Alex said, soldiers are worried that they may be called upon by the current administration to commit unethical acts. On September 2, a federal judge ruled that Trump had illegally used armed military troops to squash civilian protests in June. (The Department of Defense did not respond to a request for comment.)

Like in DC, while the 40-day military occupation of LA was a chilling show of force, many troops largely sat around doing nothing. Alex said Guardsmen have been frustrated to see money spent on “performative” deployments in LA and DC, a military birthday parade that “nobody cared about,” and an anti-woke campaign to change back military base names—all while “soldiers’ barracks are falling apart” and the Department of Veterans Affairs is cutting personnel. “They don’t feed these soldiers anything worth a damn, the infrastructure is dilapidated, and they don’t pay them enough,” Alex said.

On social media, the mood is dour, too. One user on r/NationalGuard posted a text alert allegedlyfrom the Department of Defense’s Public Affairs division, encouraging “Capital Guardians” to use the hashtag #DCisMe to participate in a “Picture of the Day Contest.” (“Lamest activation ever,” someone commented.) On Instagram, military meme pages parodied the request, posting memes making fun of the DC takeover with the hashtag #DCisMe.

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A post shared by The Box Wizard (@the_box_wizard)

On Reddit, underneath a video reposted from r/Army and captioned, “[Joint Task Force-DC] soliders [sic] now taking landscaping orders from men in suits,” one user said, “Sorry. As a retired NG officer, this makes me sick. We don’t even have Soldiers doing routine grounds maintenance on Army posts, and yet, we’re doing this in public now?” Another user noted, “It was humiliating enough going to the Inauguration to assist the police only to end up standing around on streets wearing absolutely nothing but road guard vests. It’d be straight up demoralizing to be called up to just pick up trash and rake leaves.” One person asked, sarcastically, “Why are [National Guard] retention numbers so low!?” (Mother Jones was not able to independently verify these posters were members of the National Guard.)

Amid a years-long military recruiting crisis, Trump has repeatedly claimed that Biden-era diversity, equity, and inclusion programs were to blame for the shortfalls, and he recently took credit for an enlistment bump that began before his reelection. But in the National Guard, Alex said, it is the current administration that has proven particularly odious to potential new recruits. In particular, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who once paid $50,000 to settle a sexual assault accusation and declared that women should not be in combat roles.

“We are losing candidates left and right,” said Alex. “Certainly people are watching this and making decisions—not only to not join, but plenty of people within our ranks who are pushing toward retirement are deciding they’re done, and they are leaving before it gets too bad.”

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Mother Jones

New York Sues Anti-Immigration Charity for Multimillion-Dollar Misuse of Funds

Peter Brimelow, founder of the vehemently anti-immigration website VDARE.com, is being persecuted.

That’s what he’s been telling followers, anyway. In a video posted on X last July, Brimelow announced his resignation and the suspension of VDARE, claiming the organization “has been murdered by New York State Attorney General Letitia James,” who “is quite obviously aiming at suppressing our speech.”

PETER BRIMELOW: Why We’ve Suspended VDARE and I’ve Resigned After 25 Years pic.twitter.com/tnWSz3L0xs

— VDARE (@vdare) July 23, 2024

One might be forgiven for finding Brimelow’s speech odious: “Hispanics do specialize in rape, particularly of children. They’re very prone to it, compared to other groups,” he claimed, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, while speaking at a 2017conference in reference to Donald Trump’s claim that Mexico was sending rapists across the southern border. (VDARE once sued the New York Times for defamation—unsuccessfully—for reporting, among other things, that the SPLC had designated VDARE a “hate group” based on its rhetoric and Brimelow’s ties to white nationalists.)

But the lawsuit James’ office filed on Wednesday, after more than three years of investigation and court skirmishes over the AG’s unfulfilled requests for information, doesn’t dwell on Brimelow’s ideology. Rather, it accuses him and his wife, Lydia Brimelow, along with VDARE Foundation—the tax-exempt nonprofit that has supported the website (and the couple’s legal defense fund)—of misusing charitable funds.

The lawsuit claims the Brimelows—who have been championed by Trumpworld figures including Tucker Carlson, Ed Martin, and Stephen Miller—improperly funneled more than $2 million worth of VDARE’s assets to entities controlled by the Brimelows or their family members. These include the Berkeley Castle Foundation, which Lydia established in West Virginia in 2000, and a now-defunct Connecticut company, Happy Penguins, that the couple owned. (Though originally based in Connecticut, and more recently West Virginia, VDARE is registered as a New York nonprofit.)

The Brimelows have also, the suit alleges, repeatedly failed to submit the state financial filings required of all nonprofits—or submitted untruthful ones. Finally, the AG’s office accuses VDARE, which collected nearly $15 million in tax-deductible contributions from 2019 through 2023, of soliciting donations after declaring itself inoperative last year.

To that point, an online fundraising campaign launched by Lydia Brimelow on the donation portal GiveSendGo—which describes James as “a lawless political activist bent on destroying Donald Trump”—shows $52,000 raised on a $100,000 goal, including more than $2,000 in the past month. (“Let’s keep our culture,” one donor, who gave $200, wrote in the comments section.) The funds “will be received by VDARE Foundation,” the page promises. “Please donate today to help VDARE.com defend ourselves from this existential threat.”

Lydia and Peter Brimelow in an image from their VDARE fundraising campaign page.

As I’ve written previously, the rules determining what qualifies as a tax-exempt (thus taxpayer-subsidized) charity in America are wildly permissive—VDARE being just one example—as are the laws governing foundations and donor-advised funds. But state and federal governments do place restrictions on nonprofit corporate governance to discourage founders from enriching themselves. “VDARE’s board was limited only to the Brimelows, their family members, and close associates, a structure that enabled years of unchecked self-dealing,” James’ office writes in a press release announcing the lawsuit.

In 2020, according to the release, the Brimelows used $1.4 million from VDARE’s coffers to purchase a castle in Berkeley Springs, West Virginia. Officially, it was to host the charity’s offices and conferences, “but the Brimelows promptly moved their family in and then orchestrated a series of transactions transferring ownership of the property to companies they owned or controlled.” The AG’s statement goes on to claim that “these arrangements, structured by Lydia Brimelow’s father, were rubber-stamped by a board dominated by the Brimelows.”

The couple’s next move, the lawsuit alleges, was to create what’s known as a leaseback scheme, wherein VDARE paid rent to the Brimelows’ other entities to use the castle and property. These payments, along with loans from VDARE to another company Lydia created, called BBB LLC, enabled the Brimelows to “extract hundreds of thousands of dollars from VDARE,” the lawsuit alleges, while the charity’s stacked board rendered its review of any such transactions “meaningless.”

The AG’s office confirmed to me that its investigation commenced in June 2022 after its lawyers became aware of reports raising questions about the group’s 2020 purchase of the Berkeley Springs Castle, which has divided the local community. When its lawyers then looked at public records related to the transactions, they came across what they felt was strong evidence of self-dealing—that’s the unlawful use of a public charity to enrich its owners or officers.

The Brimelows tried to thwart the investigation, the lawsuit alleges, by ignoring subpoenas, withholding records, and forcing James’ office to go to court to obtain even basic documents: “VDARE has been held in contempt of court twice, owes tens of thousands of dollars in unpaid fines…and still refuses to comply with court orders,” the AG’s statement reads.

On their fundraising page, the Brimelows cast the AG’s investigation as political retribution: “After 25 years of battling Cancel Culture to publish nonprofit journalism on the negative effects of mass immigration in defense of the Historic American Nation, VDARE.com is faced with a crippling pincer attack: overwhelming legal costs AND the canceling of our credit card processing.”

Yet as legal scrutiny increased, the AG further alleges, the Brimelows accelerated their efforts to shift assets away from VDARE by increasing the monthly rent on the castle from $6,000 to $33,000, releasing Brimelow-controlled entities from more than $1 million in mortgage obligations, and transferring VDARE’s remaining castle shares to “a for-profit company believed to be controlled by Lydia Brimelow’s father.”

“Charities are intended to serve the public, not to bankroll castles or pad personal fortunes,” James said in a statement. (Mother Jones has reached out to a lawyer representing VDARE, seeking the group’s response to the allegations.)

In an echo of the successful legal action James [filed in 2018][14] against the Donald J. Trump Foundation, the VDARE lawsuit seeks restitution and penalties for the alleged charitable abuses and the rescission of any unlawful transactions—including transfer of the castle’s ownership. It also calls for the official dissolution of VDARE Foundation and asks the court to permanently bar the Brimelows—as the New York Supreme Court barred Trump and his three grown children—from serving as officers, directors, or trustees of any New York charity or soliciting charitable contributions in New York state. A receiver also would have to be appointed by the court to disburse VDARE’s remaining assets—just $150,000 at the time Brimelow announced that his website was calling it quits—to “legitimate charities.”

Although the courts have shown little patience for the Brimelows’ claims of martyrdom, the couple found a sympathetic ear in Tucker Carlson, who shares their embrace of the [Great Replacement Theory][15], the notion that white Americans—real Americans—are being supplanted by people of color in a scheme orchestrated by “globalist” elites.

Mass immigration is completely destroying our country. Why is no one doing anything about it? Because they’re afraid of ending up like Lydia Brimelow. [pic.twitter.com/B5B0bh6t5O][16]

— Tucker Carlson (@TuckerCarlson) [February 20, 2024][17]

For Trump admirers who come under legal scrutiny, it’s de rigeur to cast their prosecution as political retribution—see January 6. This grievance has been a recurring element of Trump’s playbook, even as his own Justice Department actually—and openly—targets his foes for their misdeeds, real or imagined. But nobody has produced evidence of Letitia James doing so. In the real America, sometimes people just do questionable things and end up accused of crimes.

[14]: http://In an echo of a lawsuit the AG filed in in 2018 against the Donald J. Trump Foundation, [15]: https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2023/01/trump-jan-january-6-insurrection-big-lie-white-supremacy-confederate/ [16]: https://t.co/B5B0bh6t5O [17]: https://twitter.com/TuckerCarlson/status/1760075607927648419?ref%5Fsrc=twsrc%5Etfw

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Mother Jones

On Trump’s Orders, Missouri Republicans Plan to Gerrymander a Black Lawmaker Out of Office

Donald Trump’s plan to rig the 2026 midterms through a series of unprecedented mid-decade gerrymanders shifted from Texas to Missouri on Wednesday, as the GOP-controlled Missouri legislature began a special session to pass a new redistricting map that would eliminate one of two Democrat-held US House districts and net Republicans an additional seat. If successful, the new map would give Republicans 90 percent of seats in a state Trump carried with 58 percent of the vote in 2024.

The Republican leader of the state senate said the plan was designed “to be sure Missouri’s representation matches Missouri’s Christian conservative majority.”

The map targets the seat of Democratic Rep. Emanuel Cleaver, one of two Black members of the state’s congressional delegation, by stretching his Kansas City-based district 200 miles east into red, rural counties that have little in common with the urban areas he’s represented for 20 years in Congress. Cleaver’s hometown of Kansas City, where he served as mayor before joining the US House, would be split into three districts to dilute Democratic voting strength. According to The Downballot, Cleaver’s district, which he won by twenty-four points in 2024, would now favor Trump by 18 points.

If successful, the new map would give Republicans 90 percent of seats in a state Trump carried with 58 percent of the vote in 2024.

“President Trump’s unprecedented directive to redraw our maps in the middle of the decade and without an updated census is not an act of democracy—it is an unconstitutional attack against it,” Cleaver said in a statement. “This attempt to gerrymander Missouri will not simply change district lines, it will silence voices. It will deny representation. It will tell the people of Missouri that their lawmakers no longer wish to earn their vote, that elections are predetermined by the power brokers in Washington, and that politicians—not the people—will decide the outcome.”

After pressuring Texas to pass a new congressional map that is expected to net Republicans five new seats, Trump is now lobbying legislators state by state—much like he attempted to overturn the 2020 election— in an outlandish bid to prevent Democrats from retaking the House and investigating his administration. Even if California approves a new map that would offset Texas’s gains, Republicans believe they can net up to seven additional seats in a gerrymandering arms race, making it much tougher for Democrats to turn Trump’s unpopularity into a wave election. “Trump made the demand and all the Republicans folded,” says Sean Soendker Nicholson, a Democratic political consultant who’s worked on nonpartisan redistricting campaigns in Missouri for many years. “This would be the most extreme Missouri gerrymander since the Civil War.”

Gerrymandering is not the only way Missouri Republicans are attacking democratic norms. Missouri Republican Gov. Mike Kehoe also asked lawmakers to severely restrict the state’s ballot initiative process after Missouri voters passed a slew of progressive policies in recent years, including redistricting reform, paid sick leave, a higher minimum wage, Marijuana legalization, Medicaid expansion, and a constitutional right to an abortion.

Missouri Republicans are trying to predetermine election outcomes through extreme gerrymandering while taking away voters’ ability to do anything about it.

Instead of needing a simple majority to pass a citizen-led initiative, Kehoe’s proposal would require a majority of support in each of the state’s congressional districts (which the legislature is currently gerrymandering). That would allow 50.1 percent of voters in one district to thwart the will of a majority of the state’s voters overall. “You could get 90 percent of the vote to pass a constitutional amendment and it still wouldn’t pass,” says Nicholson. “It’s minority rule on steroids. It would allow any part of the state to veto something supported by the rest of the state.” The plan would still need to be approved by the state’s voters, likely in November 2026.

It’s telling that the gerrymandering of congressional districts and the gerrymandering of the ballot initiative process are happening at the same time. Missouri Republicans are trying to predetermine election outcomes through extreme gerrymandering while taking away voters’ ability to do anything about it.

Nicholson predicts these efforts will backfire, however. He says the Missouri courts will likely reject the mid-decade gerrymander because the Missouri Constitution states that redistricting must follow the decennial census. And he believes the state’s voters will oppose efforts to undercut the ballot initiative process.

“Republicans are pulling out all the shenanigans,” he says. “People will see through what they’re trying to do.”

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Mother Jones

Being Black in America Almost Killed Me Part 1

Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Trymaine Lee was in the middle of writing his first book when the unthinkable happened. At 38, a massive heart attack nearly took his life. That near-death experience forced him to reckon with the toll his reporting has taken on his life, including the years he’s spent chronicling gun violence involving Black men in America, as well as his own family’s history marred by slavery, lynching, and even murder.

“What I was feeling was death,” Lee says of his heart attack. “And that moment changed the book certainly, changed my life, but changed the way I view the violence that I had been writing about. I had been writing about bullets. But this blood clot in my heart was just as violent.”

On this week’s episode of More To The Story, Lee sits down with host Al Letson for part 1 of a very personal conversation about the moment Lee thought he might be dying, the many challenges of being a Black journalist in America, and how his brush with death redirected the focus of his new book, A Thousand Ways to Die: The True Cost of Violence on Black Life in America.

This following interview was edited for length and clarity. More To The Story transcripts are produced by a third-party transcription service and may contain errors.

Al Letson: So this is your first book. I should say that as a journalist, you’ve been on this beat for a while. Obviously we know each other. I’ve been following your work for a minute, so how did it turn into this book?

Trymaine Lee: No. The earliest seeds of this book were planted when I was just an intern at the Philadelphia Daily News in 2003. I was covering a case of a young brother who was 17, 18 years old, and he got shot in the back of the neck during a robbery. So some other guys tried to rob him for his Allen Iverson jersey. They ended up shooting him and he ended up being paralyzed. And I found my way into the hospital and this brother, despite being a quadriplegic, he couldn’t feel anything from the neck down, was so hopeful and so optimistic, and he told me that he had dreams about walking again and he’s like this hopeful bright light in the midst of what was clearly like a very dark moment for him and his family. But as he’s talking, I looked across his bed and I see his mother there, her eyes welling with tears and both realized that he would never walk again. And then she started to tell the story of what it would take to get him home. She said, “We need a new ramp. We need an ambulance, a van. We need a wheelchair. We need new outlets.” And they’re just a poor family from North Philly. And this idea of the great cost. Obviously he lost his mobility, he lost a certain kind of future, but also there was this financial cost.

And so I started to think about this idea of nobody cares about that young brother or young brothers like him, but maybe you care that every time a bullet hits flesh, we’re all paying a price somehow some way in a literal dollar amount. And so I had this idea that I was calling Million Dollar Bullets, and so I had Million Dollar Bullets in my head and I pitched it. Everywhere I worked I was trying to pitch this story and I just couldn’t get it done. Until many years later in 2015, a book agent had approached me and said, “Listen, if there’s ever anything you want to do, come talk to me.” And so I pitched the idea and then it just made sense. The timing was right. It was right after Trayvon and Michael Brown, and so we were grappling with how violence is heaped upon young black men in particular, and there was all this gun violence and Freddie Gray, all this stuff was happening and it just felt like it was the right time. Now the book changed dramatically from those early seeds, but that was the beginning.

I’m listening to it to the way you describe it, and it broke my heart. Literally we’re in this interview and I’m trying to piece my heart back together because it is just so sad to me that we as journalists have to think about angles to make people have empathy for, in this case specifically for young black people. We have to think of an angle and say to you, well, this bullet economically costs you money and maybe you will care more about the economics of this bullet and want to stop this stuff because clearly you don’t care about the people that are being impacted.

That’s right. This idea … And you and I both know this well, the gut-wrenching exercise of humanizing our people, humanizing our people. Finding ways where other people, white people, white society might connect, might have some compassion for the violence that we experience every day, the literal violence, but also the systemic violence that keeps this whole thing together. It’s a terrible dance we have to do, but we have to do that because things are as they are, not as we want them to be.

Right. Absolutely. That’s the work itself. It is what it is. And for people called to do it, that’s just the burden you have to carry. But still sometimes you just pull back a little bit and it’s like, “Wow. I have to make an economic case in order for this to matter to the general public.” Which is just wild to me. So you’re putting this book together, it’s your passion project and you’ve been working hard on it, and right after you turned in your first draft, life took a turn that you just did not see.

At the age of 38, I had a heart attack eight years ago this past July, and it was one of those moments where in the midst of it actually happening, I wasn’t clear it was a heart attack, but I was clear my life felt like it was ending in that moment. For a few days, walking to the train … I live in New York and I was walking to the train and I feel a little pressure in my chest and I thought it was one of those times where I was just a little more out of shape than normal. I’m a former athlete and I usually stay in shape, but it was one of those times where I had been out the gym for a while, and so I didn’t think much of it.

And then the day of the heart attack earlier that day, I went to have coffee with a friend of mine at work and I walked down the steps to meet her and I felt like I was going to pass out. And so I said, “I’m going to go to the clinic at 30 Rock at NBC just to get checked out.” And so I go in there and they listen to my heart and they put a little EKG thing on me and they said, “You know what, the left side of your heart is a little enlarged. At some point you should go see someone. A cardiologist. But it’s not like you’re going to go home tonight and drop dead.” Verbatim.

Wow.

I’m not going to drop dead. Then later that night I go home and my wife was cleaning the bedroom and so I was on the sofa sleeping and she woke me up and I went to the bedroom three minutes after I laid down this enormous pressure in my chest. The world was spinning, cold sweat, nausea. It felt like my entire body was breaking down, and in fact what I was feeling was death. I had a blood clot in my left anterior descending artery that was starving my heart. And that moment changed the book certainly, changed my life, but changed the way I viewed the violence that I had been writing about. I had been writing about bullets, but this blood clot lodged in my heart, lodged in my artery was just as violent.

Before we go to the book, can you just talk to me about the weight of the heart attack and how it played out with your family. I just want to hear about the personal journey through that. So we’re at that age where … I was talking to a friend of mine recently and I was like, “We’re at that age where if you have kids, they’re still needing your guidance. If you have parents, they now need your guidance. Work is crazy, the economy is going nuts, you’re feeling crunched and you’re just trying to get through the best you can, and then something like this happens.” I’m sure it has to change your perspective about life.

It sounds cliche to think that in that moment I was thinking about everything that I would miss. My daughter, who was six years old at the time, was this beautiful little inquisitive girl who is like my buddy to this day. She’s turning 13 this summer and to think about not …

Yeah, man. Take your time.

To think about not being able to walk her to school. The science project. She wants to be a journalist like us. So talking about the five W’s and having little conversations with her and seeing that she’s beginning to piece an understanding together and that I would miss that. It brought me to my knees in so many ways, but it also coming out of that, that I did survive, that I did live, it was an opportunity to live more fully and more honestly. And so in the beginning it was like, “You know what, let me get physically right because it’s going to take more than that to get me.” Definitely going to have to hawk me down.

Absolutely. Absolutely.

I’ve been through enough. I said, “You know what, I’m getting on this bike.” I started to meditate. I started to really be just mindful. But it also forced me to engage with a weight that I had not fully unpacked that I was carrying because my six-year-old daughter was asking me tough questions. How and why? And with no family history, no high blood pressure, no high cholesterol I had the misfortune of some soft plaque just breaking off and the clot filled this place. But there was another weight on my heart that I had never fully engaged with. As a journalist for my entire career operating on the edge of death and survival, black death and survival in particular, and a family history packed with early death and violence I had to engage with that in a way that I had never expected to fully. And so again, re-engaging with how I’m living, the idea idea of mortality also though.

There was a moment was freeing in a way that though every night for years I went to sleep not knowing if I would wake up. And that was scary a little bit because it was like I started traveling again for work and I was like, “I don’t want to die in this hotel room.” Or if my wife had to go to work, I don’t want to die, my daughter comes in the room and finds me. That was one side. But the other side was this clarity that we know tomorrow’s not promised, but it truly is not promised. So how are we going to live? After that wave of a few years, I can honestly say that I haven’t experienced stress in the way I understood it before. I ain’t worried about nothing now. I’m really truly not. Come on now. So I feel free of some way where it’s like, man, it’s going to come at some point hopefully far down the road, so I’m going to do everything I want to do. Man, I’ll be fishing every chance I get. I’m chilling. I’m going to Martha’s Vineyard right now. Last year was my first year. I ain’t grow up with nobody going to Martha’s Vineyard. Give me the finger sandwiches.

You going do it.

How you pronounce this? Let me get some of that please. So as scary as things have been, honestly, there is a freedom, and I think in the reshaping of my life and the reshaping of my understanding of life and death and the reshaping of the book, there is something … I think clarity is the word. There’s a clarity now, man. With the story I was trying to tell in my life.

A filmmaker that I know has a movie. It’s a movie, but it’s like four hours long. It was on PBS. But the title of the movie, it was based off an African proverb That was, you never know how alive you are until there’s a lion in the room.

That’s right.

When I go through stuff … Recently, one of my kids was really sick and it was really scary and he was in the hospital for almost four months. And that saying, I felt it. I felt it so deep. I understood it before, but when you are sitting in the room and you feel like death is on the other side you know there’s a lion in this room, and I got to squeeze life and get everything I possibly can out of it because we are not promised tomorrow. It is like you could walk outside now and it all be gone, or the people you love be gone and what did you do in the meantime?

And we are not promised the nightfall. We are not promised that.

No. So one more question about the family stuff. How did you explain this to your daughter? Because six is that age where they are beginning to understand life, but I don’t know if they truly have an understanding of death at that part. They understand life in the terms of life is good, mom and dad are here, we get to have fun, we do this, we do that. A little bit of sense of self maybe, but the idea that it could all go away is so foreign at that age.

Well, two things. I think one, I don’t think most adults understand mortality because we don’t live as if it’s going to end. We don’t. And even when you have a proximity or a proximal relationship to death, you’ve experienced it through people and that’s a certain kind of pain of that loss. It’s hard for us to understand that we might not be here one day. That’s harder to fully conceptualize. And before I get to my daughter, I want to say one thing that was a moment. So the whole time … I just want to backtrack a little bit.

Yeah. Please.

So the heart attack happens and for about 10 minutes it feels like I’m separating from my physical form. This crazy … I can’t even explain how it felt, but I’m separating myself. And then it passes. Then the ambulance comes, the MTs, they take my vitals, they say, “Everything looks pretty good to us. Do you want to go to the hospital?” And I said, “My daughter has camp in the morning.” And this is how men … This how we … I said, “My daughter has camp in the morning. My wife has a trip. I’ll wait into the morning to get to the hospital. I don’t want to inconvenience my family. You’ve been in the hospital. I don’t want to have my baby in the hospital and my wife.” And so all night long I’m tossing and turning on the sofa with a 98% blockage in the main artery giving my heart blood.
The next day we dropped my daughter off at camp and I go into urgent care. I don’t know why I’m going to urgent care, but I’m doubled over across the street. Bro, I tell them what’s going on. They said, “Yo, go to the emergency room now. What are you doing here? Get there.” So we get there and they’re still like, “You look so young.” They’re not sure what’s going on. After seven or eight hours, they finally take a blood test and find troponin, which is a compound or protein that’s released if you have heart damage. They said, “We think you might’ve had a heart attack. We’re going to prep you for the cath lab tomorrow.” So mind you, I still haven’t gotten in the cath lab yet. So they’re like tomorrow. And then fortunately my cardiologist, who is my cardiologist today said, “You know what, let’s get you in there now.” And so I’m on the table, there’s a big screen over my shoulder and they’re threading whatever it is through my wrist in the vein. And he’s tooling around in there and he pulls it out. He said, “You are a very lucky man.” He said, “You almost had a complete blockage. I put two stents in there to clear it.” And he said, “Where’s your wife? Let’s go talk to her.”

And in that moment I started to smile because I was like, “Yo, your boy was almost out here.” I was so happy because I had had a heart attack. I survived it though. So I’m actually feeling pretty good, literally dodged one. But then the next day … And there’s another one of those moments that I get choked up thinking about, it’s my wife, my brother, my sister, my mother, and we’re all in the room. And I made a joke to my wife. I said, “Man, you almost became a thousandaire.” And then I was like, she almost had to collect death benefits from me, and I broke down sobbing like a baby in my mother’s arms because the reality was, again, all of that crashing down on you, how close of a call that really was. And then my family would have to collect benefits on me.

So I’m in the midst of all that, and I still have this precious, beautiful little girl, this little smart little girl who she had been watching me in Ferguson, Missouri. She had been watching me in Baltimore. So she’s attuned and we have real honest conversations, as honest as you can possibly be with a six-year-old. And I was trying to explain that what happened to daddy’s artery is like a pipe with some gunk got stopped up and it almost stopped my heart. And that wasn’t good enough for her. Because she was already starting to ask about God. She started to ask about Jesus and religion a little bit.

And I’m trying to be honest, like baby, I don’t know. I don’t know. Here’s the story. Here’s the thing, and we’re tapping into something bigger than ourselves, and I’m trying to … But with this, it really forced me to acknowledge what was bearing down in my heart. The stress of telling these stories of black life and death and survival and the spectacle of death. But also a family history going back a very long time to realize what we’ve inherited. But we never fully process as a young journalist running and gunning and hanging out and drinking. And when I was single, we’re dating and we’re moving around and we’re hitting the deadlines. And then after that we’re hanging out. Never fully engaging what it means to carry this specific kind of weight that black people in this country have had to bear. The violence certainly of the bullet, but the systemic violence that is necessary, that is a requisite for these ecosystems in which we experienced that other violence to actually occur. And so it blew my mind in that like, yo, what almost killed me was being black in America and that changed everything.

I think as we turn to talk a little bit more about the book, that being a black journalist, especially in the time that you’re talking about in the time of Ferguson, in the time of Trayvon Martin, that reporting on it carried a weight for black journalists that I don’t think we talk about enough. I don’t even think we really acknowledge it. Because here’s the thing about acknowledging that working in journalism is that as a black journalist, this is just the truth. You have to be better. You can’t talk about you’re having trauma about this or that or the other thing. You have to just do the job because you talk about that type of stuff you’re not going to get work, you’re not going to get the jobs.

You’re not going to be able to keep doing the reporting that you feel is important because nobody does this type of reporting because they want to. We do it because we’re called to do it because we see Mike Brown and we see ourselves, we see our cousins, we see our brothers, our sisters, all of that. When I see Breonna Taylor, Breonna Taylor looks like she could belong in my family. So for me, it’s like I got to tell that story because if I don’t, who will? So you’re drawn to it, but you also experience the trauma of it in a way that you can’t talk about really, except with other black journalists. And then we tend to not talk about it publicly because again, we want to get the job.

I remember as a very young journalist, there was the Jayson Blair case, Jayson Blair, young black journalist from New York Times, who was perhaps one of the most fabulous plagiarists of all time back. He was saying he was in Oklahoma-

Talk about setback.

He was saying he was in Oklahoma and was in the sports department and it was just a mess. And there was this ripple effect I remember, a chilling effect of what it means to be black. Now are they going to see us like that? And other people saying the kinds of jobs that we were taking, some people didn’t want the so-called ghetto beat, which meant you were covering urban affairs and black life in cities. But I think for some of us, that’s the reason why we’re doing this, is to not just shine light in dark spaces to remind the world of who we are and tell our story because no one loves us but us. And that’s the bottom line. No one cares about us. We’re still grappling with the negro problem in this country. And so the weight that comes with of navigating these white newsrooms, it’s like the plantation. And every day we have to walk into the big house with our nice clothes paid for by the plantation and convince them that what’s happening in the back corner of the plantation matters. That every day when it rains people are getting sick because stuck in the mud and every day it can’t get the kids to school because the school, they got the hole in the roof because y’all haven’t … And they’re like, “Hmm, I know some black people back there, and I don’t know if that’s true.”
And then you got to go back to the plantation and they’re like, “Man, you’re looking real clean. I see you in the big house. Look like you eating well.” And you’re like, “Yeah, my grandma and them from around here. Y’all know me.” I’m trying to tell them. So this dynamic.

It is not just the dynamic of having to code switch and leave a part of you behind to go into this space and specifically be able to advocate for the stories that you’re trying to tell outside the space, it’s also coming to the space and them looking at you like … I don’t know.

I don’t know. And you’re right, we haven’t fully talked about it. And all of us who as black journalists who tell these stories, who are mission-driven, who are purpose-driven, who our North star is telling the whole truth about how we experienced this country, there is also this assumption or this perceived bias. Because we understand the experience so well there has to be a bias. We have to have some jaundice vision because we see it too clearly. And so you have to be so good. You have to be so sharp, and you can’t make any mistakes because you will find yourself without a job. No. It’s a lot, man. But especially then, because there was this emotional heat of the moment, but there was also this fire. So we’re engaging with America tearing at its threads and what it means to value black life. And people say, enough is enough. And how do we cover that through the mainstream lens has never been easy. And I’m not sure we figured out a way to do it, except for to go out there time and the game and tell the truth.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

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Mother Jones

Putting Military Lawyers in Charge of Immigration Courts Is Problematic—and “Unlawful”

The Trump administration has decided to get more immigration judges from an unprecedented source: the military.

On Tuesday, the Associated Press reported that the Pentagon plans to send up to 600 military lawyers to the Justice Department to temporarily run immigration courts around the country. Some of them could receive their new assignments as early as next week.

The arrangement would help the Trump administration tackle a backlog of immigration cases. But military lawyers have little or no experience with immigration law. And some former military lawyers worry the plan isn’t even legal. It “should raise all sorts of alarms,” Daniel Maurer, a former Army attorney who also taught law at West Point, told me recently.

I spoke with Maurer in July, after President Trump first hinted that he’d be open to the idea of deploying military attorneys—known as Judge Advocate Generals, or JAGs—as immigration judges in Florida. That idea, floated by Gov. Ron DeSantis, hadn’t yet come to fruition. “There is no clear precedent for what DeSantis and the president are doing,” Mark Nevitt, a law professor at Emory University who served as a Navy JAG, told me at the time.

“This would be unlawful,” added Rachel VanLandingham, a professor at Southwestern Law School in Los Angeles who was an Air Force JAG.

In particular, VanLandingham said, turning military lawyers into immigration judges would likely violate the Posse Comitatus Act, a federal law that bars US troops from participating in civilian law enforcement or “executing the laws,” unless otherwise authorized to do so by the Constitution or Congress. It’s “frightening,” VanLandingham said of the plan, because “the use of military courts to hear civilian cases is the essential component of martial law.”

“What you end up with,” Maurer added, “is military officers under federal control who are running civilian courts.”

The former JAGs gamed out several scenarios (see my previous story for more details), but they couldn’t imagine any in which it would be legal for the Pentagon to turn military attorneys into immigration judges, that is, unless Congress were to pass a law that allowed it, or Trump invoked the Insurrection Act, which gives the commander in chief power to deploy military forces within the United States to suppress rebellion or domestic violence.

And if Trump went that route, there would be no turning back, according to Raquel Aldana, a law professor at the University of California, Davis: “The reality is that, once he does, the powers can be unlimited and we are in a military state.”

The Justice Department relaxed its criteria for temporary immigration judges last month to make way for the JAGs, according to the New York Times. Under the new criteria, the department can put “any lawyer” in charge of immigration court for six months. But it is unclear how temporary this arrangement may actually be, because DOJ officials also have the option of extending the judges’ positions “indefinitely.”

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Mother Jones

Leading Genocide Scholars Say Israel’s War in Gaza Fits the Definition

Leading genocide scholars have ruled that Israel’s actions in Gaza meet the legal definition of genocide.

In a resolution issued Sunday by the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), the scholars argue that Israel’s actions in Gaza meet the legal definition of genocide under the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. That document, which has been ratified by more than 150 member states, characterizes genocide as crimes “committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.”

The IAGS resolution cites several figures and examples from Israel’s war in Gaza to make its cases: more than 59,000 reported fatalities and 143,000 reported injuries, according to the UN; deliberate attacks on journalists, aid workers, and medical professionals; the aid blockade; and the destruction of Palestinian schools and cultural sites.

The resolution calls on the Israeli government “to immediately cease all acts that constitute genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity against Palestinians in Gaza” and asks both the Israeli government and the UN “to support a process of repair and transitional justice that will afford democracy, freedom, dignity, and security for all people of Gaza.” It also calls upon members of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to “surrender any individual subject to an arrest warrant,” seemingly referring to the arrest warrants the ICC issued last year for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.

The resolution comes as international condemnation of Israel’s actions are ramping up. Several countries recently announced plans to recognize Palestinian statehood, with Belgium becoming the latest as of Tuesday morning. Amnesty International also concluded Israel is committing genocide in Gaza in a 300-page report issued in December, as my colleague Noah Lanard reported at the time, and the Israeli human rights groups B’Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights Israel both determined the same in July. South Africa is also pursuing a genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice in the Hague. And last month, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a coalition of 21 organizations—including Save the Children, UNICEF, the World Bank, and the World Health Organization—confirmed that an “entirely man-made” famine is taking place in Gaza City and that other nearby cities are also at risk.

The United States, though, has consistently remained an outlier as other countries have moved to speak out against Israel and call for peace. President Donald Trump, for example, has not publicly addressed the IPC’s designation of famine in Gaza, though he has previously acknowledged starvation in Gaza. Spokespeople for the White House and the State Department did not immediately respond to an inquiry from Mother Jones on Tuesday about the IAGS resolution.

The US has funded Israel’s war to the tune of nearly $18 billion since Hamas’ October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, which killed more than 1,200 people and took more than 250 hostages, including a dozen Americans. The IAGS resolution also says the October 7 attack against Israel “constitutes international crimes.”

On Sunday, the same day the resolution was issued, the Washington Post reported that a postwar plan for Gaza circulating throughout the Trump administration would put it under US control for a decade and would include the so-called “voluntary” displacement of Palestinians—a plan that experts have called ethnic cleansing.

Israeli officials have repeatedly denied allegations of genocide against Palestinians. On Monday, the Israel Foreign Ministry slammed the IAGS resolution in a statement on X, calling it “an embarrassment to the legal profession and to any academic standard” and alleging that the claims within it were unverified and “entirely based on Hamas’s campaign of lies.”

Tim Williams, the vice president of IAGS and professor of insecurity and social order at the University of the Bundeswehr in Munich, told the UK’s Channel 4 News that the organization’s were not surprised by the Israeli reaction, but hoped their determination would provide “a certain amount of academic credentials to anyone now claiming that it is genocide.”

As Lanard has written, the definition of what constitutes a genocide has been both contested and narrowed since its original formulation:

The word “genocide” was coined in 1941 by Raphael Lemkin, a Jewish lawyer from a Polish family, who combined the Greek word for a people (genos) and the Latin translation for killing (cide). At its most basic, genocide meant systematically destroying another group. Lemkin laid it out as a two-phase, often colonial process in his 1944 book, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: First, the oppressor erases the “national pattern” of the victim. Then, it imposes its own. Genocide stretched from antiquity (Carthage) to modern times (Ireland).

[…]

Since the Genocide Convention’s adoption, international courts have arrived at a narrow reading of the already narrow interpretation of Lemkin’s concept, says Leila Sadat, the James Carr Professor of International Criminal Law at the Washington University in St. Louis School of Law. The emphasis of the law is determining whether a country or individual has killed massive numbers of a group of people, and whether they did so with a provable intent to destroy that group. This poses a problem for prosecutors since most perpetrators of genocide are not as transparent as Adolf Hitler.

Williams gestured toward these difficulties in his appearance on Channel 4 News:

Genocide is not just mass killing. It’s also other crimes, like I was saying, for instance, also the deliberate destruction of foundations of life. But also there is a high bar set by the intent to destroy. The perpetrators of genocide have to want to eradicate the target group in whole or in part, I think that’s where there’s been most debate. But we have seen many [Israeli] government leaders, cabinet ministers and senior army officials making explicit statements over the last now almost two years. And through that, I think eventually our members see that the bar has been fulfilled.

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