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Mother Jones

Obama’s Stumping for Democrats. Trump’s at Mar-a-Lago.

Where’s Obama, you ask? The better question may be, where’s Trump?

Former President Barack Obama spent Saturday supporting Democratic candidates in three of the most consequential races of this week’s elections. President Donald Trump, on the other hand, spent the weekend partying and golfing at Mar-a-Lago—a reflection of what has been his uncharacteristically reserved approach to Tuesday’s vote.

Obama delivered speeches in support of two congresswomen-turned-gubernatorial candidates: Mikie Sherrill in New Jersey and Abigail Spanberger in Virginia. In both, he lauded the candidates, criticized their opponents—former state assemblyman Jack Ciattarelli and current Lieutenant Governor Winsome Earle-Sears, respectively—and characterized votes for the Democrats as acts of resistance against the Trump administration.

“If you meet this moment, you will not just put New Jersey on a better path,” Obama said at the Newark rally for Sherrill, a former Navy helicopter pilot and federal prosecutor who currently represents the state’s 11th Congressional district. “You will set a glorious example for this nation.” In Norfolk, Virginia, he delivered a similar message about Spanberger, a former CIA officer who served three terms in Congress: “If you believe in that better story of America, don’t sit this one out. Vote. Vote for leaders like Abigail who believe it too. Vote for leaders who care about your freedoms and who will fight for your rights.”

Trump, meanwhile, spent Friday night hosting a Great Gatsby–themed Halloween party at Mar-a-Lago, just hours beforetens of millions were set to lose access to food stamps.

Also on Saturday, the former president called New York City mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani—again—to wish him luck on election day and offer to be a “sounding board” in the future, the New York Times reported, citing two people familiar with the call. According to the Times:

Mr. Obama said that he was invested in Mr. Mamdani’s success beyond the election on Tuesday. They talked about the challenges of staffing a new administration and building an apparatus capable of delivering on Mr. Mamdani’s agenda of affordability in the city, the people said.

[…]

Mr. Obama spoke admiringly about how Mr. Mamdani has run his campaign, making light of his own past political missteps and noting how few Mr. Mamdani had made under such a bright spotlight.

“Your campaign has been impressive to watch,” Mr. Obama told Mr. Mamdani, according to the people.

According to the Times, Mamdani told Obama that his 2008 speech on raceinspired the mayoral candidate’s own recent speech on Islamophobia in response to comments made by his main opponent, ex–New York governor Andrew Cuomo. If he is elected, Mamdani would be the city’s first Muslim mayor—a fact that his critics, especially those on the right, have used as the basis for an onslaught of Islamophobic attacks against him for months now. Mamdani and Obama also reportedly discussed meeting in Washington DC at some point in the future.

Dora Pekec, a spokesperson for Mamdani, said in a statement to the Times that the candidate “appreciated President Obama’s words of support and their conversation on the importance of bringing a new kind of politics to our city.” The former president first called Mamdani back in June, after his primary upset, the Times reported.

Trump, meanwhile, spent Friday night hosting a Great Gatsby–themed Halloween party at Mar-a-Lago, just hours beforetens of millions of low-income Americans were set to lose access to food stamps due to the ongoing government shutdown and Republicans’ refusal to use contingency funds used to keep the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) operating in the interim. And on Saturday, Trump golfed and ranted on his Truth Social platform—but made no mention of Tuesday’s elections. While Trump endorsed Ciattarelli in the spring and participated in a telephone rally for him this week, he only voiced support for Earle-Sears last month and has yet to formally endorse her.

Spokespeople for the White House did not respond to questions about Trump’s activities this weekend and why he has not more strongly backed the Republican candidates. But polls may provide the answer: The Democrat candidates are leading in both Virginia, which is set to elect its first female governor regardless of who wins, and New Jersey, where the current Democratic governor is term-limited and no party has held the office for three consecutive terms since 1961.

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Mother Jones

Tens of Millions of People Lost Their Food Stamps—For Now

Normally, the 42 million Americans who rely on food stamps (formally known as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP) begin to receive money they can use to purchase certain groceries on the first day of each month.

But today, amid the 32-day-and-counting government shutdown, those funds weren’t there for the vast majority of recipients. (Governors in Virginia and Vermont pledged to use state funds to keep the program going for their respective residents, though both said brief delays were probable as they worked out technological challenges.)

This is the first time in the program’s 61-year history that this has happened. Not because there have never been long government shutdowns, but because past administrations (including the first Trump administration) used contingency funds to keep SNAP operating while Congress worked out its budget disputes.

After the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) released a memo indicating it would not use the contingency funds during this shutdown, more than 20 states sued, arguing that withholding already appropriated funds was illegal. A handful of cities and several nonprofit organizations filed a similar suit Thursday.

On Friday, two judges indicated support for their arguments.

In Rhode Island, US District Judge John McConnell issued an oral decision, affirming the plaintiffs’ argument that the Trump Administration “needlessly plunged SNAP into crisis,” and therefore has to use the reserve funds.

“There is no doubt that the six billion dollars in contingency funds are appropriated funds that are without a doubt necessary to carry out the program’s operation,” McConnell said, according to NBC News.

In a separate federal ruling Friday, US District Judge Indira Talwani wrote that the 20-plus states “are likely to succeed on their claim that Defendants’ suspension of SNAP benefits is unlawful.”

These rulings will not protect SNAP benefits forever. While $9 billion is needed to cover November benefits alone, there is only estimatedto be between $5 and $6 billion dollars in reserve funds. President Donald Trump has since asked the courts for guidance on how to proceed with limited funds.

“Even if we get immediate guidance, [funding] will unfortunately be delayed while States get the money out,” President Donald Trump wrote on social media Friday. “If we are given the appropriate legal direction by the Court, it will BE MY HONOR to provide the funding.”

In the meantime, food banks—like the one I visited in the greater Washington, DC, area earlier this week—have seen demand skyrocket as the 1 in 8 Americans who normally count on SNAP continue to face uncertainty about how much money will be deposited onto their debit-like benefits cards, and when.

For this, the administration places full blame on Democrats, stating on the homepage of the USDA’s website that “Senate Democrats have now voted 13 times to not fund the food stamp program…Bottom line, the well has run dry.”

But the latter part is not quite true. Contingency money for SNAP exists. Trump chose not to use it—at least, not until the courts made him.

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Mother Jones

Heritage Foundation President Backs Tucker Carlson’s Chat With a Holocaust-Denying White Nationalist

Earlier this week, Tucker Carlson welcomed prominent white nationalist Nick Fuentes onto the former Fox News host’s video podcast.

As my colleague Kiera Butler described their conversation: Fuentes “made the case for the importance of Americans ‘to be pro-white,’ sang the praises of brutal Soviet dictator Josef Stalin, and bemoaned the problem of ‘organized Jewry in America.'”

Much of their friendly chat involved lambasting Republicans who support Christian Zionism—the belief among some evangelicals that Christians should support the state of Israel. Carlson said that Republican Christian Zionists like Texas Sen. Ted Cruz and US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee were “seized by this brain virus.”

“I dislike them more than anybody,” Carlson added.

Butler has written extensively about Christian Zionism, and how, at its core, the movement does not embrace adherence to Judaism:

Once the Messiah arrives, many Christian Zionists are convinced that Jews will convert en masse to Christianity; in many versions, those who don’t convert will perish.

But this was not the reason Carlson and Fuentes disavowed Christian Zionism. Rather, Fuentes has routinely espoused antisemitic views, even expressing disbelief in the Holocaust.

“Six million cookies? I’m not buying it,” he said in 2019, for example, comparing baked goods to the six million Jews killed by Nazis. In 2022, Fuentes said that all he wanted was “revenge against my enemies and a total Aryan victory.”

But perhaps just as striking as Fuentes’ beliefs, or that Carlson gave him a massive platform from which to share them, was that Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts posted his own video later in the week on X, unapologetically supporting Carlson’s decision to have Fuentes on the show in the first place.

As conservatives split over Fuentes’ appearance, Roberts described the critics as a “venomous coalition” whose “attempt to cancel [Carlson] will fail.”

“Conservatives should feel no obligation to reflexively support any foreign government, no matter how loud the pressure becomes from the globalist class or from their mouthpieces in Washington,” said Roberts, whose organization published Project 2025, a blueprint of sorts for Trump’s second term in the White House. (To this, former Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell replied: “Last I checked, ‘conservatives should feel no obligation’ to carry water for antisemites and apologists for America-hating autocrats.”)

Carlson “always will be a close friend of the Heritage Foundation,” Roberts concluded his full-throated defense.

Roberts’ response only deepened the right’s rift over the Fuentes-Carlson interview. “Siding with Hitler and Stalin over Churchill is not conservative or consistent, no matter what Tucker claims,” conservative author Bethany Mandel wrote on X. “In deciding to side with him, Kevin Roberts has shifted the foundations on which the Heritage Foundation was built.”

The onslaught of negative feedback prompted Roberts to clarify his views about Fuentes with an X post Friday afternoon: “[T]he Heritage Foundation and I denounce and stand against his vicious antisemitic ideology, his Holocaust denial, and his relentless conspiracy theories that echo the darkest chapters of history,” Roberts said, before making a point to say antisemitism has “blossomed on the Left,” too.

But it’s not so easy to put the genie back in the bottle. As of Saturday morning, Roberts’ video supporting the objectionable Carlson-Fuentes interview has far more views (15.9 million) than the original interview itself (4.7 million).

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Mother Jones

An Atrocity of War Goes Unpunished

In November 2005, a group of US Marines killed 24 civilians in Haditha, Iraq. The case against them became one of the most high-profile war crimes prosecutions in US history—but then it fell apart. Only one Marine went to trial for the killings, and all he received was a slap on the wrist. Even his own defense attorney found the outcome shocking.

“It’s meaningless,” said attorney Haytham Faraj. “The government decided not to hold anybody accountable. I mean, I don’t know, I don’t know how else to put it.”

The Haditha massacre, as it came to be known, is the subject of the third season of The New Yorker’s In the Dark podcast and this week’s episode of Reveal. Reporter Madeleine Baran and her team spent four years looking into what happened at Haditha and why no one was held accountable. They also uncovered a previously unreported killing that happened that same day, a 25th victim whose story had never before been told.

This is an update of an episode that originally aired in March 2025.

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Mother Jones

Halloween Shocker: Trump Axes Work to Learn Whether Offshore Wind Farms Harm Bats

This story was originally published by Canary Media and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

It’s a known problem that onshore wind turbines kill bats. But it’s unclear whether the same issue applies to offshore wind installations—and the Trump administration just canceled groundbreaking research into the question.

Earlier this month, the nonprofit Electric Power Research Institute (EPRI) received a letter from the Department of Energy abruptly canceling its $1.6 million grant to study bat behavior in California waters earmarked for offshore wind development. Christian Newman, EPRI’s program manager for the grant, described it as a major hindrance to the research and said that the organization is actively looking for other funding sources.

The researchers had been two years into a study of bats in the territory California plans to dot with floating offshore wind turbines over the coming decades. There’s so little information about how North American bats use the ocean environment that, in 2021, Newman and his colleagues determined in a peer-reviewed study that predicting the number of bats potentially killed by US offshore wind development was ​“impossible”—at least until more data rolled in.

The bat project is one of 351 individual Energy Department awards, totalling nearly $16 billion in funding, that in early October appeared on a leaked list of potential grant terminations. News reports have since verified the cancellations of some awards on that list, including more than $700 million for batteries and manufacturing, according to Politico’s E&E News. The cancellation of EPRI’s bat research grant has not previously been reported.

The news comes as the Trump administration defunds other research investigating offshore wind’s impact on wildlife. In recent weeks, the Interior Department scuttled two programs, totalling over $5 million, that were actively monitoring the movement of whales in East Coast waters where five commercial-scale wind projects are currently being built.

The West Coast bat study, awarded federal funding in 2022, supported researchers from multiple organizations, including Bat Conservation International. The US-based conservation group has been at the forefront of bat and wind-energy research for over two decades. Until recently, almost all of that work was devoted to onshore wind turbines.

“Wind energy is a really important component of our global energy transition. Unfortunately, wind turbines kill millions of bats globally every year,” said Winifred Frick, chief scientist at Bat Conservation International.

She contributed to a study last year that estimated onshore wind farms killed nearly 800,000 bats every year in just four countries that took annual tallies—Canada, Germany, the UK, and the United States

It’s logical to expect fewer bat deaths might result from wind turbines spinning out in the ocean compared to ones operating on land. After all, according to Frick, even scientists like herself assumed that most species simply do not spend much time at sea.

But, at least on the West Coast, researchers had never scientifically checked. In fact, EPRI was collecting first-of-its-kind information on how the Mexican free-tailed bat interacts with the ocean, deepening scientists’ understanding of the species overall. The EPRI team detected the bats vocalizing while flying over a dozen miles off the coast of Southern California last year, thanks to an acoustic listening device attached to a small sailing drone they launched. Before this study, no one knew that this common and widespread species spent any time at sea.

“One of the things that we’re learning is that there are more bats flying out in the [ocean] environment than we might have otherwise expected,” said Frick.

And that means more bat species are potentially threatened by California’s future offshore turbines than previously thought. Frick added that a greater understanding of which species spend time at sea and when can inform the design of solutions that better minimize fatalities from wind farms.

One solution is called curtailment. Frick described this approach as changing the ​“cut-in speed,” which is the minimum wind speed at which operators allow turbine blades to begin spinning at certain times of day or year.

The modification does not typically lead to significant changes in energy generation for onshore wind farms but can make a big difference for bats, she said. For example, preventing turbine blades from spinning until the wind reaches 5 meters per second can reduce fatalities among many species by 62 percent on average, according to a study released last year by Frick and her colleagues.

Determining the best curtailment solutions for offshore wind turbines and North American bat species is still a work in progress. Energy Department-funded studies, like the EPRI effort, were seen as critical to determining which bat-saving modifications would work best for California’s unique vision to build floating turbines.

Frick called the grant’s termination ​“devastating” because the team may not get to finish the study. In the meantime, researchers are retrieving bat listening devices from spots along the West Coast.

Bat Conservation International continues its efforts to minimize bat deaths from turbines on land. It received a $2.4 million grant from the Energy Department last year to assess how new technology might help. That award also appeared on the leaked list of 351 DOE projects seemingly slated for cancellation. But, according to Frick, the federal government has yet to cut that research—​“it’s not officially terminated”—and she remains optimistic that it might endure.

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Mother Jones

These Native Kids Were First to Witness the Mighty Klamath River’s Rebirth

This story was originally published by the [Guardian][1] and is reproduced here as part of the [Climate Desk][2] collaboration.

Ruby Williams’s pink kayak pierced the fog shrouding the mouth of the Klamath River, and she paddled harder. She was flanked on both sides by fellow Indigenous youth from across the basin, and their line of brightly colored boats would make history when they reached the Pacific Ocean on the other side of the sandy dunes—they were going to do it together.

The final of four hydroelectric dams was removed last year from the Klamath River, in the [largest project of its kind in US history][3]. The following July, 28 teenage tribal representatives completed a 30-day journey that spanned roughly 310 miles from the headwaters in the Cascades to the Pacific. They were the very first to kayak the entirety of the mighty river in more than a century.

It marked a new beginning for the once-imperiled river and its sprawling basin that straddles the California-Oregon border, an important biodiversity hotspot and a region that has been at the heart of local Indigenous culture for millennia. It also served as a bridge, bringing together river advocates from around the world eager to replicate the restoration happening on the Klamath.

“The river seemed to come alive right after dam removal.”

It’s been onlya year without the dams and the reservoirs created by them, and already there are successes to share. Just days after the dams were demolished, [threatened coho salmon][4] made it farther upriver than they had in the previous 60 years. Shortly after the one-year mark, Chinook salmon were spotted in headwaters [for the first time in more than a century][5].

Native seeds strewn across the riverbanks and their adjoining hillsides began to bloom. Scores of birds and animals—from bald eagles, to beavers, to bears—returned to the waterway. Insects, algae, and microscopic features of the flourishing systems that feed this ecosystem were sprouting.

“These kids will be the first generation who get to grow up alongside a clean Klamath River,” said Ren Brownell, the former spokesperson for the Klamath River Renewal Corporation, a nonprofit created to [oversee and implement the removal][6]. “They can now carry this momentum to other watersheds.”

That sentiment fueled the idea to have tribal youth be the first to navigate the river. The “Paddle Tribal Waters” program is part of Ríos to [Rivers][7], an advocacy organization that fosters environmental stewardship by connecting thousands of Indigenous students across seven countries.

For the finish, people traveled from China and the Bolivian Amazon. There were Māori people from New Zealand there and members of the Mapuche-Pehuenche tribe who live along the Biobío river in Chile. Representatives from the Shoshone-Bannock Tribes and the Nimiipuu (Nez Perce) Tribe in the Snake River Basin in the western US also joined.

Whilethe Klamath youth cultivated a deeper connection to their wild river being reborn, they also inspired Indigenous-led movements working to protect or restore other rivers around the world. “It is a great David-and-Goliath story,” Brownell added. “It turns out that you can win.”

A project of this scale had never been attempted before Klamath’s dams came down, and even with an abundance of hope and extensive modeling, there was uncertainty about how the river would rebound.

Even withyears of work left to do, the speed of recovery has surprised everyone.

Without the large reservoirs that kept waters stagnant and warm during the summers, toxic markers that used to consistently spike outside healthy ranges have stayed at safe levels through the seasons. Water temperatures too have returned to their natural regimes, providing the coolness fish need to migrate.

“The river seemed to come alive right after dam removal,” said Damon Goodman, the Mount Shasta-Klamath regional director for CalTrout during a meeting on the one-year anniversary. “There’s just fish jumping all over the place, bald eagles, all sorts of wildlife.”

“The river needed those kids—they are part of the solution.”

The unprecedented project required an equally unprecedented fish-monitoring effort that relied on a range of tools, including sonar, boat surveys, netting and tagging, and video—to observe adaptation, migration, spawning and habitat. “The data is coming out so fast it is hard to keep up with the findings,” Goodman said.

Barry McCovey Jr. is the senior fisheries biologist for the Yurok Tribe and has warned local communities and the public about the challenges that still lie ahead. Two dams remain on the river and it will take decades to heal “the massive scars” left by the dams that were removed, McCovey Jr. said, adding that what might seem like a happy ending is just the beginning.

A group of people pose in front of a sign that says Rios to Rivers. Many hold up their fists. They wear gear for kayaking and are standing in front of a river.

Ríos to Rivers is an advocacy organization that fosters environmental stewardship by connecting thousands of Indigenous students across seven countries.Erik Boomer/River Roots Productions

That doesn’t mean he isn’t celebrating.

“We called them footballs, they were so robust and healthy,” he said, referring to the fish now completing long journeys they haven’t been able to for more than a hundred years. One year in, “the big-picture update is the river is continuing to heal,” McCovey Jr. said. “It has a different feel to it now—and it is only going to get better.”

For McCovey Jr., the wins go beyond the fish getting a renewed chance to thrive, along with the ecosystems that support them. After working to restore this basin for most of his life, his son, who completed the first descent, is now connecting with the river as it rebounds.

“The river needed those kids—they are part of the solution,” he said. They will play an important role to lead restoration work needed into the future. But they are also helping to spread an important message.

“It’s always been part of the goal to show people around the world that something like this is possible,” McCovey Jr. said. “You just have to look to the Klamath to see that crazy things can happen.”

The removal of the four dams was still an abstract idea when Williams first began training for the adventure of a lifetime. She was one of about a dozen in the Klamath inaugural class, launched in 2022, when she was a sophomore in high school.

Williams mastered the kayaking skills required to traverse challenging and unknown rapids that would emerge from under the reservoirs—including the harrowing and awe-inspiring [K’íka·c’é·ki Canyon run][8], more than 2.5 miles of class IV rapids that winds through an ancient and steep basalt chasm, [held sacred to the Shasta Indian Nation][9]. It’s a run that sparked fear even among the most experienced guides.

She turned 18 early on in the journey, her birthday falling on a grueling day spent battling strong headwinds and sharp sunlight that left her eyes and skin burning. But the memories of exhaustion are outweighed by those of camaraderie. Williams said she still talks to the friends she made during the program nearly every day.

Weston Boyles, founder and director of Ríos to Rivers, said the program forged links among youth from across the Klamath basin: “Everyone within a basin is connected to that river. Through the love of a common sport like kayaking, you can connect communities.”

Boyles and others on his team hatched the plan to help Indigenous youth lead the first descent in 2021 along with Rush Sturges, a professional kayaker and film-maker who cut his teeth on a Klamath tributary, the Salmon River. The curriculum they designed not only gave kids the skills needed to paddle the river but also helped them engage with what they were studying.

An aerial view of kayakers on a river.

Kayakers on the Klamath.Erik Boomer/River Roots Productions

Students, including Williams, were also taken on trips around the world to meet other youth dedicated to fighting for their rivers. Among them were youth from the Bolivian Amazon, where dams being proposed would displace more than 5,000 Indigenous people and flood a portion of biodiverse Madidi national park.

“Our work in these rivers is allowing [people] to jump in a time machine and go to the future to see what could happen—what their basins would look like if the dams were built,” Boyles said. “We have all the information and we know all the answers here. There are actually solutions that are obtainable.”

A group of the students are heading to Cop30 in Brazil, petitioning the United Nations to stop recognizing dams as clean energy eligible to receive carbon offset funding. They were also the first to sign the [so-called Klamath River Accord][10], an agreement made to protect rivers around the world that “recognizes that the removal of these dams should serve as a model for future climate resilience efforts and a testament to the power of collective action.”

For Williams, who is a Quartz Valley tribal member and a Karuk person, paddling the entirety of this river was a protest in itself. Sherecalled the tears that filled her eyes as she reached the ocean andpulled her boat on to the shore, taking in the sound of beating drums and the generations of Native people smiling as they reached the sand on that cool July morning.

“For a split second we stood there, like what do we do now?” she said. “And then all at the same moment we looked at each other and sprinted up this hill as fast as we could and full-on jumped into the ocean.”

Williams, who started college this year majoring in environmental conservation and land management, is eager to lead the charge. Along with lifelong friendships she found on the Klamath’s first descent, she’s gained a calling to fight for her river, and others around the world.

“All rivers should be free,” she said.

[1]: http://This story was originally published by Yale e360 and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. [2]: https://www.climatedesk.org/ [3]: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jan/03/california-klamath-dam-removal [4]: https://wildlife.ca.gov/News/Archive/threatened-coho-salmon-return-to-upper-klamath-river-basin-for-first-time-in-more-than-60-years [5]: https://www.opb.org/article/2025/10/17/salmon-clear-klamath-dams/ [6]: https://klamathrenewal.org/ [7]: https://www.theguardian.com/environment/rivers [8]: https://www.americanwhitewater.org/content/River/view/river-detail/10976/main [9]: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jun/07/klamath-river-trip-dam-removal [10]: https://drive.google.com/file/d/16-uAg8HjaSksXSXcdECcnqWhdbriZFaM/view

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Mother Jones

The Shutdown Is Pushing Federal Workers to Food Banks—Just as SNAP Is Set to Expire

Pastor Oliver Carter is in a strange predicament. For the last few years, he’s run a food bank serving the needy through No Limits Outreach Ministries, his church in a Maryland suburb just outside of Washington, DC. Now, his family is among those struggling to make ends meet.

His wife, Pamelia, works for the US Department of Agriculture. As a result of the government shutdown, she is one of more than 700,000 federal employees who have been furloughed—or forced to take a temporary, unpaid leave of absence—since October 1. Her last paycheck was about half of its usual amount, and her most recent one was $0. That’s what she will receive until the government reopens.

“Thank God for the food bank,” Carter says, noting his family’s piling bills. “Because that’s one thing we don’t have to worry about.”

As we talk, hundreds of furloughed federal workers have lined up on a sidewalk outside the Hyattsville church. Even though food distribution won’t begin until noon, people began arriving in the brisk 40-degree weather with folding chairs and blankets as early as 7:30 AM. There’s only enough frozen meat—the most sought-after item—for the first 50 to 100 people of the nearly 500 who will likely appear. Everyone else will get shelf-stable items, like tuna pouches and peanut butter.

Near the front, a woman who was furloughed from the Department of Health and Human Services tells me that she’s been applying for second jobs to pay her daughter’s tuition and provide for her aging mother. She says she’d also apply for food stamps, but as of Saturday, the program won’t have any funds.

These struggles are replicated all over the country and embody the string of compounding food crises created by the government shutdown. While hundreds of thousands of furloughed workers are going without pay, food stamps (formally called the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP) are due to run out on Saturday. Normally, the federal government would use contingency money to keep SNAP going, but the Trump administration said last week it had no intention of doing so. (More than 20 states sued over the suspension of benefits on Tuesday, arguing that not making use of the available funds is illegal.) Virginia and New Mexico have announced plans to temporarily fund SNAP beneficiaries with electronic transfers, butthe vast majority of the 42 million Americans who rely on the program—including 14 million children and 1.2 million veterans—will lose their modest grocery assistance by the end of the week.

But there’s another wrinkle, too. As individuals look for help putting dinner on the table, the food banks themselves are also down resources because of previous budget cuts.

“There’s absolutely more need, but less food,” Carter tells me in his cluttered church office, located in a small strip mall. “It’s bad.”

A worker from the World Central Kitchen hands a free meal to an FBI agent.

A Federal Bureau of Investigation Police officer receives food as World Central Kitchen workers distribute free meals to federal employees and their families in Washington Canal Park in Washington, DC, on the 29th day of a government shutdown.Francis Chung/POLITICO/AP

Coincidentally, while DC-area federal workers lined up at the food bank in Hyattsville and atpop-up tents organized by José Andrés’ World Central Kitchen at theNavy Yard in the Southeast corner of the city, dozens of nonprofit leaders, members of Congress, food industry experts, and other stakeholders were convening at George Washington University for a previously planned food and agriculture policy summit.

There, keynote speakers and panels explored big-picture topics like food waste and sustainability. But in between sessions, attendees were also pondering more imminent problems.

“There’s the stuff happening on the plenary floor, and then there’s [the conversations] happening in the hallway corridors, where you have a lot of people who are preparing for a very different, challenging landscape next week,” explains Alexander Moore, the chief development officer at DC Central Kitchen, a nonprofitthat has prepared full meals forhomeless shelters and other food-insecure groups since it was created in 1989.

Moore says nonprofits like his are already operating at capacity. DC Central Kitchen, for example, serves 17,000 people daily andoperates around the clock seven days a week. And that is when government programs were still functioning. Anticipating increased demand once SNAP funding runs dry on November 1 and about 137,500 DC residents lose their benefits, the nonprofit is preparing to serve up to 500 additional meals per day.

“It’s hard to fathom this severe a blow to food security.”

“It’s hard to fathom this severe a blow to food security,” Moore says, adding that the last time things felt as dire was when the pandemic began.

Food banks are still recovering from earlier crises, too. Earlier this year, the Trump Administration canceled $500 million worth of food shipments from the Emergency Food Assistance Program (TEFAP). In DC, that resulted in 780,000 fewer meals, according to a spokesperson for Capital Area Food Bank, which distributes pallets of food to smaller food banks in the area, like Carter’s. In March, the Trump administration also ended the Local Food Purchase Agreement Program, a $1 billion outlay that enabled food banks and schools to purchase food from local farmers. Together, these two initiatives had been vital in helping food banks procure fresh produce and meat. USDA Secretary Brooke Rollins told Fox News that the latter program, which began during COVID, “was an effort by the left to continue spending taxpayer dollars that were not necessary.”

Back in Hyattsville, Carter has started to plan for the near future should the government shutdown extend into the holidays. Without SNAP and other programs, he has decided to reach out to grocery stores and local farmers, asking for anything they might be able to give.

Recently, he received six frozen turkeys from a donor. They are a drop in the bucket compared to the growing demand, but still cause for celebration. He leads me to the dual-purpose church worship room and food bank storage space to show them to me. A nearby freezer sits empty, ready to accommodate future donations, big or small. After all, Carter will have thousands more struggling people to feed over the next few weeks, especially as the holidays approach—including his own family.

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California Fights Trump’s Attempt to Steal the Midterms

When Sara Sadhwani, a Democratic member of California’s independent redistricting commission and a professor of political science at Pomona College, first heard of California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s vow to enact a new congressional redistricting map in response to Texas passing a mid-decade gerrymander inspired by President Donald Trump, she was skeptical.

“My initial response was, you don’t have that power,” Sadhwani told me. “The Constitution is very clear that neither the governor nor the legislature has that power, and so I just didn’t see how he thought he would do it.”

“California has felt the brunt of the out-of-control actions of this administration.”

But when she saw the details of the plan, Sadhwani began to change her mind. In 2010,California votershad overwhelmingly approved a ballot initiative giving an independent commission the power to draw the state’s congressional lines. (Sadhwani served on it for the post-2020 redistricting cycle.) Newsom’s unorthodox idea was to have the legislature quickly pass a new congressional map that would temporarily override the state’s commission through 2030—potentially giving Democrats up to five new US House seats—and ask voters to weigh in on it. After realizing what could be done, Sadhwani became a key supporter of the effort, now known as Prop 50.

“It’s not easy to see our hard work, our blood, sweat, and tears being thrown out,” Sadhwani says. “But I do believe that it is for a much greater cause in this moment.”

Sadhwani didn’t want to see the work of the independent commission put aside, but she believes that passing a new map, on a temporary basis, was the only way for Democrats to restore fairness to the race for the US House as Trumppressses state after state to gerrymander their maps in advance of the midterms to give his party as many new seats as possible. “There is a bit of a moral dilemma here,” she says. “It’s because I support democracy, it’s because I support good governance, that I support Prop 50.”

In a matter of months, Prop 50 has gone from an improbability to a near certainty. It’s one of the most important votes on the ballot this November. Democrats’ hopes of retaking the House in 2026 hinge on its approval. But the significance of Prop 50 goes beyond its initial goal of offsetting Texas’s gerrymander. California will be the first state in which voters have the power to approve a mid-decade redistricting plan, and Prop 50’s supporters hope its passage will inspire other Democratic-led states to make similar moves.

“If Prop 50 is successful, it should fortify in every Democratic elected official and leader that the voters are on the side of action in order to prevent a Republican takeover of the House of Representatives and the 2026 midterms,” says John Bisognano, executive director of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, a group founded by former Attorney General Eric Holder that oversees the party’s redistricting strategy.

Bisognano notes that even if Prop 50 passes, Democrats could still end up six to ten seats behind Republicans in a redistricting arms race, since Missouri and North Carolina have already enacted new gerrymandered maps following Texas. Other Republican states, including Ohio, Florida, Indiana, Kansas, and Nebraska, could go next. That would make it much harder for Democrats to take back the House.

There are signs, however, that other Democratic states are finally starting to follow California’s lead. Virginia Democrats convened a special session this week to begin redrawing their map to boost Democratic representation, which would require approval in two sessions of the legislature, this year and early next year, followed by the backing of the voters, much like California. Democratic members of Illinois’ congressional delegation voiced their unanimous support for a new congressional map on Tuesday.

But some Democratic states remain on the sidelines. The Democratic leader of the Maryland state senate said his chamber wouldn’t redraw state lines before 2026. Other Democratic states, like New York and Colorado, are constrained by independent redistricting commissions that can’t be circumvented before the midterms. That has given Republicans, who are already more predisposed to engage in partisan and racial gerrymandering, more opportunities to do so.

Despite her distaste for mid-decade redistricting, Sadhwani hopes that the passage of Prop 50 inspires other Democratic-led states to move forward with new maps for the greater good of protecting the Constitution and providing a long-overdue check on Trump’s extreme use of executive authority.

“These off-cycle elections, not only Prop 50, but the mayor’s race in New York City and governors’ races in New Jersey and Virginia, these are a litmus test on the president and where the country has moved in one year since the presidential election,” Sadhwani says. “I think if we pass it here in California, my sense is other places might be more willing to move.”

With every recent poll showing Prop 50 passing, Republican opponents of the measure have largely given up on defeating it. More than 20 percent of mail-in ballots have already been returned as of Thursday, and Democrats make up 52 percent of that electorate, compared to 27 percent for Republicans. The yes side has outspent the no side $114 million to $47 million, with $32 million of the opposition coming from just one donor, Charlie Munger Jr., the son of Warren Buffett’s late partner at Berkshire Hathaway. Newsom went so far as to tell his supporters to stop donating to the effort, projecting an unusual level of confidence. A who’s who of high-profile Democrats appear in Prop 50’s closing ad, from former PresidentBarack Obama to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) to Sen.Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.). “You have the power to give America a fair midterm,” Warren says.

But as California Republicans waive the white flag, the Trump administration is just getting started casting doubt on the legitimacy of the election.

The Justice Department is sending election monitors to five counties in California based on complaints from California Republicans, which Newsom called “voter suppression, period,” comparing it to Trump dispatching the National Guard and ICE to Los Angeles.

“Watch how totally dishonest the California Prop Vote is!” Trump wrote on Truth Social recently, amplifying his long-standing lies about the state’s voting system. “Millions of Ballots being ‘shipped.’”

The monitors are unlikely to have much of an impact, given how many ballots are returned by mail in California and how many staff members have left the Justice Department’s civil rights division. The administration seems less concerned with swaying the outcome of Prop 50 than laying the groundwork to challenge the legitimacy of future elections, particularly the midterms.

“I’m certainly concerned about it as a model for what they’re going to do in other places,” Sadhwani says. “It appears that they are trying to test run intimidation tactics on our special election in 2025 and perhaps in preparation for 2026.”

California has long been a bogeyman on the right—Trump came into office falsely claiming that he lost the popular vote in 2016 because three million people voted illegally in the state. More recently, Republicans have invoked Prop 50 to justify their own gerrymandering efforts, without even acknowledging that Texas began the mid-decade gerrymandering arms race.

“We are here today because California and the radical left launched a full-fledged coordinated attack, not only on North Carolina, but on the integrity of democracy itself,” North Carolina Republican state Rep. Brenden Jones claimed when Republicans passed a new gerrymander last week designed to oust a Black Democrat from office, never once mentioning Texas.

The California map is often compared to the one passed by Texas Republicans, but it differs in critical respects.

“Texas split 145 cities,” says Paul Mitchell, the Sacramento-based redistricting consultant who drew California’s map. “Texas changed all but one of their districts. Texas split minority communities. It was a capital-G gerrymander, just like the Republican states that followed it.” In contrast, “we changed five districts without eviscerating the independent commission’s plan.”

Those factors, along with the fact that Prop 50 must be approved by the voters, helps explain why good government groups like Common Cause and the League of Women Voters, who’ve long opposed gerrymandering, have stayed neutral on Prop 50. “California is only going to make this stand with a majority of voters supporting it,” Sadhwani says. “You don’t get more democratic than that.”

It’s fitting that the most concrete effort to push back on Trump’s election rigging is being led by California, which has been targeted by the Trump administration more than any other state, from National Guard deployments to ICE raids to economic retaliation. “Democrats recognize what is at stake in our country in this particular moment,” says Rusty Hicks, chair of the California Democratic Party. “California has felt the brunt of the out-of-control actions of this administration.”

Anger toward Trump, more than any other factor, is motivating voters to back Prop 50. But supporters recognize that the ballot measure is just a means to an end. The goal is not only for Democrats to take back the House in 2026, but to regain control of Washington with sufficient numbers so that they can finally enact a national ban on gerrymandering that will stop this race to the bottom once and for all.

“Federal legislation to ban partisan gerrymandering,” Bisognano says, “is the only end point I can see.”

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Mother Jones

Tucker Carlson’s Lovefest With a White Nationalist Just Blew Up the Christian Right

Earlier this week, conservative commentator Tucker Carlson hosted far-right influencer Nick Fuentes on his livestream show. Carlson had undoubtedly anticipated a blockbuster interview, and Fuentes, the leader of the extremist “groyper” movement, delivered handsomely, offering a buffet of provocative sound bites designed to spread far and wide on social media. He made the case for the importance of Americans “to be pro-white,” sang the praises of brutal Soviet dictator Josef Stalin, and bemoaned the problem of “organized Jewry in America.”

But perhaps the most widely shared moments of the discussion had to do with Carlson and Fuentes’ shared distaste for Christian Zionism, the popular evangelical movement that calls Christians to support Israel. The conversation began with Carlson and Fuentes musing about the origins of the neoconservative movement—populated by such notables as William Kristol and Irving Podhoretz—that they blame for interventionist US foreign policy.

“It arises from Jewish leftists who were mugged by reality when they saw the surprise attack in the [1973] Yom Kippur war,” suggested Fuentes. This explanation didn’t satsify Carlson who countered, “But then how do you explain [US Israel ambassador] Mike Huckabee, [Texas senator] Ted Cruz, and [former national security adviser] John Bolton?” Carlson then went on to include, “George W. Bush, Karl Rove— all people I know personally who I’ve seen be seized by this brain virus. And they’re not Jewish. Most of them are self-described Christians.” He continued, “And then the Christian Zionists who are, well, Christian Zionists. What is that? I can just say for myself, I dislike them more than anybody, because it’s Christian heresy. And I’m offended by that as a Christian.”

The backlash by the right wing on X was swift. In a tweet to his 411,000 followers, Will Chamberlain, an organizer of the influential National Conservatism conference, accused Carlson of betraying the memory of avid Israel supporter the late Charlie Kirk. An anonymous account with the name Insurrection Barbie tweeted to a million followers. “Christian Zionist here and I’ll gamble my eternal salvation on my theology over that of Tucker Carlson all day.” US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee told his two million followers, “Wasn’t aware that Tucker despises me. I do get that a lot from people not familiar with the Bible or history. Somehow, I will survive the animosity.” Jumping to Huckabee’s defense, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), who has 7.1 million followers on X, tweeted, “Mike Huckabee is a pastor and a patriot who loves America, loves Israel, and loves Jesus. I’m proud to be in his company!”

There are, in fact, a lot of people in his company. In a recent piece, I wrote about the astounding size of this movement.

A 2013 poll by the Pew Research Center found that 82 percent of white American evangelicals believe that Israel was given to the Jewish people by God, compared with 81 percent of ultra-­Orthodox Jews and 44 percent of respondents overall. A 2024 survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs found that 64 percent of white evangelicals believed Israel’s actions in Gaza were justified, compared with 32 percent of the American public overall. Christians United for Israel, the evangelical Zionist group founded in 2006 by Texas pastor John Hagee, claims 10 million members, more than the entire population of 7.5 million Jews in the United States. The movement has enormous financial heft: A 2018 investigation by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz found that Christian groups had invested an estimated $50 to $65 million in Israeli settlements in the West Bank over the previous decade.

The online skirmish over Carlson’s remarks about Christian Zionists is only the latest evidence to emerge of a growing fissure on the right over the extent to which the United States should be involved in foreign conflicts, especially those in the Middle East. As I wrote in a piece around the time that the United States bombed Iran, Christian Zionism has everything to do with this schism:

Broadly speaking—though there are certainly exceptions—many of the most ardent supporters of Trump’s decision to bomb Iran identify as Christian Zionists, a group that believes that Israel and the Jewish people will play a key role in bringing about the second coming of the Messiah. As Christians, they are called to hasten this scenario, says Matthew Taylor, a senior scholar at the Institute for Islamic, Christian, and Jewish Studies in Baltimore and author of The Violent Take It by Force: The Christian Movement That Is Threatening Our Democracy. “The mission, so to speak, is to get the Jews back to Israel and to establish themselves within Israel,” he says. “Then you fulfill the preconditions, or one of the preconditions, for the second coming.”

Christian Zionists often profess to love both Israel and the Jewish people, but for many of them, this devotion is intrinsically tied to their beliefs about the fate of the Jews in the end times—and it’s not pretty:

During his first term, Taylor noted, Trump made strong connections with influential figures in the New Apostolic Reformation, or NAR, a charismatic Christian movement that teaches followers to take “dominion” over all aspects of society, including government. Over the last decade or so, Christian Zionism has become an important part of NAR theology—so much so that during worship, some adherents now wear Jewish prayer shawls and blow shofars, the ram’s horn instruments that ancient Israelites used to call troops to battle and still features in some Jewish holidays. This is an example of what Taylor refers to as philosemitism—the idea of loving Jewish customs and cultures. But within end-times theology lurks a dark side to Christian Zionists’ fixation on Judaism. Once the Messiah arrives, many Christian Zionists are convinced that Jews will convert en masse to Christianity; in many versions, those who don’t convert will perish.

It can be tricky to disentangle anti-interventionism from straight-up antisemitism—especially after the October 7 Hamas attacks that kicked off the catastrophic war in Gaza. But it’s worth noting that the Christian Zionist faction of the pro-interventionist side isn’t necessarily in it for the love of the Jewish people, either. “If you actually read up on antisemitism and philosemitism,” Taylor told me, “they really are two sides of the same coin.”

Image credit: Jason Koerner/Getty; Al Drago/CNP/Zuma, Bob Daemmrich/Zuma (2), Mattie Neretin/CNP/Zuma

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Mother Jones

Sean Duffy’s Holy War at the Transportation Department

Sean Duffy has spent most of his adult life as a professional attention-seeker. He is a former reality TV star, for one, and also a former Fox News host. Tough luck, then, that in the second Trump administration, Duffy got stuck as secretary of the most dreary of federal agencies—transportation. When was the last time that the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration went viral?

But Duffy has found a way to turn even the most mundane highway procurement matters into an opportunity for pandering to the MAGA base—and getting back on Fox News. His secret sauce? He has been enthusiastically using the agency to spread the Gospel and advance his mission to make America fecund again. “In Trump 2.0,” laments Peter Montgomery, the research director at the nonprofit civil liberties group, People for the American Way, “every place is a place to wage holy war.”

Duffy was once the “resident playboy” on MTV’s “Real World,” where he danced naked, called a roommate a “bitch,” and talked about getting laid. Now, he’s a devout Catholic with nine children who never misses an opportunity to urge young men to get married and have big families. Legal experts say Duffy’s activities are a stark violation of the Constitution’s prohibition on mixing church and state, but his fervor seems to override his obligation to uphold the law.

Shortly after Duffy joined a Trump cabinet full of MAGA influencers, he made his first attempt to grab headlines and advance his religious mission by promising to prioritize transportation funding for areas with high birth and marriage rates. The policy was roundly panned as unworkable and failed to generate the sort of media coverage a camera-hungry secretary would like to see. Duffy was learning the hard way that, unlike other federal agencies—Health and Human Services, for instance, or Education—the Transportation Department is a tough spot from which to launch a culture war.

After toiling away for a few months to excise Biden-era “woke” procurement requirements and “Green New Scam” projects, Duffy finally landed on a more promising vehicle for his Christian worldview: The US Merchant Marine Academy in Kings Point, New York.

Something of an anachronism, USMMA is the only service academy that falls under the purview of the US Department of Transportation rather than the Defense Department. It trains midshipmen in marine engineering and other skills needed to run large commercial ships. Graduates serve as officers in various military branches and in the private maritime industry. But as the US merchant marine industry has dwindled to 188 ships, down from 282 in 2000, it has endured repeated calls to shut it down. “It’s an educational institution for an age that the US doesn’t participate in anymore,” Capt. John Konrad, the editor of the maritime industry blog, gCaptain, told the New York Times in 2012.

A string of sexual assault scandals threatened the academy’s accreditation in 2016. A survey highlighted in a 2017 congressional oversight hearing found that USMMA had the highest rate of sexual assaults but the lowest rate of formal reports of any of the nation’s five military service academies.

For all its shortcomings, the Merchant Marine academy’s backwater status has made it the perfect venue for Duffy’s one-man religious crusade. In early April, the secretary visited the academy and made an official DOT video for Good Friday in which he spoke “with an amazing group of young midshipmen about Jesus’ sacrifice for our sins.” The midshipmen—indeed, all men, even though the student body is more than 20 percent female—are shown talking to Duffy in the chapel, where they take turns quoting Bible passages to him.

On Good Friday, we commemorate the crucifixion of Jesus. During my visit to the US Merchant Marine Academy, I spoke with an amazing group of young midshipmen about Jesus’ sacrifice for our sins.

A complaint from ONE “concerned citizen” got the Academy’s beautiful & historic… pic.twitter.com/n66pgSLKOM

— Secretary Sean Duffy (@SecDuffy) April 18, 2025

During his visit, Duffy discovered the perfect controversy on which to focus his righteous outrage. In his video, Duffy highlighted “Christ on the Water,” a 1944 10-by-19-foot painting near the academy chapel by Hunter Alexander Wood, a lieutenant in the US Maritime Service. In it, a giant glowing Jesus stands on a vast body of water, presiding over an open lifeboat of the survivors of a sunken merchant ship.

The painting originally resided at the academy’s San Mateo, California, campus, but when it closed in 1947, “Christ on the Water” was moved to Kings Point and placed in Wiley Hall, a space that then served as a chapel. But in 1961, Wiley Hall became an administrative office, where for decades, midshipmen facing “honor boards” for misconduct were forced to sit in front of Jesus while they awaited disciplinary action.

In early 2023, a group of more than a dozen fed-up alumni, staff, faculty, and midshipmen reached out to Mikey Weinstein, the founder of the Military Religious Freedom Foundation, to complain about the overtly religious painting in the public space. Weinstein is a Jewish civil liberties lawyer and third-generation graduate of the US Air Force Academy, who spent 10 years working as a lawyer in the Judge Advocate General Corps and served as a legal counsel in the Reagan White House.

The pugnacious advocate has been a thorn in the side of religious fundamentalists in the military for more than two decades. “Jerry Falwell used to refer to me as ‘the field general of the godless armies of Satan,’” he told me in a call from his hospital bed, where he was recovering from surgery.

“Its location in the administration building implies that the Academy officially endorses Christianity over other faiths.”

Immediately recognizing the constitutional issues with the Jesus painting, Weinstein fired off a complaint to Vice Admiral Joanna M. Nunan, whom President Joe Biden had appointed as the first woman to serve as superintendent of the USMMA. The painting, he wrote, has denigrated non-Christians. “Its location in the administration building implies that the Academy officially endorses Christianity over other faiths,” he continued, noting that his clients were Jewish, Muslim, Protestant, Roman Catholic, Atheist, Agnostic, Buddhist, and one Native American Spiritualist.

Nunan quickly responded and hung drapes over the painting while plans were made to move it. The MAGA faithful in Congress were outraged. In February 2023, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) wrote to Nunan, suggesting that she was “overtly hostile to religion” and called Weinstein’s complaints an “objective absurdity.” (Nunan left her post a few months later.) Ohio Republican Rep. Mike Turner even got the House Armed Services Committee to insert language in a Defense authorization bill that would have made it illegal for servicemembers and Defense officials to communicate with Weinstein and MRFF. (The language failed to make it into the final bill.)

In September 2023, after a significant restoration, “Christ in the Water” was rehung in the academy’s chapel. But anger over the painting apparently festered, leaving Duffy an opportunity. During his April visit to the academy, he gave a speech in which he promised to get funding to improve the campus, and then closed by saying, “Could we bring Jesus up from the basement?” The room erupted into cheers, which Duffy encouraged while he assured the crowd he would restore the painting to its previous glory in Wiley Hall.

A few weeks later, the Newark airport had a massive meltdown, as air traffic controllers walked off the job and hundreds of flights were canceled for two straight weeks through the first part of May. Nonetheless, Duffy found time to keep the Jesus painting saga alive. He announced on his official government accounts that he had commissioned a replica of the painting to hang in his DOT office.

Moving the painting was “a personal affront to the midshipman at the academy,” he said in a DOT video. “This was such a touching story for me, I thought, ‘let’s get a replica of the painting and hang it in a place of prominence here at DOT.’ It looks beautiful.”

The @USMMAO Christ on the Water painting is a beautiful reminder of the power of faith when we need it most.

While we work on getting the piece out of the academy’s basement and back in a place of prominence, I figured there was no better place to hang a copy than right here at… pic.twitter.com/zrhtS6JRmw

— Secretary Sean Duffy (@SecDuffy) May 7, 2025

Coming to the rescue of “Jesus in the Water” allowed Duffy “to trash the Biden administration as woke (and by implication anti-Christian), something sure to win him points in the White House,” says Montgomery. “And it generated a whole lot of fawning coverage of Duffy in religious-right and right-wing media.”

Among those who weighed in was Ted Cruz. “Your statement—’Can we bring Jesus up from the basement?’—was more than rhetorical. I trust it will be seen as an imperative,” Cruz wrote in a letter covered in the conservative Daily Wire. “Thank you for your principled leadership, for defending our nation’s religious heritage, and for working to ensure that this government-commissioned memorial is returned to its rightful place.”

Duffy continued to use the academy for proselytizing. During his commencement speech in June, he offered graduates dating advice and urged them to “always work out,” get married, and have lots of kids. And then he declared, “There are two kinds of people in life: those who believe in God and those who think they’re God. There’s something beautiful, humbling, and properly ordered about a man and woman who understand that there is a power greater than themselves…A good sailor knows that in the end, only God can calm the seas and bring them to safety. So stay faithful and never underestimate the power of prayer.”

“There are two kinds of people in life: those who believe in God and those who think they’re God. There’s something beautiful, humbling, and properly ordered about a man and woman who understand that there is a power greater than themselves.”

His speech constituted “an astonishing violation of the Establishment Clause,” says Caroline Mala Corbin, a professor at the University of Miami law school. She says the First Amendment wasn’t just designed to separate church and state, but also to protect religious minorities, who may be coerced by a state-sanctioned religion to violate their own religious beliefs. “I’m willing to bet there are people in the Department of Transportation who have gone along with some religious activities that they felt really uncomfortable participating in,” she says. “And that’s why we have an Establishment Clause: So the government can’t force you to choose between your job and honoring your beliefs.”

Duffy, a lawyer and former Wisconsin congressman, doesn’t seem familiar with that particular part of the Constitution. During a July hearing, Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) grilled him about his pledge to return the Jesus painting to the hall. “You don’t think the Establishment Clause prohibits favoring a single religion over all others?” he asked.

Duffy responded, “I would just note that we have freedom of religion, not freedom from religion.”

Huffman attempted to probe further, asking, “What’s the message to Jews and Muslims and Hindus and non-religious folks in their disciplinary proceedings?” As the two talked over each other in a contentious exchange, Huffman concluded, grumbling, “We have a First Amendment for a reason.”

Duffy’s brazen use of government resources to promote his vision of Christianity doesn’t surprise some observers who’ve been warning of the creep of Christian nationalism in the US government for years. “It’s a pretty standard playbook among MAGA influencers to throw a little God into the mix if you want to make the base happy,” says Matthew Taylor, a senior Christian scholar at the nonprofit Institute for Islamic, Christian, and Jewish Studies. “It’s a great path to career advancement because it builds out their constituencies. [Duffy] just has a much more limited set of options than, say, Pete Hegseth.”

As Duffy has been hard at work imposing English-only requirements on truckers, banning rainbow crosswalks, and making official DOT videos blaming Democrats for shutting down the government, he has continued to visit the Merchant Marine academy to spread the Word. In early September, he showed up for a football game and made an official video of himself praying with the “Christian” players in the locker room before it started.

I was moved by this moment of prayer with the incredible young men of @USMMAFootball before their game on Friday. Thank you! God is good 🙏 pic.twitter.com/VoG6mzzpAa

— Secretary Sean Duffy (@SecDuffy) September 9, 2025

Then, he walked along the sidelines offering pregame analysis as if he worked for ESPN. “The excitement on this field for this Academy is remarkable,” he said in a video, as players jogged by. “They have the most amazing prayer. You have Christian men dedicated to country, ready for a great game. This is America at its finest.”

The video so enraged Weinstein that he dashed off an op-ed for the Daily Kos calling Duffy a “piece of shit” and noting that he’d “heard from Academy faculty, staff, midshipmen, and graduates who are neither Christians nor male and as you might imagine they are furious.”

Duffy seems impervious to such complaints. On September 29, he put out an official DOT press release celebrating the “restoration” of “Christ on the Water” at the USMMA. The agency also produced an official YouTube video entitled, “Jesus Has Risen at the Merchant Marine Academy!” One of the midshipmen in the video thanks Duffy “for allowing us the opportunity to glorify God on campus.”

Civil liberties groups find Duffy’s shameless use of federal resources to promote Christianity shocking. “The Department of Transportation’s duty is to serve the public—not to proselytize,” says Rachel Laser, President and CEO of Americans United for Separation of Church and State.

Weinstein was a little blunter. In a press release, he compared Duffy’s restoring the Jesus painting to “its original unconstitutional place” as “akin to a stray dog urinating on a neighborhood tree to mark its territory.” The Transportation secretary, he fumed, “is making sure to brand the Academy as conquered Christian nationalist territory. All others are not wanted and need not apply.”

Of all the madness coming out of the Trump administration this year— the ICE violence, the destruction of the East Wing, the extrajudicial killings of people on boats in the Caribbean—Duffy using his official perch to promote Christianity may seem mild by comparison. But legal experts say his targeting of the USMMA, and the spread of Christian nationalism in the military more broadly, is potentially very dangerous.

“Military officers are trained to resist unconstitutional orders,” explains Robert Tuttle, a professor of law and religion at George Washington University law school. “If you can have the troops believing they are fighting the cause of God and Christianity, you can get them to do things they might not do otherwise.” And in the current administration, where Trump has claimed the Lord saved him from an assassin’s bullet, he says, “You can very easily see how folks could get into a mindset that serving Trump is God’s will.”

As with so many of the norms smashed by the Trump regime, there is no easy remedy for Duffy’s religious crusade. The Supreme Court has made it much more difficult to bring lawsuits over Establishment Clause violations. Weinstein says he’s considering legal action over the Jesus painting, but he needs a midshipman at the academy willing to head up the litigation—an extremely difficult challenge for a young person, he says. “If you become a plaintiff in a military system like this,” Weinstein says, “you are putting yourself in a position where you are like a tarantula on a wedding cake.”

In the meantime, Weinstein has issued an alert urging parents to keep their kids away from the “unconstitutional, fundamentalist Christian nationalist filth-saturated institution that the US Merchant Marine Academy has tragically devolved into.” The Transportation Department, possibly too busy figuring out how to keep unpaid air traffic controllers on the job, did not respond to a request for comment.

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Mother Jones

Trump Has Abandoned Global Climate Efforts, so US Groups Are Stepping Up

This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Despite historic environmental rollbacks under a president who pulled the United States from a key international climate treaty—and recently called global warming “the greatest con job ever perpetrated on the world”—US civil society groups say they are gearing up to push for bold international climate action at a major UN conference next month.

“This is a really important moment to illustrate that Trump does not represent the entirety, or even anywhere near a majority, of us,” said Collin Rees, US program manager at the environmental nonprofit Oil Change International, who will attend the annual UN climate conference, known as Cop30**.**

The negotiations will take place in the Brazilian city of Belém near the Amazon delta. It is expected to convene delegations from nearly every government in the world to discuss the implementation of the 2015 Paris climate agreement.

Trump, who began the process of pulling the US from the Paris accord on his first day in office, is not expected to send a delegation to the negotiations. But hundreds of US activist organizations are planning to attend, despite widespread logistical challenges and high accommodation costs in a region with limited tourist infrastructure.

“Yes, the federal administration has changed radically…but the actual US climate movement is still here,” said John Noel, senior strategist at Greenpeace International who formerly worked on the US team.

The conference will take place amid growing awareness that the vast majority of the world’s population—as much as 89 percent, according to a recent study—want more to be done about the climate crisis but mistakenly assume their peers do not.In the US, the world’s largest historical emitter, three-quarters of those surveyed said their government should do more. But Donald Trump has pushed the country in the opposite direction.

The Trump administration’s anti-climate stance puts it out of step with many governments around the world who have realized that environmental action can deliver economic benefits. More than 100 countries, for instance, have been able to cut back on fossil fuel imports thanks to renewable energy growth, which has in turn enabled them to save $1.3 trillion since 2010, according to the International Energy Agency. The expansion of wind, solar, and other carbon-free power sources has also created millions of jobs. And many global south countries are upping their sales of electric vehicles, which lower fuel and maintenance costs.

“There are different trends showing that the rest of the world is still working towards getting their economy more resilient for a more prosperous future, and that prosperous future cannot happen without taking into account the climate,” said Yamide Dagnet, the Washington DC-based senior vice-president of international work at the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Unlike the US, other countries are also showing an increasing interest in international climate negotiations. Colombia last month offered to host the first-ever International Conference for the Phase-Out of Fossil Fuels in April 2026, after countries pushing for a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty called for such a meeting.

At Cop30, climate activists will work to support governments that have undertaken such action and push more officials to follow suit. And they will aim to highlight local- and state-level climate action taking place in the US, such asthe successful fightfor laws requiring polluters to pay climate damages in Vermont and New York last year.

“We want to put a spotlight on those ‘polluter pay’ mechanisms, and highlight that they are winnable and that other states are considering them,” said Noel. “And Cop presents a good opportunity to market those solutions.”

The Trump administration is urging the courts to strike those policies down, and though it will not officially participate in November’s UN negotiations, climate groups say the administration may also try to pressure countries not to take ambitious international climate action.

It’s something officials did as recently as last week: The US derailed the enactment of a global carbon fee on shipping at an international maritime meeting as Trump called the scheme a “Global Green New Scam” on social media. Washington also threatened to impose sanctions and visa restrictions on nations that supported the deal.

“If there’s a real inflection point and the US sees fossil fuel interests as somehow being constrained, it’s not hard to imagine that there’ll be some type of statements from the administration trying to color the negotiations from afar,” said Noel of Greenpeace.

The US worked to block strong international climate policy long before Trump entered office. It refused to ratify the Kyoto protocol in 1997, and more recently has underfunded international climate finance, opposed language to phase out fossil fuels, and worked to obstruct requirements to phase out fossil fuels.

Since re-entering the White House in January, Trump has placed dozens of fossil fuel allies in his cabinet. He has also waged broad attacks on climate and energy policies, as well as renewable energy expansion, despite data showing most Americans support the energy transition and the growth of carbon-free power. And the president has taken steps to dismantle climate research by an array of US agencies, something recent polls show is highly unpopular, even with Republicans.

Trump officials have also shown animosity for multilateralism. During the negotiations, activists will be on high alert for a potential announcement that the president intends to remove the country from the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, a 1992 treaty serving as the structure for intergovernmental climate policies.

But in Belém, said Noel, US-based campaigners plan to “reassure our global comrades and colleagues that there’s still a robust movement in the states to maintain pressure around various forms of climate action.”

That will entail putting pressure on global leaders to commit to ambitious emissions reduction and climate adaptation schemes with vigorous and realistic plans to achieve them. “We’ve got to show the rest of the world that the administration’s assault on the climate is unpopular,” said Jean Su, energy justice director at the Center for Biological Diversity, who will attend Cop30.

“The United States…has always been a bad faith actor when it comes to climate action, and the biggest blocker of meaningful progress,” said Rachel Rose Jackson, a research director at Corporate Accountability. “It has walked away from doing its fair share time and time again; the only difference now is that its bad intentions are on public display for all to see more clearly.”

Jackson said she expected that even without an official delegation, the US will still have its “tentacles all over the UN climate talks,” working on the sidelines with other participants such as the EU and Canada to “orchestrate their great escape from climate action. And it still controls the purse strings.”

US campaigners can provide an important counterweight to that kind of pressure, activists say, from both the halls of the official Cop30 negotiations and from the demonstrations expected nearby in Belém. The protests are expected to be the largest seen at any Cop conference in years. “Those actions can help put pressure on negotiators,” said Rees. “And they can also help build people’s movements, build power and confidence to go back to national capitals and provincial capitals or state level capitals and continue that advocacy from the bottom up.”

Su, of the Center for Biological Diversity, said Cop30 provided a “powerful” opportunity to show the world that climate action is not only necessary, but also popular. Though activists are under no illusions that the negotiations will be the “pinnacle of democracy,” she said they would be an important time to exercise the right to free assembly—something guaranteed in Brazil and the US alike.

As experts—and the Brazilian president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva—warn that the US and other countries are creeping toward authoritarianism, Cop will allow activists to push for “people power,” Su said.

“During this dark turn,” Su said, “this type of physical collective showing humanity couldn’t be more important.”

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Mother Jones

Hegseth Bars Bearded Troops From Air Force Event

Pete Hegseth appears to have found a great workaround for racial integration at military events: When the rules won’t allow you to put up a “No Coloreds” sign, you can just ban soldiers with shaving waivers instead.

The Pentagon boss—who now insists on being called the “Secretary of War”—is refusing entry to servicemen with beards at an upcoming meeting at Camp Humphreys in South Korea, according to a report from Task and Purpose.

On Sunday, an email from Osan Air Base reportedly stated that “members with shaving waivers are NOT authorized to attend” the event with Hegseth. A screenshot of the message, posted on an unofficial Facebook page, was later confirmed by an Air Force official to be real.

Hegseth’s disinvitation is just one more spiteful jab against primarily Black and brown military members who have already been the target of discriminatory anti-beard policies that were unveiled last month.

In September, the former Fox News host announced that he would be firing troops who would need a shaving waiver for longer than a year, a policy that would overwhelmingly affect Black armed forces members, who are far more likely to suffer from pseudofolliculitis barbae, a skin condition that makes daily shaving lead to cuts, sores, and scarring.

As I wrote at the time:

With more than 200,000 Black active-duty members serving in the military—historically one of the country’s few avenues of social mobility for the Black community—Hegseth’s grooming policy will no doubt have a devastating impact. That’s no accident.

A few weeks later, during a presentation in front of more than 800 of the highest-ranking officers in the military, he doubled down on this grooming standard, decrying there would be “no more beardos.” (Don’t worry, he also took the time to slam “females” and “fat troops” too.)

Hegseth also took potshots at troops in need of shaving waivers for religious reasons—stating, among other things, that we “don’t have a military full of Nordic pagans.”

According to Air and Space Forces magazine, soldiers in need of a religious exemption from shaving, like many Sikhs and Muslims, will be permitted to serve but flagged as “non-deployable,” which would “essentially end their careers” by making them subject to termination.

Hegseth’s press spokesman has yet to respond to an inquiry on whether soldiers with religious exemptions would be allowed into Hegseth’s event. (JD Vance’s beard also declined to comment.)

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Mother Jones

House Candidate Kat Abughazaleh Calls Her Indictment for Protesting a “Political Prosecution”

On Wednesday, President Donald Trump’s Department of Justice unsealed an indictment against six protesters—including 26-year-old Democratic congressional candidate Kat Abughazaleh—for allegedly impeding an ICE officer outside of a federal immigration facility in Broadview, Illinois. The move is a stunning continuation of Trump’s weaponization of judicial and police power to crush dissent.

“This case is a major push by the Trump administration to criminalize protest and punish anyone who speaks out against them.”

Abughazaleh, a former Mother Jones video creator, is running a progressive campaign for the House seat currently held by 81-year-old Democratic Rep. Jan Schakowsky. In recent months, she has been an outspokenparticipant at anti-ICE protests sweeping Chicago. One viral video in September showed Abughazaleh being slammed to the ground by a masked ICE agent.

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A post shared by Kat Abughazaleh (@kabughazaleh)

In addition to Abughazaleh, the indictment names several other local Democratic leaders: Michael Rabbitt, Democratic committeeman in the 45th Ward in Chicago; Catherine Sharp, who is running for a seat on the Cook County Board of Commissioners and currently serves as chief of staff for Chicago Alderperson Andre Vasquez (40th Ward); and Brian Straw, a trustee for the village of Oak Park.

All of the defendants are charged with both interfering with a federal law enforcement officer and conspiring to impede or injure federal officers during a protest on September 23.

The alleged conspiracy includes actions such as “bang[ing] aggressively” on an ICE agent’s vehicle and “etching a message into the body of the vehicle, specifically the word ‘PIG.’” The indictment also claims the defendants “physically hindered and impeded” an ICE agent such that the vehicle was “forced to drive at an extremely slow rate of speed to avoid injuring any of the conspirators.”

Abughazaleh called the indictment from the Trump administration an attempt to stop anti-ICE protests. “This is a political prosecution, and a gross attempt to silence dissent,” Abughazaleh said in a video posted on her Instagram. “This case is a major push by the Trump administration to criminalize protest and punish anyone who speaks out against them.”

Others indicted had similar messages. “I am confident that a jury of my peers will see these charges for exactly what they are—another effort by the Trump administration to frighten people out of participating in protest and exercising their First Amendment rights,” said Sharp in a written statement. “As long as ICE is terrorizing members of our community and disregarding due process, I believe we must continue to speak out. I’m proud of my work organizing in our neighborhoods to keep our immigrant neighbors safe from harm.”

Trump’s DOJ has levied similar federal conspiracy charges against other prominent anti-ICE protesters in recent months.

Prosecutors brought a conspiracy charge against California labor leader David Huerta in Los Angeles, which was later reduced to a misdemeanor. Bajun “Baji” Mavalwalla II, a 35-year-old army veteran who served in Afghanistan, was charged with “conspiracy to impede or injure officers” at an anti-ICE protest in Spokane, Washington. On Wednesday, in addition to Abughazaleh’s indictment, the DOJ announced ten more arrests related to anti-ICE protests in Southern California, including two protesters charged with committing a conspiracy.

“I joined the protests at the Broadview ICE detention facility because of what is happening to our immigrant neighbors,” Straw said in a written statement. “The Trump Justice Department’s decision to seemingly hand-pick public officials like me for standing up against these inhumane policies will not deter me from fulfilling my oath of office.”

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Mother Jones

How Dangerous Is It Really to Work for ICE?

The Trump administration has repeatedly claimed that it needs to send the military into American cities because of the unique danger faced by federal agents enforcing immigration laws. In October, President Donald Trump claimed the National Guard was required in Illinois to protect Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents facing a “coordinated assault by violent groups.” In September, Department of Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin argued Guardsmen should be deployed in Oregon as a result of “violent riots at ICE facilities” and “assaults on law enforcement.”

But those, and many similar assertions from the Trump administration, are undercut by ICE’s own data. A Mother Jones review shows that there is little evidence that ICE agents face such severe and widespread danger compared with other law enforcement agencies that they need military personnel to come to their aid or to break from centuries of public accountability by hiding behind masks.

The Trump administration has provided almost no information to back up its statements about rising assaults, which makes its claims hard to assess. But details about ICE officers who’ve died on the job are readily available on the agency’s website.

Those records show that none of ICE’s agents have ever been killed by an immigrant in the agency’s more than two-decade history. Instead, the leading cause of death by far among ICE officers is COVID-19. According to ICE’s data, the second leading cause of death is cancer linked to 9/11. (The pandemic and cancers connected to the September 11 terrorist attacks account for 75 percent of the deaths in ICE’s history.)

Data show that the most recent ICE officer death attributed to something other than cancer or COVID-19 occurred in 2021. But that incident did not involve an immigrant, either. It occurred when a special agent died after his service weapon was accidentally discharged in a parking lot.

Data from ICE shows that none of its agents have ever been killed by an immigrant in the agency’s more than two-decade history.

In its history, two ICE officers have been shot to death by other people, according to ICE’s data. One was Jaime Jorge Zapata, who was killed by cartel members while on assignment in Mexico in 2011. The other was David Wilhelm, an ICE special agent who was killed at home in 2005 while off duty by a Baltimore-born man who had escaped from a Georgia courthouse.

Other deaths are similarly tragic but do not fit the Trump administration’s narratives. One happened when a special agent was hit by a drunk driver while getting into a taxi in Miami. Another resulted from a special agent contracting dengue fever while on assignment in Indonesia. The only case listed by the agency of an ICE official dying while attempting to apprehend an undocumented immigrant happened when an officer had a heart attack during a foot pursuit in 2016.

ICE’s Wall of Honor, which memorializes personnel who have died in the line of duty, also lists those who died when immigration laws were being enforced by other agencies prior to ICE’s creation. Those include more than a dozen cases of officers being shot or stabbed to death since 1915. The most recent case listed in ICE records in which an immigration agent was killed during an enforcement operation appears to have taken place in 1970. (ICE records do not cover deaths in the line of duty among Border Patrol agents.)

Immigration agents do face risks. In July, the Justice Department charged ten people with attempted murder after a Texas police officer was shot as part of what it has described as an “organized attack” on an ICE detention center. Days later, in July, a man carrying an assault rifle opened fire at a Texas Border Patrol facility, injuring a police officer before he was shot and killed. And in late September, a shooter attacked ICE’s Dallas field office—killing two people who were in the agency’s custody at the time.

But, given the lack of fatalities among ICE agents, the Trump administration has focused on the alleged increase in assaults—along with the threat of agents being “doxed”—to actually justify sending in the National Guard and letting agents wear masks.

In June, McLaughlin claimed that assaults on ICE officers were up by more than 400 percent. Two weeks later, DHS said that number had increased to nearly 700 percent. By September, the figure had passed 1,000 percent. Nevertheless, McLaughlin said, California was banning ICE agents from wearing masks in the state. It was “diabolical,” “disgusting,” and even a form of “dehumanization” to make ICE agents show their faces at such a perilous time.

DHS and ICE did not respond to a request asking for information about how many alleged assaults have occurred this year, as well as how many of those incidents have led to criminal charges being filed. DHS did share some data with Bill Melugin of Fox News by DHS in July. It showed that assaults against ICE and other federal agents enforcing immigrations laws jumped from 10 in 79 during the same periods of 2024 and 2025. That works out to a total of roughly fifteen alleged assaults against those immigrant enforcement officers per month across the entire country between January and June.

For comparison: The Federal Bureau of Investigation reported more than 85,000 assaults against law enforcement officers at agencies across the country last year. The FBI also reported a per capita assault rate of 13.5 per 100 officers in 2024, which is far greater than the rate among ICE officers suggested by the DHS data from July. Instead of making that clear, DHS presents a misleading picture by saying that “ICE officers are facing a more than 1000% increase in assaults.”

David Bier, the director of immigration studies at the libertarian Cato Institute, explained in June that the reported increase in assaults comes after ICE has increased “street arrests” by nearly 500 percent compared to a similar period of Trump’s first term. This change in street arrests—opposed to detaining people already in the custody of other law enforcement agencies—would help explain an increase in assaults. As Bier wrote in a follow-up earlier this month, masked DHS agents are being sent into communities to “detain random people” who might be in the country illegally.

“The result is chaos,” he continued. “DHS’ targets don’t know why they’re being approached or what their rights are. Agents don’t know what to expect, either, putting them on edge. Onlookers often believe they are watching masked men abducting their friends and attempt to intervene.”

There is also reason to doubt what the Trump administration is counting as an assault. In late July, ICE blasted out a photo of Sidney Lori Reid, of Washington, DC, on X. “Assault an officer or agent—get arrested,” the agency claimed. “It’s not rocket science.”

The Justice Department alleged that Reid assaulted FBI agent Eugenia Bates, while Bates was assisting two ICE officers outside a DC jail. Specifically, the US Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia—which is led by former Fox News host Jeanine Pirro—asserted that Reid injured Bate’s hand through her “active resistance to being detained.” The photo of those injuries submitted in court painted a less dramatic picture.

Close-up of hand with two small abrasions on the top.

Nevertheless, the Justice Department charged Reid with felony assault. Then, in an embarrassing and unusual series of defeats, grand juries declined to indict Reid on three separate occasions. Rather than dropping the case, the US Attorney’s Office brought a misdemeanor assault charge against Reid, which did not require a grand jury indictment.

As the case made its way to trial, the government’s case was further undermined. The prosecution was forced to admit that Agent Bates had called the scrapes on her hand “boos boos” and labeled the defendant a “lib tard” in text messages. “I’m going to the attorneys [sic] office for a bystander that I tussled,” Bates wrote in another message. “[Officer] Dinko arrested her for ‘assault’ ughhhh.” (The prosecution unsuccessfully asked Judge Sparkle Sooknanan to deem the texts inadmissible at trial.)

Earlier this month, a DC jury found Reid not guilty.

“This verdict shows that this administration and their peons are not able to invoke fear in all citizens,” Reid said in a statement after her exoneration. Her lawyers added that the case was a warning that the Justice Department “will have the backs of ICE goons, even when three grand juries reject their baseless charging decisions.”

Other assault cases being pursued by the Justice Department and DHS have fallen apart, too.

In a late September press release, DOJ announced felony assault charges against four people who had been protesting outside ICE’s facility in Broadview, Illinois, along with a misdemeanor against a fifth person. The following week, the charges against four of the five people were dismissed. In two of those cases, a grand jury declined to issue an indictment. In two others, prosecutors dropped the charges on their own.

The only person named in the September press release who is still being charged is Dana Briggs, a 70-year-old former US Air Force officer. DOJ initially accused Briggs of felony assault, but later downgraded the case to a misdemeanor, which meant that the case did not have to be presented to a grand jury. (Briggs has pleaded not guilty and is scheduled to stand trial in December.)

Videos show Briggs with a bushy white beard, glasses, and a Panama hat as he stands outside the Illinois ICE facility last month. He then falls backward after a Border Patrol agent in tactical gear puts a hand on his chest. In one video, a bystander can be seen quickly asking Briggs if he needs an ambulance. The 70-year-old then hands his phone to the bystander, and appears to slap away the arm of a Border Patrol agent who tries to take the phone back.

“You’re going down motherfucker,” someone shouts in response. Then, multiple agents swarm Briggs and take him into custody. The Border Patrol agent who Briggs “made contact with” later vaguely claimed to have experienced pain in his wrist, according to the criminal complaint in the case.

For DHS, this is the kind of violence that justifies sending in the troops.

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Mother Jones

Food Allergy Rates Are Falling. That’s a Problem for RFK Jr.’s Aluminum Vaccine Theory.

Last week, the New York Times reported a rare bright spot in public health: The number of children who suffer from potentially life-threatening food allergies has declined sharply since the government changed its guidelines around early exposure to products containing common allergens such as peanuts. Federal guidelines had long recommended that parents avoid feeding babies these products in a misguided effort to prevent allergies.

But in 2017, two years after a large trial found that early exposure to small amounts of the products actually seemed to protect against food allergies, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases reversed its previous guidelines. Since then, a new study published in the journal Pediatrics found, the rate of food allergies has declined from about 1.5 percent of all American children in 2015 to .9 percent in 2020, a significant drop of more than a third.

The new findings would seem to complicate a theory, long championed by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., that food allergies are caused by small amounts of aluminum present in routine childhood vaccines. During a fireside chat-style discussion about the Make America Healthy Again movement at the National Governors Association’s Colorado summit in July, Kennedy claimed that a group that he had helped found in the late 1990s, the Food Allergy Initiative, had once visited a lab at Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York, where a scientist had told him that a team of researchers had discovered that exposure to aluminum causes allergies.

“I asked the scientist there, ‘How do you induce an allergy in a rat?’ And he said, ‘It’s formulaic. You take aluminum adjuvant and inject it into that rat with a protein. If it’s a peanut protein, that rat will have a lifetime allergy to peanuts. If it’s a dairy protein, you’ll have a lifetime allergy to dairy. If it’s a latex protein, you’ll have a lifetime allergy to latex.’ That’s the same aluminum adjuvant that’s in the hepatitis B vaccine, and many of those vaccines contain peanut oil excipients.”

Curiously, though, a researcher who has been intimately involved in allergy studies at Mt. Sinai told Mother Jones in an email that he wasn’t sure what Kennedy could have been referring to. Dr. Hugh Sampson, a pediatrician who specializes in allergy and immunology, said he came to Mt. Sinai in 1997 to help found the institution’s Jaffe Food Allergy Institute. Dr. Sampson, whose lab used cholera toxins, not aluminum, to study anaphylaxis in mice, said his group had worked with the Food Allergy Initiative and that he recalled seeing Kennedy at Mt. Sinai. Possibly, Kennedy was referring to a different lab, but “I am not aware of any other lab at Mount Sinai that was doing this kind of work at that time,” he wrote.

The addition of aluminum to vaccines has been a longstanding practice by manufacturers, who use it because it boosts the immunization’s effectiveness. The American Academy of Pediatrics guidelines note that “The amount of aluminum in vaccines is safe, regulated, and comparable to the amount of aluminum infants are exposed to through human milk and formula feeding.”

Allergist and social media health communicator Dr. Zachary Rubin echoed those assertions, adding that “research consistently shows that early dietary introduction of allergens, not vaccine avoidance, is what helps prevent food allergies.” Experts’ confidence in the safety of aluminum hasn’t stopped Kennedy from insisting that it be reinvestigated; it’s listed in an October memo on questions to be considered by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s newly reconstituted Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP).

“Research consistently shows that early dietary introduction of allergens, not vaccine avoidance, is what helps prevent food allergies.”

At the Governors Association’s event, Colorado governor Jared Polis pushed back against Kennedy’s claims, citing the lower rate of peanut allergy in Israel, where babies are commonly fed a peanut-based snack as a first food. But Kennedy fired back that Israel’s Hepatitis B vaccine schedule was different. “They don’t give them early in life,” he said. This claim turns out not to be true. Israeli guidelines call for newborns to be vaccinated against Hepatitis B within the first 12 hours of life, the same as in the United States. Neither the US Department of Health and Human Services nor Food Allergy Research and Education, the group that grew out of Food Allergy Initiative, responded to a request for comment from Mother Jones.

In the same Colorado appearance, Kennedy referred to a 2017 study published in the Journal of Translational Science that he claimed further substantiated the link between aluminum in vaccines and food allergies. But that study suffered from poor methodology and dubious provenance: parents of the 666 homeschooled children self-reported vaccination status, and these subjects were hardly a representative sample. The study was funded in part by Generation Rescue, Inc., and the Children’s Medical Safety Research Institute, both of which are anti-vaccine advocacy groups.

The root cause of food allergy is likely complex, but Dr. J. Andrew Bird, a pediatric immunologist and chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics’ Section on Allergy and Immunology, told Mother Jones via email that there is “no credible evidence from high-quality studies that aluminum adjuvants in vaccines contribute to the development of any food allergy, including peanut allergy.”

Rather, Dr. Bird wrote, allergies are thought to be “influenced by factors such as genetic predisposition, delayed introduction of peanut in infancy, and disruption of the skin barrier associated with eczema.” He pointed to a Danish cohort study of 1.2 million children, which found no link between aluminum in vaccines and the development of food allergies.

Kennedy’s interest in food allergies is not new—in fact, it predates his anti-vaccine activism. A 2002 article in the celebrity gossip magazine 15 Minutes described a star-studded “food allergy ball” chaired by Kennedy, who told attendees that his own son was hospitalized multiple times due to his allergies to nuts, soy, and shellfish. The $2.1 million in proceeds from the event, 15 Minutes reported, were to be spent on finding a cure for food allergies. The option they planned to explore? A vaccine.

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Mother Jones

“I Was Contaminated”: New Study Reveals Widespread Pesticide Exposure

This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

For decades, Khoji Wesselius has noticed the oily scent of pesticides during spraying periods when the wind has blown through his tiny farming village in a rural corner of the Netherlands.

Now, after volunteering in an experiment to count how many such substances people are subjected to, Wesselius and his wife are one step closer to understanding the consequences of living among chemical-sprayed fields of seed potato, sugar beet, wheat, rye and onion.

“We were shocked,” said Wesselius, a retired provincial government worker, who had exposure to eight different pesticides through his skin, with even more chemicals found through tests of his blood, urine and stool. “I was contaminated by 11 sorts of pesticides. My wife, who is more strict in her organic nourishment, had seven sorts of pesticides.”

Regulators closely monitor dietary intake of pesticides when deciding whether they are safe enough for the market, but little attention has been paid to the effects of breathing them in or absorbing them through the skin. According to a new study, even people who live far from farms are exposed to several different types of pesticides from non-dietary sources—including banned substances.

“What’s most surprising is that we cannot avoid exposure to pesticides: they are in our direct environment and our study indicates direct contact,” said Paul Scheepers, a molecular epidemiologist at Radboud University and co-author of the study. “The real question is how much is taken up [by the body] and that’s not so easy to answer.”

“The conclusions…are highly significant: Pesticides are ubiquitous, not only in agricultural areas but also in environments far from crop fields.”

The researchers got 641 participants in 10 European countries to wear silicone wristbands continuously for one week to capture external exposure to 193 pesticides. In laboratory tests, they detected 173 of the substances they tested for, with pesticides found in every wristband and an average of 20 substances for every person who took part.

Non-organic farmers had the highest number of pesticides in their wristbands, with a median of 36, followed by organic farmers and people who live near farms, such as Wesselius and his wife. Consumers living far from farms had the fewest, with a median of 17 pesticides.

“I’ve asked myself, was it worth it to know all this?” said Wesselius, who says some contractors for the farmers near his village do not seem to consider the wind direction when applying pesticides such as glyphosate and neonicotinoids. “It’s lingering in the back of my mind. Every time I see a tractor [with a spraying installation] there’s this kind of eerie feeling that I’m being poisoned.”

Pesticides have helped the world produce more food using less space—fouling the regions in which they are sprayed while reducing the area of land that needs to be exploited for food—but have worried doctors who point to a growing body of evidence linking them to disease. The EU scrapped a proposed target last year to halve pesticide use and risk by 2030 after lobbying from agriculture lobbies and some member states, who argued the cuts were too deep.

Bartosz Wielgomas, the head of the toxicology department at the Medical University of Gdańsk, who was not involved in the study, said the results were of “great value” but may even underestimate exposure to pesticides. The silicone wristbands do not absorb all substances to the same degree, he said, and the researchers tested for fewer than half of the pesticides approved in the EU.

“The conclusions of this study are highly significant: Pesticides are ubiquitous, not only in agricultural areas but also in environments far from crop fields,” he said.

The researchers found participants in the study were also exposed to pesticides that have been taken off the market, with breakdown products of DDT (dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane), which was banned decades ago on health grounds, commonly found in the wristbands. They also detected some banned insecticides, such as dieldrin and propoxur.

While the presence of pesticides in the wristbands does not indicate direct health effects, the authors voiced concern about the number of different types. Researchers have suggested that some mixtures of different chemicals amplify their effects on the human body beyond what studies of isolated exposure find.

Wesselius, whose results have motivated him to eat more organic food, said: “It’s not a nice thing to know. But it’s even worse to continue this practice.”

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Mother Jones

America Had a Black President. Then Came the Whitelash.

If you had to describe the last decade or so of political life in America, the list would likely include the following: The Black Lives Matter movement. The death of George Floyd. America’s first Black president. The rise of the MAGA movement. The election and reelection of Donald Trump. A resurgence of white nationalism. An erasure of Black history.

America in these last 10 years has experienced generational political upheaval, clashes over race and identity, and a battle over the very direction of the country itself. Few writers have charted these wild swings better than staff writer for The New Yorker and Columbia Journalism School Dean Jelani Cobb. And for Cobb, it all started when he was asked to write about an incident that was just beginning to make national news: the death of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed Black 17-year-old in Florida.

“At the time, I thought of Trayvon as this particularly resonant metaphor. But I didn’t understand that he was actually the start of something much bigger,” Cobb says. “I’m still kind of hearing the echoes of that moment.”

Cobb recently released Three or More Is a Riot: Notes on How We Got Here: 2012–2025, a collection of essays from more than a decade at The New Yorker, that all begin with that moment of national reckoning over Martin’s death. On this week’s episode, Cobb looks back at how the Trayvon Martin incident shaped the coming decade, reexamines the Black Lives Matter movement and President Obama’s legacy in the age of Donald Trump, and shares what he tells his journalism students at a time when the media is under attack.

Find More To The Story on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora, or your favorite podcast app, and don’t forget to subscribe.

This following interview was edited for length and clarity. More To The Story transcripts are produced by a third-party transcription service and may contain errors.

Al Letson: Tell me about that time when you started writing and reporting on Trayvon’s death and how it’s evolved into where it is today.

Jelani Cobb: That was a really striking moment, I think, partly because of the contrast. There was a Black president. We had seen circumstances like Trayvon’s, decades and centuries. We had never seen that in the context of it being an African-American president. The first thing that I ever wrote for The New Yorker was a piece called Trayvon Martin and the Parameters of Hope, and it was about exactly that contradiction. The fact that we could be represented in the highest office in the land, that we could look at Barack Obama and see in him a barometer of our progress, even though lots of things people agree or disagree with about him politically, but the mere fact that he could exist was a barometer of what had been achieved. And at the same time, we had this reminder of the way in which the judicial system can deliver these perverse outcomes, especially when there are cases that are refracted through the lens of race.

At the time I thought of Trayvon as this particularly resonant metaphor, but I didn’t understand that he was actually the start of something much bigger, because Black Lives Matter is an outgrowth. The phrase, the framing, that language, Black Lives Matter, came out of the aftermath of the verdict that exonerated George Zimmerman, who is the man who killed Trayvon Martin. And in a weird kind of bizarro world response, Trayvon Martin’s death was also cited as the impetus for Dylann Roof, who three years later killed nine people in the basement of the Emmanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, and he said he had been radicalized by the Trayvon Martin case.

And it went from there. Really both of those dynamics, those twin dynamics of this resurgence of white nationalism and this kind of volatile Christian nationalism and this very dynamic resonant movement for black equality or for racial equality, and almost the kind of crash the path that those two were put on in that moment.

Yeah. Three or More Is a Riot, is a collection of your past essays. After you were finished putting all this together, I’m just curious. What did you learn about the things that you had written, and also what did you learn about yourself? Because I think when I look back at old writing that I did I see myself in where I was, versus where I am today.

Yeah, I think writing is either intentionally or unintentionally autobiographical. You’re either putting it out there and saying, this is what I think at this moment about these things, or time does that for you. If you come back, you can go, oh wow, I was really naive about this, or I really saw this very clearly in the moment for what it was.

When I was combing back through these pieces, one conversation came to me, which was a discussion I had with my then editor, Amy Davidson Sorkin at The New Yorker. After I’d filed the first piece on Trayvon Martin, she said, “Why don’t you just stick with the story and see where it goes?” In effect, I’m still doing that. I’m still kind of hearing the echoes of that moment.

There are 59 pieces in this collection, some of them short, some of them lengthy, but in looking at each of these pieces, I started to plot out a path. And that’s why the subtitle for the book is Notes on How We Got Here: 2012 to 2025, because I started to plot out a path seeing the rise of Trumpism and the MAGA movement, seeing the backlash to Barack Obama, the mass shootings, the racialized mass shootings in El Paso and Pittsburgh and Buffalo, all of which I had written about, and the way that these things were culminating into a national political mood.

Yeah, yeah. I’m curious. I can remember when Obama was elected, I was volunteer/working with young black men, or boys at the time. Now they’re all grown up. But I was mentoring a group of black kids that were in a very poor neighborhood, and they were struggling to get by. The parents were. A lot of them had single parents, not for the reasons that most people prescribe. A lot of them had single parents because their other parent had passed away, and they were just trying to get by.

I remember when Barack Obama was elected, I felt like this sense of hope, and also a little bit of relief because I’d been telling these boys that they could be anything they wanted to be. And deep down inside, I felt like I had been selling them a lie, but I’d been selling them a lie for a higher purpose, like for them to reach for something bigger. And when Barack Obama got elected, I felt like, okay, I’m not lying anymore. This is a good thing. I felt hopeful. Over his first term, though, what I began to realize with working with these young men is that nothing in their life was changing. Nothing at all. Everything that was changing in their lives happened because of what they were doing, but nothing changed when it came to national politics or what the president can do.

I guess the question I have in saying all of that is how do you look back at the Obama years? Do you feel like in this weird way that it was a dream that never was really actualized, or was it a dream that was actualized? Did we see progress through that?

You know what’s interesting, and I hate to be this on the nose about it, but I actually kind of grapple with that question in one of the essays called Barack X. It’s a piece I wrote in the midst of the 2012 election because he was running for reelection, which didn’t have the same sort of resonance because we already knew that a black person could be elected president. We had seen that. And that motivation was different, and it was this question of whether or not people would stay the course, whether people would come out. Incumbency is a powerful advantage in American politics, but there’s also, even at that point, you could see these headwinds forming around Obama. In that piece, I grapple with the question of not only what Obama had done, but I think more substantively what it was possible for him to do in that moment.

It became this question for history I think. It takes 25 years after he’s left office to have a fair vantage point on what he reasonably could have done versus what he actually did. And the reason I say that is substantively, I think a lot of us felt that way, that things weren’t changing, that we were still grappling with the same sort of microaggressions at work, sometimes even worse. We were dealing with police who were behaving in a way that they were, and at the same time, this is the President of the United States who was called a liar while addressing Congress. This is a person who got stopped and frisked essentially, and had to show his birth certificate to prove that he was eligible to vote in the election he actually won. Not the question of whether he was eligible to be president, it was a question of whether or not it was even legal for him to vote in that election if he wasn’t a citizen.

And so when you stacked all of those things up, and you saw the entrenched opposition that had determined that their number one objective from the time that he was elected was for him to be a one-term president. That’s what Mitch McConnell said. That’s what the other kind of aligned forces in the Republican Party. Where the standard thing is, even if it’s just boilerplate, even if it’s just kind of standard political speech that they say, well, we’ll work with the president where we can, but we’ll stand by our principles, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah. That’s not what they said.

Yeah, normally they’re just like, well, we’re going to work for the good of the American people, and if the president lines up with us, we will be happy to work for him.

Yes, yes. Exactly.

Mitch was very clear.

That’s not what they said about him. And so balancing those two things, figuring out what the landscape of possibilities actually was, and then inside of that, what he achieved or failed to achieve relative to those things.

So when Barack Obama was running for election, I just didn’t believe it was going to happen, until the day it happened. I was in disbelief. I was shocked. On the flip side, all the black lash that we have gotten ever since his presidency ended, and during his presidency really, all the black lash, I was completely, yeah, that’s par for course with America. It’s so unsurprising to me. You can just look back to Reconstruction and see how all that ended to kind of understand where we’re going.

One of the things that Obama did in his political rhetoric period, was that he frequently denounced cynicism. He didn’t talk about racism very much, but he talked about cynicism a lot. And in fact, he often used the word cynicism in place of the word racism, that someone would do something racist, and he would say it was cynical. And it made sense because as the black president, you can’t be the person who’s calling out racism left and right. It just won’t work to your advantage politically. At the same time as his presidency unfolded, the people who he had called cynical, or at least people who were skeptical or maybe even pessimistic, began to have an increasingly accurate diagnosis of what he was up against.

I like to think that before he was elected, Barack Obama knew something that nobody else in black America knew, which was namely that the country was willing and capable of electing a black man to the presidency of the United States. But after he was elected, I think black America knew something that at times it seemed like Obama did not, which is that people will stop at no ends to make sure that you are not successful.

My father grew up in Jim Crow, Georgia, and he had the standard horror stories that everyone who grew up in Jim Crow had. And the message that he would give me is never be surprised by what people are willing to do to stop you as a black person, especially if you make them feel insecure about themselves. And it seemed like as the Obama presidency unfolded, that sentiment that he had dismissed as cynical became more and more relevant as the backlash intensified, as he was denied the unprecedented denial of a Supreme Court appointment, which was astounding. The tide of threats against his life that the Secret Service was dealing with. All of those things, when you pile all up together, it begins to look like a very familiar pattern in the history of this country, especially as it relates to race.

I was definitely taught those same lessons. Definitely. My father is a Baptist preacher who loves everybody, but was also very clear. You’ve got to work harder, you’ve got to be better, and don’t be surprised. And I feel like that is the thing that has stuck with me all these years.

It’s interesting, the right-wing political commentator, Megyn Kelly, recently said that basically that everything was good, and then Obama came and kind of broke us.

Oh, yeah.

And I just thought it was such a telling statement.

Well, it’s a very cynical statement to borrow a line from Obama.

Yes, it was a very cynical statement, and kind of telling on herself in the sense of, I think that that’s where the backlash is coming from, the idea that we had this black man as president, and now we have to get this country right.

Yeah. Well, the other thing about it, there was a kind of asymmetry from the beginning. There was this congratulation that was issued to white America or the minority of white America that voted for a black presidential candidate. And on the basis of this, people ran out and began saying, which is just an astounding statement to even think about now, they ran out and said, this was a post-racial nation.

Yeah, I remember that.

But the fact that it was, and I would point this out. A minority of white voters in 2008 and in 2012 voted for a presidential candidate who did not share their racial background. In short, a minority of white voters did, but the majority, the overwhelming majority of black voters had been doing since we’ve been allowed to vote. Since we had gotten the franchise in our newly emancipated hands, we had been voting for presidential candidates that did not share our racial backgrounds. No one looked at black people and said, oh, they’re post-racial. They’re willing to look past a candidate’s skin color to vote for someone. In fact, it was more difficult for African-American presidential candidates to get support from black voters than it was for white candidates to do so, which is the real kind of hidden story of Barack Obama’s success.

One of the lesser kind of noted things was that Barack Obama won the South Carolina primary with an overwhelmingly black electorate, but he won it after Iowa, after he had demonstrated that he had appealed to white voters. And I’ve long maintained that if those two primaries had been reversed, had they had been South Carolina first and then Iowa, he might’ve still won Iowa, but it is doubtful that he would’ve won South Carolina.

So the Black Lives Matter movement, it was like the rebirth of the civil rights movement, so to speak. But right now, we’re living in an era where Black Lives Matter signs are literally being demolished and black history… I’m a Floridian. I’m talking to you from Florida right now, and I could tell you the assault on black history specifically in schools is real.

Do you feel like Black Lives Matter as a movement failed? Do you see us coming back from this as a country, like being able to really talk about the history of this country, because it feels like we’re just running away from it now?

There’s an essay that I’m going to write about this, about what black history really has been, and what Black History Month really has been, and why Dr. Carter G. Woodson created what he then called Negro History Week in 1926 and became Black History Month in 1976 to mark the 50th anniversary. But they had very clear objectives, and these were explicitly political objectives that they were trying to create a landscape in which people would spend a dedicated amount of time studying this history for clues about how to navigate through the present. That first generation of black historians went through all manner of hell to produce the books, to produce the scholarly articles, to produce the speeches, to create a body of knowledge that redeemed the humanity of black people, and specifically made a case against Jim Crow, against disenfranchisement. They understood that history was a battleground, and that people were writing a history that would justify the politics of the present.

And so when you saw that black people had been written out of the history of the country, that slavery had been written out of the history of the Civil War, that the violent way in which people were eliminated from civic contention, had been whitewashed and airbrushed, and that what you saw in the day-to-day was segregation, poverty, exploitation, the denial of the franchise, the denial of the hard-won constitutional rights, there’s a reason, for instance, that the first two black people to get PhDs from Harvard University, and those two were W.E.B Du Bois and Carter G. Woodson, they both got their doctorates in history because they were trying to create a narrative that would counterbalance what was being done.
When I look at the circumstances that this field came into existence under, I’m less concerned about what’s happening now. I should say that what’s happening now is bad, but I think that we have a body of scholars. Now there are people who every spring a new crop of PhDs in this field is being minted, and people are promulgating this history in all kinds of ways and so on. And so I think this is a battle that has to be contested and has to be fought and ultimately has to be won, but I don’t lament about the resources and our ability to tell these stories.

You’re on faculty at Columbia University and the last couple of years it’s been center stage not only for protests-

Yeah, complicated.

Yeah, complicated. How do you manage that in the classroom?

I have to say that as a journalism school, there’s a very easy translation because the question is always, how do we cover this? What do we need to think about? What are the questions that need to be asked at this moment? After October 7th, when the wave of demonstrations and counter-demonstrations and the kind of solemn memorials on either side, I said to my students repeatedly, if I said it once, I said it 20 times, which is that you lean on your protocols at this point. You question yourself. You question your framing. You question how you approach this story. What is the question the person who disagrees with how you feel? What is the question that person would ask? And is that a fair question? And you relentlessly interrogate. And that’s also the job of your editors to relentlessly interrogate where you’re coming from on this story.

I kind of jokingly said to them, I said, “We have told you from the minute you got here to go out and find the story, and we forgot to tell you about the times that the story finds you.”

Yeah. How did you feel about Columbia’s administration’s response to the Trump threats?

The only thing I can say is that it was a very complicated situation. As a principal in life, I have generally been committed to not grading people harshly on tests that they never should have been required to take in the first place, if that makes sense.

Yeah.

There was a lot that I thought was the right thing. A lot of the decisions I thought were the right decisions to make. There were other decisions that I disagreed with, some that I disagreed with strongly. But the fundamental thing was always framed in the fact that the federal government should not be attacking a university. That was what my overarching kind of statement was. But I will say that also the journalism school has tried to navigate this while maintaining fidelity to our principles and our support of free speech and support of the free press.

Yeah. I think there’s a lot of hand-wringing among journalists right now. Fact-based reporting is being drowned out by misinformation and disinformation. What do you tell your students? How do you teach them in a time when journalism itself is under such threat?

Well, the thing that we teach is that this is indicative of how important journalism is. Powerful people don’t waste their time attacking things that are not important. And so we’re able to establish kind of narratives. And granted, we’ve lost a few rounds in this fight, that people not only have less trust in us, but they have more trust in people who are sometimes outright charlatans, or people who are demagogues, and that is a real kind of difficult circumstance.

But I also think that it’s reminiscent of the reasons that Joseph Pulitzer founded this school in the first place. The school was established in 1912 with a bequest from Joseph Pulitzer’s estate. Pulitzer understood at the time journalism was a very disreputable undertaking, and he had this vision of it being professionalized, of journalists adhering rigorously to a standard of ethics and thereby winning the trust of the public. And that was part of the reason that people actually did win the trust of the public over the course of the 20th century. Now we’ve had technologies and cultural developments and some other changes that have sent those numbers in the opposite direction, which I also will say this is not isolated. People distrust government; they distrust corporations; they distrust the presidency; they distrust all of these institutions that used to have a much higher degree of public trust.

My approach to this has been we should not ask the public to trust us. We should not anticipate ever regaining the level of trust we had once enjoyed. But I think that the alternative is that we now just show our work to the greatest extent possible. Sometimes we can’t because we have sources who can only give us information anonymously, but we should walk right up to the line of everything that we can divulge so that we say, don’t trust us. Read for yourself what we did. If you wanted to, you could follow up Freedom of Information Act and get these same documents that we are citing in this reporting. Or we should try to narrow the gap between what we’re saying and the degree to which people have to simply take us at our word.

America has obviously changed over the last 10 years. How have you changed?

Oh, what’s really interesting is that, and this is the kind of unintentional memoir part of it, I think that I’m probably more restrained as a writer now than I was 10 years ago. Keeping my eyebrow raised and kind of like, hmm, where’s this going? I try to be a little bit more patient, and to see that what the thing appears to be may not be the thing that it is. And at the same time, I’m probably more skeptical than I was 10 years ago. I haven’t given up on the idea of there being victory, of it being a better tomorrow, but I also think that it will exact a hell of a cost for us to get to that place.

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Mother Jones

Another Big Reason to Worry About Bari Weiss’ Tenure at CBS News

A version of the below article first appeared in David Corn’s newsletter, Our Land_. The newsletter comes out twice a week (most of the time) and provides behind-the-scenes stories and articles about politics, media, and culture. Subscribing costs just $5 a month—but you can sign up for a free 30-day trial._

The appointment of Bari Weiss, the former New York Times opinion writer who started the heterodox Free Press website, to lead venerable CBS News set the media world in a tizzy. Since she had no experience in television broadcast news operations, David Ellison, the CEO of Paramount Skydance, must have selected her for ideological and editorial reasons. Weiss had positioned herself as the scourge of supposedly woke and DEI-driven liberal media, presumably a stance that appealed to Ellison, the son of tech billionaire Larry Ellison, a Trump supporter who put up much of the money that financed his son’s recent takeover of Paramount.

Weiss’ first days at the network yielded worrisome signs. She asked senior staff at 60 Minutes, why does the country think you’re biased? This query suggested she buys the right-wing narrative Donald Trump propels about the media. CBS News, according to recent polling, is actually one of the most trusted news outfits, and the overall decline in popular trust in the media has been fueled over the past few decades mostly by a steep decline among Republicans—who have been the target of a concerted campaign waged by Trump and, before him, other conservative leaders (and Fox News!) to discredit the media. (A loss of trust among Democrats and independents has occurred but it’s been less pronounced.) Trump and the right’s war on the media has largely succeeded. And Weiss, whose rise to power has been a result of her crusade against the libs, seemingly accepts Trump’s terms—not a good sign.

Weiss’ inexperience, her embrace of the right-wing assault on the media, and her eagerness to boost her political opinions over her network’s reporting are all reasons to worry about her tenure at CBS News.

Nor were other recent developments at CBS News that the New York Times reported: “In the two weeks that she has worked at the network, Ms. Weiss has not promoted any articles or reporting from CBS News on her X account, which reaches 1.1 million followers…As a Middle East peace deal came into view, Ms. Weiss shared numerous pro-Israel opinion pieces from The Free Press, and an editorial that said Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for New York City mayor, had failed ‘the Hamas test.’” She seemed more interested in opinion warfare than news reporting. And according to Status, Weiss has been considering hiring Fox News host Bret Baier and bringing back to CBS News Catherine Herridge, who was laid off from the network last year and whose past work included credulously reporting hyped-up Republican charges of Democratic misdeeds.

Weiss’ inexperience, her embrace of the right-wing assault on the media, and her eagerness to boost her political opinions over her network’s reporting are all reasons to worry about her tenure at CBS News. But there’s something else: artificial intelligence.

Larry Ellison is deeply involved in the AI gold rush. He’s chairman and founder of Oracle, a critical player in the AI boom, providing cloud computing and infrastructure for many AI applications and partnering with OpenAI. (He’s predicted, with enthusiasm, that AI will give us a surveillance state in which citizens “will be on their best behavior because we are constantly recording and reporting everything that’s going on.”) And David Ellison, like most CEOs these days, is looking to AI to turbocharge his company.

There’s much to worry about regarding AI—most notably, massive job displacement and assorted doomsday scenarios about the end of humanity. But at this moment, a potential peril is at hand: the end of truth.

AI may well be the biggest story of the coming years, and a news organization owned by a corporation with huge interests in the sector and run by a person plopped into the top slot because of her views, not her broadcasting know-how, might feel pressure on this front. But what’s most concerning is indeed the issue of trust—though perhaps not in the way Weiss has approached it.

We are on the cusp of a dangerous new world. There’s much to worry about regarding AI—most notably, massive job displacement and assorted doomsday scenarios about the end of humanity. But at this moment, a potential peril is at hand: the end of truth. You might have heard that before. The introduction of Photoshop years ago was going to make all photographs—and, thus, all news images—suspect. Yet we got on.

The threat now is more profound. A few weeks ago, OpenAI introduced a new version of Sora, its application that allows users to create short videos entirely through AI. You want a video of yourself reaching the top of Mt. Everest? No problem. Initial reviewers—it’s not yet widely available, but it soon will be—have praised the easy-to-use program and the realistic-looking videos it produces. Sam Altman, OpenAI’s leader, has proclaimed Sora “the most powerful imagination engine ever built.”

But just as Sora can manufacture fanciful creations, such as a dog conducting open-heart surgery, it can yield the deepest of deep fakes: videos of prominent people making statements they never said, of natural disasters or terrorist attacks that didn’t happen, of crimes that were not committed, or military strikes that did not occur. As the New York Times reported, “In its first three days, users of a new app from OpenAI deployed artificial intelligence to create strikingly realistic videos of ballot fraud, immigration arrests, protests, crimes and attacks on city streets—none of which took place.” The possibilities are endless—and damn scary. Faked videos could intensify or trigger conflicts, undermine elections, defraud consumers, swing financial markets, and frame people.

Sora has guardrails—for now. There is a watermark noting its videos are AI-generated. You may not produce videos of living people uttering words they did not speak. The production of videos with graphic violence is not permitted. But clever folks have already found ways to evade the limitations, and other systems won’t even bother with such restraints. Very soon our social media buckets will fill with AI slop. Much of it will be irrelevant and of no import. But there will be malicious disinformation produced to inflame, defame, mislead, and frighten for political advantage, for profit, or just for kicks. How will we know what’s real?

Who or what is left to protect reality? Who’s going to vet the AI-orchestrated falsehoods to come? This is what we need the media for.

In a less imperfect world, the government might be of use in this regard and monitor and address the most malevolent and consequential AI disinformation. But liberals would not want to see the Trump administration in charge of such fact-checking, and conservatives for years have viciously assailed and beaten back counter-disinformation efforts mounted by government agencies, colleges, nonprofits, and other entities, decrying them as Big Brother censorship aimed at silencing right-wingers. I understand their concern, for Trump has essentially turned MAGA into one big disinformation operation. It’s no wonder his allies attack endeavors to confront such propaganda.

Who or what is left to protect reality? Who’s going to vet the AI-orchestrated falsehoods to come? This is what we need the media for. Major news organizations will have to assume the task of quickly scrutinizing disinformation and misinformation, telling us whether the video of a tsunami heading toward the West Coast or another of thugs beating up a senator or one of explosions in downtown Chicago are legitimate. When a video appears of a political candidate confessing to a heinous crime or telling a racist joke, we will need to look to a source to determine whether that occurred. This should be the job of major news operations.

Of course, the big media outlets—the New York Times, CNN, broadcast news—tend to be for-profit enterprises. Who knows if becoming all-important arbiters of reality will fit their business models? But most important will be if their vetting is trusted. These institutions will have to be believed by large segments of the population—though there will always be people who will be unpersuadable.

As the AI Matrix approaches, we are going to need large institutions with influence and reach to help us prevent the truth from being wiped out by a flood of lies. And we will need somewhere to turn for guidance.

Thus, we return to Bari Weiss. She accurately points out that the news media has fallen on the trust scale. But she appears to have fallen for the false right-wing explanation: They’re too damn liberal. Though it’s early in her tenure at CBS News, her ideologically fueled appointment does not inspire confidence that Ellison (or the Ellisons) intend to direct CBS News in the direction where it could function as one of the essential vetters in this new and chaotic information ecosystem.

Like many in the non-mainstream media, I have long been critical of various aspects and actions of major news outlets, while recognizing they often produce wonderful and consequential works of journalism. Yet as the AI Matrix approaches, my hunch is that we are going to need large institutions with influence and reach (no matter if their audiences are smaller than they once were) to help us prevent the truth from being wiped out by a flood of lies. As consumers of information, we will have to learn not to accept the first impressions caused by AI disinformation and wait for confirmation—an exercise humans are not well designed for. (In the jungle eons ago, Homo sapiens could not afford to take their time to evaluate a possible threat. That could endanger them. Immediate absorption of information and snap judgments were essential for survival.) And we will need somewhere to turn for guidance.

CBS News is positioned to provide what might become the most valuable service of the news industry. Yet Weiss is not the obvious choice to guide it toward this mission. Perhaps she will surprise us. I’m rooting for what used to be called the Tiffany Network. But if we’re all left alone on the sea of AI slop, our democracy will drown.

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Mother Jones

A Hostile Trump Administration Has Put Offshore Wind Into Reverse

This story was originally published by Yale e360 and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Each year, the Sweeney Center for Public Policy at Rowan University in New Jersey hosts a conference on the state’s current and future energy landscape. In 2023 and 2024, the gatherings focused heavily on the rapidly accelerating development of offshore wind, which state officials then predicted would power some 2.5 million homes—about two-thirds of the state’s total housing units—by 2030. At this year’s event, however, the industry was barely mentioned, and when it was, its one-time advocates were subdued and almost eulogistic.

Tim Sullivan, the head of the New Jersey Economic Development Authority, which had been closely involved with the state’s efforts to develop offshore wind, sounded wistful. “I remain optimistic and confident that it gets done sometime in our lifetime,” he told the conference.

Optimism about the future of US offshore wind has collapsed since President Trump, a vehement critic of the industry, returned to office in January. In the ensuing nine months, his administration has accelerated the end of federal tax credits for wind development, imposed tariffs on turbines and other needed parts, and eliminated funds for building onshore port facilities for servicing wind farms.

Analysts say the administration’s policies will lead to $114 billion in offshore wind investments being canceled or delayed.

This has had a devastating effect, especially on the East Coast, where just two years ago some 30 utility-scale wind farm lease areas, spread across the continental shelf waters from Maine to South Carolina, were in the permitting and planning stages of development. According to a July 2024 report by the American Clean Power Association, investment in US offshore wind projects was predicted to hit $65 billion by 2030. By 2050, the report said, the country could be generating 86,000 megawatts of offshore-wind-generated electricity, enough to power roughly 40 million homes.

But in an April report, the market research firm BloombergNEF forecast a 56 percent decrease in offshore wind development by 2035 compared to its prediction the previous year. This reduction will delay or cancel some $114 billion in offshore wind investments, according to the report.

What remains of American offshore wind activity today are just seven farms off the Mid-Atlantic and Northeast coasts. The country’s first wind farm to be finished was a small, five-turbine array off Rhode Island’s Block Island, which became fully operational in 2016. The US’s first utility-scale farm, South Fork, came online just two years ago; it is located off Long Island, New York, and consists of 12 turbines capable of powering up to 70,000 homes.

The remaining five farms are still under construction. Massachusetts’ Vineyard Wind, located about 15 miles off the coast off Martha’s Vineyard, is the furthest along; about half of the project’s planned 62 turbines have been installed and are sending power to the grid. Connecticut and Rhode Island’s shared farm, Revolution Wind, has installed about 70 percent of its planned 65 turbines. New York’s Sunrise Wind and Empire Wind, located off western and eastern Long Island, respectively, have begun preparing the seabed for turbine and transmission cable installation. Further south, the 176-turbine Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind, located about 25 miles outside the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay, is expected to begin sending power to the state’s grid early next year.

Together, and running at full capacity, these seven farms should be able to power 2.6 million homes. That’s a substantial achievement for a country that had no offshore wind a decade ago. But it is a far cry from the Biden Administration’s goal of 10 million homes by 2030.

Opposing wind power of all kinds has been a cornerstone of President Trump’s domestic energy policy. On the first day of his second term, Trump issued an executive order temporarily withdrawing “all areas on the outer continental shelf from offshore wind leasing.” The order also required a review of the federal government’s leasing and permitting processes for wind projects.

Following Trump’s order, the myriad federal agencies with a hand in regulating offshore wind moved quickly. In March, the EPA revoked the air quality permit for Atlantic Shores, a partnership between the oil giant Shell and the renewable energy company EDF Group, which was planning a project off the southern New Jersey coast that could have had up to 200 turbines. The EPA’s action was enough for Atlantic Shores to pull the plug on the whole endeavor. In a statement to E&E News following the project’s cancellation, a spokesperson for Shell said the company “will not lead new offshore wind developments.” And, just last week, another major oil company, BP, and its partner Jera Nex announced that they were pausing its only planned US wind farm, Beacon, located off the Massachusetts coast.

In April, the Interior Department had issued a stop-work order to Empire Wind, the 54-turbine project in the early stages of development off Long Island, New York. Other than an almost entirely redacted 36-page draft analysis by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, presumably about Empire Wind’s impact on fisheries, no other information on the cause of the order was provided. Another stop order came in August, this time to Revolution Wind, the nearly completed 65-turbine farm located off the coasts of Rhode Island and Massachusetts. This time, the issuing agency was the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), which cited concerns about Revolution’s impact on national security. Other than the two-page order itself, BOEM provided no documentation justifying the decision.

Offshore wind development had already faced intense opposition from coastal communities and the fishing industry.

After direct negotiations between New York’s governor and top Trump administration officials, Empire Wind was allowed to resume construction in May. Revolution Wind was able to restart in September following an injunction issued by a federal judge. But significant economic damage was done. According to Kris Ohleth, director of the research group Special Initiative on Offshore Wind, the stop-work orders led to “several hundred people a day who are no longer working” and weekly losses for the companies that amounted to $20-30 million. Offshore wind developers right now “are essentially riding it out by laying off staff and going back to skeleton crews,” she said.

Under Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill,” the budget package passed by Congress in July, Biden-era federal tax credits for wind and solar developers, which would have expired no earlier than 2032, will now end in July 2026. This drastically shortened deadline spelled the end for the dozens of proposed offshore wind projects that were still in the planning stages, because, without the tax credits, they would be too expensive to build and maintain. To further jack up costs, the administration imposed a 50 percent tariff on wind turbine parts and components, most of which are produced in Europe and China.

In addition to tax credits, the Biden administration had made a massive investment in the onshore infrastructure to service the wind farms. Thirteen port projects were being built on both US coasts, most of which were in the Northeast. The facilities would have served as marshalling grounds for the turbines’ massive towers, blades, and engines before being loaded onto specially built transport ships. Other sites would have manufactured some of the parts needed to construct and service the turbines, transmission stations, and electrical cables.

But, in August, Sean Duffy, the secretary of the Department of Transportation, canceled $679 million in funding for offshore wind, $177 million of which was designated for port development. The money would instead be redirected to ship building. “Wasteful, wind projects are using resources that could otherwise go towards revitalizing America’s maritime industry,” Duffy said.

No onshore location is at more risk than New Bedford, Massachusetts, where the largest commercial fishing port in the US has been steadily transforming over the past decade into an offshore wind marshalling and manufacturing hub. Expansion plans for New Bedford have been scrapped or are on hold. “This was going to be a place that provided a substantial amount of jobs for a part of New England that is economically challenged,” said Elizabeth Wilson, a professor at Dartmouth College who studies the evolution of US offshore wind energy. “You have all of these manufacturing facilities that were planned but aren’t happening, so all of those jobs no longer exist.”

“Demand for electricity is growing nationally, driven by data centers that power the digital economy,” says a grid operator.

To be sure, the US offshore wind industry was already facing mounting challenges before Trump returned to office this year.

During the Biden years, offshore wind development was pushed along at breakneck speed. BOEM held six auctions that carved out over 30 offshore wind lease areas amounting to millions of acres of seafloor. In turn, states courted the streams of developers who had purchased the leases and needed to connect their farms to onshore transmission stations. In the case of some projects, seabed surveying—which uses sonar that could be loud enough to harm marine species, especially whales and dolphins—was conducted before environmental impact statements were done.

This ignited intense opposition from coastal communities and the fishing industry. Commercial fishermen argued that large swaths of their lucrative grounds would become off-limits due to habitat destruction and the risk of fishing gear being lost or damaged from snagging on transmission cables or other infrastructure. Some scientists and environmentalists, who otherwise supported clean energy, raised concerns about the cumulative impacts of thousands of huge, noisy turbines operating in the middle of the migration routes of critical marine and avian species.

Most critically, though, the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine splintered the global supply chain, hiking the prices of many of the components needed for offshore wind development. The manufacturers were the first to back out of the US market—in 2023, Siemens Gamesa scrapped plans to build turbine blades in Virginia, while turbine engine manufacturer Vestas failed to establish a facility at a New Jersey port that would have assembled nacelles—engines— for turbines. And, in January, the Italy-based cable manufacturer Prysmian informed Massachusetts that it wouldn’t be moving forward with plans to repurpose a plant that once housed a coal-fired power generator into an offshore wind transmission cable factory.

The most significant blow came in New Jersey in 2023, when the Danish developer Ørsted canceled two massive projects off the state’s southern coast. Rather than endure the increasingly turbulent market conditions and a relentless campaign from opposition groups, Ørsted wrote off $4 billion in losses and focused on its smaller New York projects, Revolution and Sunrise Winds. After Atlantic Shores pulled the plug on its farm earlier this year, New Jersey’s offshore wind portfolio was reduced to zero.

The sinking fate of the US offshore wind industry comes at an inflection point for energy producers and providers on the East Coast and elsewhere in the country.

At the Rowan University conference, Asim Haque, a senior vice president at PJM Interconnected, the Northeast US’s grid operator and the largest in the country, noted that, after years of procuring energy supply far above projected demand, PJM just barely managed to secure the capacity it predicts it will need for 2026-27.

“Our current level of political and regulatory volatility does not support large projects that take a long time to build,” an expert says.

This, Haque said, is due to a confluence of factors. “Demand for electricity is growing nationally, driven by data centers that power the digital economy and the development of artificial intelligence,” he said in an interview. At the same time, Haque added, plants that generated power from fossil fuels or nuclear closed because they had either reached the end of the life cycle or were prematurely shuttered by state governments pushing to transition to renewable sources.

Many of the states in PJM’s footprint are a part of a regional power sharing agreement, which has allowed certain ones, like New Jersey, long unable to produce enough of the electricity it needs on its own, to buy cheap power from neighboring states with energy surpluses. (In 2024, the state imported more than 35 percent of its power.) Those days appear over. With the huge surge in demand, Haque said, states are keeping much more of their energy for themselves. High demand and limited supply, of course, equal rate hikes.

Ultimately, Haque’s message, as well as those of the other speakers at the Rowan conference, emphasized the need for an all-of-the-above approach to energy—a point that would have been anathema in previous years, when expectations for offshore wind and other renewable sources were high. “These policy swings over the last four or five years, for a grid operator that has to actually make sure that an electron is generated and delivered in real-time across a many-million-mile transmission system [that’s] trying to serve 67 million consumers—it’s very tough,” he said.

Wilson, the Dartmouth professor, said the effort to launch US offshore wind provides lessons about the country’s ability to build huge, modern infrastructure of any kind.

“Our current level of political and regulatory volatility does not support large projects that take a long time to build and cost billions of dollars,” Wilson said. “Having a policy system that changes day-to-day doesn’t allow you to develop and invest in something that takes a decade to build.”

In the meantime, zero carbon energy advocates are facing a tough reality. “PJM doesn’t pick and choose its resource mix,” Haque said of his company. “We operate the grid based on what we’ve got.”

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Mother Jones

Jamaica Cowers as Category 5 Melissa Bears Down, Supercharged by Warming Seas

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

History is unfolding in the Atlantic Ocean right now. Hurricane Melissa has spun up into an extraordinarily dangerous Category 5 storm with maximum sustained winds of 175 mph, and is set to strike Jamaica Monday night before marching toward Cuba. This is only the second time in recorded history that an Atlantic hurricane season has spawned three hurricanes in that category. Melissa has already killed at least three people in Haiti and another in the Dominican Republic.

The threats to Jamaica will come from all sides. The island could see up to 30 inches of rain as the storm squeezes moisture from the sky, like a massive atmospheric sponge, potentially causing “catastrophic flash flooding and numerous landslides,” according to the National Hurricane Center. Melissa also will bulldoze ashore a storm surge of up to 13 feet—essentially a wall of water that will further inundate coastal areas. “No one living there has ever experienced anything like what is about to happen,” writes Brian McNoldy, a hurricane scientist at the University of Miami.

Research has shown a huge increase in rapid intensification events close to shore, thanks to rising ocean temperatures.

It will take some time for scientists to determine exactly how much climate change supercharged Melissa, but they can already say that the storm has been feeding on warm ocean temperatures made up to 800 times more likely by global heating. This is how climate change is worsening these tropical cyclones overall: The hotter the ocean gets—the seas have absorbed 90 percent of the extra heat that humans have pumped into the atmosphere—the more energy that can transfer into a storm. “The role climate change has played in making Hurricane Melissa incredibly dangerous is undeniable,” Marc Alessi, a climate attribution science fellow at the Union of Concerned Scientists, said in a statement.

Scientists can already estimate that climate change has increased Melissa’s wind speeds by 10 mph, in turn increasing its potential damage by 50 percent. “We’re living in a world right now where human-caused climate change has changed the environment in which these hurricanes are growing up and intensifying,” said Daniel Gilford, a climate scientist at the research group Climate Central. “Increasing temperatures of the atmosphere is increasing how much moisture is in the atmosphere, which will allow Melissa to rain more effectively and efficiently over the Caribbean, and could cause more flooding than otherwise would have occurred.”

Making Melissa extra dangerous is the fact that it’s undergone rapid intensification, defined as a jump in sustained wind speeds of at least 35 mph in a day, having doubled its speed from 70 to 140 mph in less than 24 hours. This makes a hurricane all the more deadly not only because stronger winds cause more damage, but because it can complicate disaster preparations—officials might be preparing for a weaker storm, only to suddenly face one far worse. Research has shown a huge increase in the number of rapid intensification events close to shore, thanks to those rising ocean temperatures, with Atlantic hurricanes specifically being twice as likely now to rapidly intensify.

At the same time, hurricanes are able to produce more rainfall as the planet warms. For one, the atmosphere can hold 7 percent more moisture per degree Celsius of warming. And secondly, the faster the wind speeds, the more water a hurricane can wring out, like spinning a wet mop. Accordingly, hurricanes can now produce 50 percent more precipitation because of climate change. “A more intense hurricane has stronger updrafts and downdrafts, and the amount of efficiency by which the storm can rain basically scales with how intense the storm is,” Gilford said. Making matters worse, Melissa is a rather slow-moving storm, so it will linger over Jamaica, inundating the island and buffeting it with winds.

As Melissa drops rain from above, its winds will shove still more water ashore as a storm surge. The coastlines of the Caribbean have already seen significant sea level rise, which means levels are already higher than before. (Warmer oceans have an additional effect here, as hotter water takes up more space, a phenomenon known as thermal expansion.) All of this means the baseline water levels are already higher, which the storm surge will pile on top of. “Just small, incremental, marginal changes in sea level can really drive intense changes,” Gilford said.

Jamaica has an added challenge in its mountainous terrain. Whereas water will accumulate on flat terrain, it behaves much more unpredictably when it’s rushing downhill because it easily gains momentum. “When you get a storm like this that is approaching the higher echelons of what we have observed, it’s harrowing, especially because it is pointing at a populated island with complex terrain,” said Kim Wood, an atmospheric scientist at the University of Arizona. “You’re dealing with a funneling effect, where that water, as it falls, will then join other water that’s coming down the mountainside and exacerbate the impacts.”

Maybe the only good news here is that the National Hurricane Center was able to accurately predict that Melissa would rapidly intensify. And in general, scientists have gotten ever better at determining how climate change is supercharging hurricanes, so they can provide ever more accurate warnings to places like Jamaica. But that requires continuous governmental support for this kind of work, while the Trump administration has slashed scientific budgets and jobs. “We couldn’t do this without continued investment in the enterprise that supports advances in not just science, but forecasting and communicating the outcomes of those forecasts,” Wood said.

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Mother Jones

Want Fluoride in Your Water? Too Bad.

This story was originally published by High Country News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

On the evening of June 2, 2025, the city council meeting in Pasco, Washington, was winding down when Councilor Leo Perales piped up from his seat on the wood-trimmed dais.

“I know we’ve talked about fluoride a few times,” Perales said. “If we can just bring forward a vote in the next couple weeks to just remove it from our water without getting any staff presentation, or hearing, I think a lot of us feel that we should just take it out.” Perales had made local headlines a few months earlier when he released a plan to establish the Department of Pasco Efficiency, or “DOPE,” a deliberate echo of DOGE, the federal so-called Department of Government Efficiency.

Mayor Pete Serrano leaned toward his microphone. “I’m certainly in favor of removing it,” he said. Beside Serrano’s mic sat a blender cup advertising Titan Nutrition, a company that sells “Trigger Warning” supplement powder. The product’s label sports a dramatic image of President Donald Trump bleeding from his ear after an assassination attempt.

By the time of that council meeting, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the United States secretary of Health and Human Services, had announced plans to tell the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to stop recommending fluoridation, the practice of adding the mineral to water supplies to help prevent dental decay. Dentists were alarmed: Fluoride strengthens tooth enamel, and without it, acids can cause holes to form, leading to cavities, difficulty eating and debilitating pain.

While high concentrations of fluoride can give teeth a mottled look and cause abdominal distress, or, in rare cases, even organ failure, Kennedy had long spread disproven conspiracy theories that it is a dangerous neurotoxin that lowers children’s IQs. As a cabinet member, he was making it a cornerstone of his Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) campaign.

“I’ve never seen a council disrespect the citizens of Pasco like this council is doing this evening.”

Since 1945, when Grand Rapids, Michigan, became the first American city to fluoridate its water, studies have documented marked drops in tooth decay and dental disease in communities that take up the practice. The CDC considers fluoridation one of the 20th century’s 10 great public health achievements, alongside things like widespread seatbelt adoption and declining tobacco use. Reversing course “will be hardest felt by Medicaid beneficiaries, including children and the most vulnerable Americans who often cannot afford routine oral care,” Brett Kessler, president of the American Dental Association, warned in a press release.

But since fluoridation began, conspiracy theories about it have been “an ongoing, never-ending American obsession,” wrote R. Allan Freeze and Jay H. Lehr in their 2008 book, The Fluoride Wars.

In the West—from Mesa, Arizona, to Port Angeles, Washington—communities have debated fluoridation for decades. Dentists testify about science. Opponents argue fluoride is poison, and many insist that “clean water” must be unfluoridated. In some states, a municipality’s decision to fluoridate is up to voters; in other places, residents must bring the issue to their council, which ultimately makes the decision.

Around the time of Kennedy’s pronouncement, however, Western lawmakers began sidestepping public input and unilaterally banning water fluoridation. In late 2024, the Aberdeen, Washington, city council passed an ordinance to stop fluoridation, ignoring a survey showing that local residents wanted it. This year, the council in Lynden, Washington, did the same after a motion to put the issue in front of residents for an advisory vote failed. And in March, Utah Gov. Spencer Cox signed the first statewide ban on fluoridating water in the nation, despite a poll showing that most Utahns support fluoride or think the issue should be decided by communities.

This summer, the Sweet Home, Oregon, city council also ended the practice. “Over the last few years, I’ve heard from a significant number of residents asking that fluoride be removed,” Mayor Susan Coleman wrote in an email to a resident.

Yet a public records request revealed that Coleman’s emails from 2020 to 2025 showed just a single email from one resident opposing fluoride. “Today, fluoride is widely available through toothpaste and rinses for those who choose to use it,” Coleman replied to a request for comment.

“I’ve never seen a council disrespect the citizens of Pasco like this council is doing this evening.”

Now Pasco, a city of nearly 82,000 with a majority Hispanic population located in the arid shrub-steppe of southeastern Washington, was considering doing the same.

At the June 2 meeting, after Perales and Serrano discussed ending fluoridation, then-interim City Manager Dave Zabell spoke into his microphone. “There are people who are strong believers in fluoride for dental health, and there’s strong believers opposed to fluoride,” he said. “My fear is that if you just make a decision without inviting input from those groups, it could just come back and bite ya.” The council ultimately decided to arrange a staff presentation on the matter and schedule two public feedback sessions.

The first public session took place on a hot, dry evening in early August. One by one, about 20 people took seats in chairs with fading red cushions in the council’s chambers. Many wore medical scrubs. They were dentists, a dental hygienist, a school nurse, parents. Most spoke of fluoride’s documented benefits, especially to low-income communities, children with developmental disabilities, people who lack dental insurance or any access to fluoride rinses. Just two people expressed a desire to halt fluoridation.

Spencer Jilek, who practiced dentistry in Pasco for 42 years, stepped up to the podium. “I was going to start off my speech by thanking the council members for being here,” he said, waving a hand toward the front of the room. But the chairs on the dais were empty: No council members had come to listen. “I’ve never seen a council disrespect the citizens of Pasco like this council is doing this evening.”

For drinkable water to run from Pasco’s taps, 15 million gallons are sucked up every day from the Columbia River and piped through two treatment plants, where it’s filtered and strained. Several chemicals are added to meet federal drinking water standards, including chlorine, which disinfects water to protect people from parasites and diseases, and permanganate, which makes water clear and removes funky tastes and smells. And, of course, there’s fluoride: Pasco spends $40,000 per year on fluoride to meet the federal standard of 0.7 parts per million.

Surveys show community support for fluoride; in 2009, an independent survey of 300 residents found that almost 80 percent supported continued fluoridation. A more recent poll is in progress, but in late June, staff members discussed early results over email: Of 991 residents surveyed, 52.5 percent opposed removing fluoride.

Pasco’s City Council is composed of seven members, the majority conservative. A review of members’ fluoride-related emails from January to June 2025, obtained through a public records request, showed little demand for removal, though one woman emailed a quote from the Book of Revelation in the Jehovah’s Witnesses New World Translation. “Hopefully the fluoride will go away!” she added.

“This will be a big community decision,” Perales replied to one person who wrote in support of fluoride. “Thank you for your input and I will definitely consider it.”

But late on the night of the June meeting, Perales emailed two other conservative council members, Charles Grimm and Peter Harpster, suggesting that his mind was made up. In the email—subject line: “FLOURIDE”—he laid out a plan for discontinuation: “This could be fast tracked and could be done by November if we move on it.”

“I say we keep it way more simple than that,” Grimm responded: He thought they should have a single presentation on the matter “and vote the next week.”

“Sounds good to me. If we have the votes, let’s do it,” Perales replied.

Not everyone on Pasco’s city council opposes fluoridation. “I do not support removal as I represent the many that have seen the benefits of this mineral in Pasco water,” Councilor Blanche Barajas emailed HCN.

Both Grimm and Perales declined to answer questions for this story. While Pasco has discussed fluoridation in the past, the recent debate came “out of nowhere,” said Janae Parent, district administrator of the Benton-Franklin Health District. Did the council come to the health district asking for information on fluoride? “No, they did not.”

“Having been born and raised here, I’ve got those conservative values in me as a leader,” she said. “But we’ve got some responsibility here as a community to also take a look at facts, take a look at studies, and understand where we want to be, not just what’s being said at a national level, and not have groupthink.”

“Why would you choose an issue that would actually hurt people?” Jilek, the dentist who testified to an empty dais in August, said later. “This is not the hill they should want to die on.”

Seth Cotlar, a history professor at Willamette University who writes about the history of far-right politics, wondered the same thing. “How does something that isn’t an issue become an issue?” he said. “And why would you want to make that thing an issue?”

He pointed out that, in the past, ultraconservative groups like the John Birch Society pushed conspiracy theories warning that fluoridation was part of a Communist plot. In the 1950s, the Los Angeles-based anti-Communist Keep America Committee distributed a leaflet naming what it believed were “The Unholy Three”: polio vaccines, mental hygiene and fluoridated water. By adopting fluoride, “every citizen will be at the mercy of the enemy—already within our gates,” it read.

“We’ve got some responsibility as a community to take a look at facts, take a look at studies, and understand where we want to be, not just what’s being said at a national level.”

Fluoride’s sudden revival as a hot-button issue is “connected to this generalized world of conspiracy, which MAHA has amplified,” Cotlar said. “(The podcast Conspirituality has) a line that I really like, which is that these MAHA people, they get the feelings right, but the facts wrong. Especially around health, there’s a real sense of vulnerability and uncertainty and fear and anxiety and mistrust of our health system.” That creates an environment, he said, “for people to rush in with simple answers.”

But it also plays into real concerns. Amarnath Amarasingam, an associate professor at the School of Religion and the Department of Political Studies at Queens University in Ontario, Canada, said Kennedy exploits real issues—water pollution, lack of access to healthy food to sow conspiracy theories and mistrust of science. “At the core, he’s saying we eat very unhealthy foods. Well, yeah, that’s true; all doctors have been saying that forever. And then it becomes ‘vaccines are bad for us…vaccines were produced by evil deep-state actors in order to keep us subservient.’ And now you’re in the conspiracy space.”

Amarasingam said that if people really believe fluoride is toxic but unavoidable, that could contribute to an overall feeling of powerlessness. “Anti-fluoride activism might be a symptom of this overwhelming sense that forest fires, pandemics, whatever else is going on—things are collapsing. All I can really do is protect the four walls around my kids and myself. It might be a symptom of this sense of chaos.”

As fall closed in, Pasco’s council changed, but the fluoride issue remained.

Serrano was tapped by the Trump administration to be the interim US Attorney of eastern Washington, and the council voted to replace him with Joe Cotta, a prominent conservative pastor.

In mid-September, the council held another listening session. This time, six members were present. Dentists, teachers, parents and the heads of the local and state dental associations all testified in favor of fluoride.

Lilo Black, a local dentist, stepped to the microphone first and brought up a recent decision by the council to honor Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist killed in September. “In your proclamation, you recounted how Charlie wanted people to think critically and engage civically…So I find it so perplexing that when it comes to the matter at hand, water fluoridation in Pasco, that you have completely diverged from the very tenets you espouse,” she said. “In fact, the origin of this issue seems to be a mystery.”

Just four locals spoke against fluoridation. “Fluoride is a neurotoxin,” Lacey Walter said. “I grew up with well water, my parents opted out of fluoride, I never used fluoridated toothpaste and my teeth are fine.”

No matter how strongly held their opinions or how great their expertise, the most that Pasco residents could do was testify. None would be able to vote on the issue directly.

After the meeting, Parent, the health district administrator, was hopeful. “The council was actively listening and asking questions,” she said. “So it’s possible we may have made some headway in having more thoughtful discussions moving forward.”

The council is set to vote on the issue in mid-November.

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Mother Jones

Report: Anti-Abortion Leaders Helped Tank Trump’s Promise of Free IVF

Anti-abortion advocates haven’t just played key roles in rolling back abortion rights in recent years. They also helped tank President Donald Trump’s campaign-trail promise to make in vitro fertilization free.

That’s according to a new report published Saturday in Politico, which reveals that anti-abortion activists—some of whom are opposed to IVF because it involves discarding unused embryos—spent more than a year lobbying the Trump campaign, and then his administration, to ensure that officials did not subsidize or mandate coverage of the procedure. They got their wish earlier this month, when the president announced a far more limited initiative: a cost-cutting agreement with a leading fertility medication manufacturer to slash prices on a drug involved in the IVF process. Trump also announced the creation of a new fertility insurance benefit that employers could voluntarily offer to employees.

“There were letters and meetings and calls—a lot of activity,” Kristi Hamrick, vice president for media and policy at the anti-abortion groupStudents for Life of America, told Politico. “We told [the administration] that it would be an absolute violation of people’s conscience rights to force taxpayers to subsidize IVF, which has the business model that destroys more life than is ever born.”

Anti-abortion advocates had long been vocal about their opposition to Trump’s promises to promote IVF. After his February executive order—which claimed to expand access to the procedure but merely required an official to gather ideas on how to do so, as I reported at the time—several leading abortion opponents decried the move. But the Politico story indicates that anti-abortion advocates’ involvement in scaling back the administration’s moves on IVF was greater than previously known.

“A lot of people met with different people within the administration over the last eight months to say, ‘This is not pro-life. This is not going to raise birth rates. This pumps money into an industry that a lot of pro-lifers have great concerns over, because of the potential for eugenics. So let’s tap the brakes on this,'” Patrick Brown, a fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center, told Politico.

Beyond the Ethics and Public Policy Center and Students for Life of America, other anti-abortion groups that were reportedly involved in pressuring the administration include Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America and Americans United for Life. Those groups did not immediately respond to requests for comment from _Mother Jones o_n Sunday.

According to Politico, White House officials also gave the advocates a heads-up before Trump’s announcement of his IVF policies:

In a sign of how seriously they took the groups’ arguments, administration officials held a briefing call for a select group of activists ahead of last week’s announcement to address their fears of a coverage mandate. According to two anti-abortion advocates on the call, granted anonymity to discuss the private event, the White House did not take questions.

A White House official, granted anonymity to speak candidly about behind-the-scenes conversations, confirmed both the call and the key role anti-abortion groups played in developing the policy. Their influence ensured that no employer is obligated to cover IVF, that no federal funding supports it, and that new coverage options can include alternative fertility treatments promoted by groups who oppose abortion.

“It’s providing flexibility, not just in an ideological sense, but just in a medical sense,” the official said. “It would be bad policy just to push everyone onto IVF.”

Spokespeople for the White House did not immediately respond to Mother Jones.

Politico reports that anti-abortion advocates also pushed the White House Domestic Policy Council—which was tasked with coming up with suggestions to deliver to the president—to back “restorative reproductive medicine” (RRM), a loose group of approaches that allegedly tackles the root causes of infertility, as my colleague Kiera Butler wrote last year. Leading medical organizations have said that RRM is not evidence-based and that it is not a distinct concept, but instead a repackaging of work that fertility doctors already do to support patients.

During Trump’s Oval Office announcement, officials did not explicitly reference RRM, but they—including Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.—did repeatedly say that they plan to address “the root causes” of infertility. An expert on IVF access who did not want to be named for fear of retribution previously told me they were concerned by these mentions: “On the one hand, we were happy because they didn’t say ‘restorative reproductive medicine.’ And on the other hand, we were concerned because they said ‘root causes’ several times.”

But for all the administration’s attempts to pander to every conceivable interest group, it could not manage to make everyone happy. Some on the left said that there was more Trump could do to expand access to IVF and that the announcement amounted to a failure to deliver on his campaign pledge.

On the anti-abortion side, the US Conference of Catholic Bishops called Trump’s announcement a “harmful government action” that could “push people of faith to be complicit in its evils.” Lila Rose, head of the anti-abortion group Live Action, said on X that Trump’s announcement is “not a solution to fertility struggles.” And Kristan Hawkins, president of Students for Life, called the announcement a “disappointment.”

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Mother Jones

Donald Trump Got Mad at the TV, So Now Stuff Costs More

Last month, Donald Trump’s administration assured the US Supreme Court that the president’s massive tariffs were intended to address an “unusual and extraordinary threat” and were “essential to the country’s future.” This weekend, Trump announced that he was jacking up tariffs on Canadian goods by another 10 percent—because he was angry about a television ad that ran during the World Series.

Ten days ago, Ontario—Canada’s most populous province—released a TV spot featuring former President Ronald Reagan explaining at length why tariffs are generally bad. The ad edits the Gipper’s speech and omits a bit of nuance about his support for a narrower set of temporary tariffs imposed in 1987 on Japanese electronics. But overall, it provides a pretty accurate picture of the GOP icon’s free-market economic views.

MAGA world wasn’t happy. The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute insisted Thursday that the ad “misrepresents” Reagan’s words and threatened, absurdly, that the foundation was “reviewing its legal options.” Trump joined in hours later, calling the ad “fake” and an effort to “fraudulently” interfere with the ongoing legal battle over the tariffs. “Based on their egregious behavior,” the president declared on Truth Social, “ALL TRADE NEGOTIATIONS WITH CANADA ARE HEREBY TERMINATED.”

Ontario responded by agreeing to remove the ad—but not before it aired during the World Series this weekend. Enraged, Trump returned to Truth Social Saturday afternoon. “Because of their serious misrepresentation of the facts, and hostile act, I am increasing the Tariff on Canada by 10% over and above what they are paying now,” he wrote. “Thank you for your attention to this matter!”

Asked Sunday by NBC’s Kristen Welker why Trump is “setting trade policy based on a television ad he doesn’t like,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent claimed that Ontario’s actions represent “a kind of propaganda against US citizens.”

“It’s psyops,” Bessent said.

“This is interference in US sovereign matters,” he added on CBS, comparing the ad to foreign “election interference.”

Next month, the Supreme Court will hear arguments over whether the US president can unilaterally raise your taxes because he disagrees with how a province in a foreign country edited a 38-year-old radio address. While you’re waiting the hear what John Roberts thinks about that, you can watch Reagan’s complete remarks below and decide for yourself.

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Mother Jones

To Save Madagascar’s One-of-a-Kind Ecosystems, You Have to Feed the People First

This story was originally published by Vox and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

The coral reef itself was exquisite. Growing about 3 miles offshore in 50 feet of water, it was a rugged terrain of pinks, blues, and oranges, set against a backdrop of deep blue. The coral pieces, each a colony of living animals, took on a range of unusual forms, from cake platters and pencil shavings to antlers and brains.

But there was one obvious thing missing: fish. Like a city without people, the reef was mostly empty—not only of fish, but also of crabs, eels, and other typical marine life on a coral reef.

It was a sunny morning in September, and I was diving on a coral reef in southwest Madagascar, an island nation that sits east of continental Africa. And like many reefs in the region and across much of the world, it’s on the verge of collapse.

Overfishing has emptied the ocean here of fish, which over time will allow algae to take over and outcompete the corals. The increasing intensity of marine heat waves and cyclones, along with inland deforestation, also threatens the country’s reefs, which are among the most biologically diverse in the world.

Underwater coral

Corals on the barrier reef in the Bay of Ranobe. Overfishing has emptied the ocean of fish.Garth Cripps/Vox

This is a major problem for people along the coast of southwest Madagascar. Their livelihood depends on fishing—catching marine critters is an essential, and often the only, source of food and income—yet as the reef collapses, so does the fishery. The reef is where fish sleep, eat, and hide from predators, and without it, they struggle to survive. It’s a complicated situation: The health and well-being of people along the coast depends on fishing, yet too much fishing is a key reason why the reef, and the fishery it supports, is in decline.

This tension between human and wildlife survival is not unique to the coasts of southwest Madagascar. The island, home to about 33 million people, is among the poorest of poor nations, with some 80 percent of its population living on less than the equivalent of $2.15 a day. People often have no choice but to depend directly on ecosystems to meet their basic needs.

The government, meanwhile, has failed to provide even the most basic services like reliable electricity and water, let alone a pathway out of poverty and dependency on exploitation. That failure fueled weeks of youth-led protests this fall in Madagascar, where the median age is around 20. In response, Parliament impeached the president on October 14 and the military seized control of the government. What that power shift means for Madagascar, and for a generation demanding change, remains unclear.

Aerial view of a beach town.

An aerial view of Ambolimailaky.Garth Cripps/Vox

Under the sheer weight of human need, it’s no surprise, then, that many of the country’s iconic ecosystems are failing, too. Research suggests that since the turn of the century the country has lost as much as half of its live coral cover, and a similar extent of native forest. Nearly every species of lemur, a type of animal that you can only find in Madagascar, is now threatened with extinction.

The government and nonprofit groups have spent decades—and hundreds of millions of dollars in foreign aid—trying to address these challenges, often relying on traditional environmental approaches, like setting up reserves that restrict fishing. But what Madagascar shows is that conservation projects don’t usually work when they make it harder for desperately poor people to make a living. That may seem obvious, but it’s one reason why many environmental projects have failed in the world’s biodiversity hotspots, which are commonly found in poor nations.

Places like Madagascar underscore the need for a different conservation approach—one that truly centers people, and what they need to live healthy and fulfilling lives. That’s what ultimately brought me to the Bay of Ranobe, where I spent a week in September. Guided by fishers and a team of international researchers, a small organization is trying to restore the fishery and the food it provides, without actually restricting fishing. The goal of the project is to help people. Conservation is just a byproduct.

The ocean was calm and flecked with sails when I arrived one morning at the beach in Ambolimailaky, a fishing village in the Bay of Ranobe. The sails—often made of discarded rice bags stitched together—propelled fishermen to shore in wooden canoes known as pirogues.

As the fishermen neared the beach, I saw jumbles of mosquito nets in some of their boats. In Madagascar and elsewhere in Africa, it’s not uncommon for fishermen to repurpose mosquito nets—which are often donated by aid organizations to protect against malaria—to catch fish.

Fishermen on a small sailboat with a yellow sail.

Fishermen sail to shore in Ambolimailaky.

The fishermen showed me what they caught. Some of them had buckets of small anchovies that moved like liquid silver. Others had a bin filled up halfway with reef fish like triggerfish, lionfish, parrotfish, and baby barracudas. A group of young kids put a few that were still alive, including a clownfish, into a metal bowl to play with. A pair of school-age boys showed me a plastic bucket with a dozen juvenile octopuses they caught. The tentacles were tangled together and partially submerged in ink.

As someone from the US who doesn’t fish, I felt unsettled in the face of so many dead and dying creatures. I normally encounter reef fish and octopuses in aquariums, on snorkel trips, or in the marketing materials for conservation groups. But fishermen here have a different relationship with them—and for a very good reason.

In the Bay of Ranobe, fishing is the primary source of income and a vital source of nutrition in coastal villages, according to Aroniaina “Aro” Manampitahiana Falinirina, a doctoral researcher who studies fisheries at the University of Toliara’s marine research institute, IHSM. It’s how people pay for food, school supplies, and transportation. And among certain communities—namely, the Vezo, an ethnic group with deep ancestral ties to the sea—fishing has been a way of life for generations.

A Black man looks at the camera, unsmiling.

Nambokely, a farmer-turned-fisherman in Ambolimailaky, migrated to the coast roughly 20 years ago when changing weather conditions made farming untenable.Garth Cripps/Vox

Speaking through an interpreter, Nambokely, one of the fishermen I met on the beach, told me that if he doesn’t fish, he doesn’t eat. Fishermen in the Bay of Ranobe work around the clock to support their families.

One evening, just after the sun had slipped below the horizon, I boated out on the water with a few researchers who study coral reefs and fisheries. The ocean’s surface was full of bioluminescent microorganisms that lit up as the bow of our skiff cut through the waves. It was as if we were riding on fairy dust.

But the main light show was underwater. Once we were farther offshore, beams of light appeared below the waves, moving erratically in all directions—night fishermen. The fishermen spot their prey using waterproof torches, sometimes made by wrapping ordinary flashlights in a few condoms.

After surfacing with an eel on his spear, one fisherman, a Vezo man named Jean Batiste, told me he fishes at night because he can catch more compared to during the day.

A man wearing a wetsuit shines a light on a boat.

Sitting on the edge of our boat, Jean Batiste shows us the eel he just caught.

Yet as Batiste said—and as every fisher I spoke to in the Bay of Ranobe repeated—it’s becoming harder and harder to catch anything, and thus harder and harder to earn a living. “I’m worried,” Batiste told me that night on the water.

The fishery in the Bay of Ranobe, and across much of southwest Madagascar, is in decline, and perhaps even collapsing. A number of studies from the region show that fishermen are catching fewer fish, and fewer fish species, compared to three or four decades ago. Some species—including certain kinds of parrotfish, which can help limit the growth of coral-harming algae—have disappeared altogether from some areas. “It’s decreasing at a rate that has never been seen before,” said Gildas Todinanahary, a marine researcher and the director of IHSM.

The fish people are catching are also smaller, indicating that fishermen may be netting more juveniles—a clear sign of overfishing. If the adults and the juveniles are fished out, there’s nothing left to spawn the next generation.

An orange bucket with small silver fish.

A plastic bucket full of juvenile fish caught by beach seining, an indiscriminate fishing technique that involves dragging a net through the shallows.

A single fisherman was once able to earn, on a good day, around $10 or $15 in one outing, Nambokely told me. But today, groups of four or five fishermen will spend several hours on the water and might only catch enough to fill half a plastic wash basin with fish. That’s worth about $5 to $10, they told me, which they then have to split among themselves. A dozen small octopuses, meanwhile, are worth only around $2.

“People can’t get enough food in one day,” said Marcel Sebastian, an elderly fisherman I met in the village. He’s been fishing in southwest Madagascar for more than 50 years. “They used to have lunch and dinner. But now they only have dinner due to the scarcity of fish.”

The problem isn’t fishing. It’s overfishing—the forces that ramp up fishing to such an extreme that the reef and the life it supports have no time to recover. That’s what’s happening now in southwest Madagascar. There are simply too many people fishing for the same fish.

One reason for that is climate change. Rising temperatures are contributing to prolonged droughts that make it harder to grow crops in southern Madagascar. Meanwhile, widespread deforestation—which removes trees that stabilize the soil and help water seep underground—means that when it does rain, flooding can bury farmland under sediment. Faced with failing crops inland, farmers in southern Madagascar are increasingly migrating to the coasts in search of income from fishing instead. (Inland deforestation is also sending dirt into the ocean, which can smother coral reefs.)

This climate-driven migration is causing the coastal population to swell, putting pressure on the fishery. It’s hard to find reliable population estimates for the Bay of Ranobe, but a dissertation from 2019 estimated that villages here were growing at an average rate of about 4.5 percent per year, meaning the local population would roughly double in 15 years. The global average population growth rate is around 1 percent. “A lot of the time, people who are coming from inland don’t want to be here,” said Quinn Mitsuko Parker, a doctoral researcher at Stanford who studies fishing communities in the Bay of Ranobe. “They don’t want to be fishing. They’d rather be farming.”

Men pull a net out of the water.

Fishermen pull a net into their pirogue.

But people have no choice but to fish. Even though it’s no longer providing enough. Even though it’s hastening the decline of the reef and the source of income it provides.

One morning, around the new moon, I went out on the water with a few fishermen at low tide. The water got deeper at first, but as we motored farther out, it became shallow again—until it was so shallow we could walk. We were on top of the barrier reef. It was a bizarre image: Here we were, in what felt like the middle of the ocean, standing in just a few inches of water.

During especially low tides, part of the reef here is exposed, and fishers—in this case, mainly women—take advantage of these conditions. They search the reef by foot for octopuses, urchins, and other critters to eat or sell, an approach known as gleaning.

At least a dozen women were gleaning when we arrived, their eyes fixed downward as they paced around. Some of them wielded spears, to stab octopuses, or large conch-like snail shells, which they use to crack open urchins.

I approached a woman named Doseline, who wore mismatched sneakers and a wide-brimmed hat. As we talked, she poked a spear under rocks in search of octopuses, occasionally pausing to grab a snail and put it in her bag.

A woman walks along the shore

Doseline searches for octopuses on the reef in the Bay of Ranobe on September 22. Around the full and new moons, part of the reef is exposed, even though it’s a few miles offshore.

Doseline told me she’s catching half as many octopuses as she did 10 or 20 years ago. And while she knows gleaning can damage the coral—most of the exposed reef is already dead, in part because fishers sometimes crush corals under their feet or break them to grab hiding octopuses—she doesn’t have a choice, she said. Doseline is the sole provider for her son, who’s in school, she said. “My income [from fishing] is not enough,” she told me.

For more than an hour, I watched Doseline search the reef. We stepped over spiny red sea stars and a colorful slug called a nudibranch. I found discarded shells occupied by crabs that looked like creatures from another world. Doseline, who wore her hair in pigtails, didn’t have much luck. “I’m sad because I didn’t catch any octopuses, so I’ll go back home,” she told me.

Over the last three decades, Madagascar has attracted an enormous amount of attention from international environmental groups and foreign donors. The island’s wildlife is not only charismatic—lemurs! chameleons! coral reefs!—but also unique. Because Madagascar has been isolated from other land masses for millions of years, animals there have had plenty of time to evolve into new species. Today, around 90 percent of the country’s plants and animals are found nowhere else on Earth. That means if you lose them in Madagascar, you lose them everywhere.

With so much to lose, major international environmental groups ranging from Conservation International to WWF have been working for years on the island to try to curb forest loss, overfishing, and other kinds of environmental harm. And aid organizations have funneled hundreds of millions of dollars into Madagascar to help. Yet those threats are still getting worse, not better.
The main problem is poverty—the sheer demand put on the environment—which is closely linked to political unrest. But there are also serious problems with the traditional approach to conservation in Madagascar and other developing nations.

Historically, environmental groups, foreign scientists, and the government in Madagascar bet big on protected areas as a means to safeguard nature, such as parks, marine protected areas, and nature reserves. The Bay of Ranobe is, for example, technically part of an official marine protected area. But as research shows, those protection schemes have done little to stop environmental harm.

A white woman with curly brown hair.

Emma Gibbons, executive director of the Malagasy NGO Reef Doctor.

“The conservation of our biodiversity through Madagascar protected areas’ system for 30 years was a failure,” Madagascar’s former environmental minister, Baomiavotse Vahinala Raharinirina, said in 2020.

According to several environmental and development researchers I spoke to, that’s because parks often don’t address the reasons why people exploit nature in the first place. In some cases, they also disproportionately burden women fishers by restricting access to areas for gleaning, as Merrill Baker-Médard wrote in her book, Feminist Conservation: Politics and Power in Madagascar’s Marine Commons.

Another challenge is that NGOs in Madagascar, and to an extent worldwide, are often more accountable to their donors than they are to the local community, according to Emma Gibbons, who runs Reef Doctor, a small nonprofit in the Bay of Ranobe. Donors tend to fund short-term projects and they face few consequences if projects don’t actually help people or ecosystems, Gibbons said. These issues are especially pronounced in southern Madagascar, nicknamed the “cemetery of projects,” because so many of those projects—from establishing solar water pumps to beekeepinghave failed.

If there’s a chance of conservation working, it has to be owned or guided by the community, rooted in a deep understanding of the local culture, and aligned with what people want, said Gibbons, a British national who’s lived in Madagascar for two decades. Fishermen here certainly want to safeguard the fishery—it’s their livelihood, their survival—but they can’t afford to lose their fishing grounds in the process. Food security takes priority. “You can’t tell people not to eat,” Gibbons said.

It’s this perspective that’s informed the approach Gibbons is taking now. Instead of attempting to limit fishing as some traditional conservation has tried to do, she—along with members of the community and a team of local and foreign researchers—are trying to create more places to fish.

And to do that, they’re essentially building new coral reefs from scratch in the Bay of Ranobe. “Our hope is that we can increase the area that’s available to fish,” Gibbons said.

Building artificial reefs is simpler than it sounds: She and her collaborators sink massive chunks of limestone offshore, forming long underwater rows of rocks that are each about 57 meters. That’s roughly the length of a commercial airplane. They then “seed” those rocks with life using smaller constructions called autonomous reef monitoring structures (ARMS) that have spent several months accumulating corals, sponges, and other marine organisms on a natural reef. Those structures, made of stacked stone plates, are basically coral reef starter packs.

Coral growing underwater on a brick.

A young colony of branching coral growing from one of the ARMS on the artificial reef.

So far, Reef Doctor has finished building two artificial reefs that cover about half an acre. Each of them has four rows of rocks, known as spurs, seeded with ARMS.

The sea was calm and more green than blue when I arrived by boat above one of the artificial reefs, about a mile from shore, with marine biologist Mark Little. He’s studying microbes on the reef. The water was cloudy, so we could barely see the rocks below—not the most inviting conditions. But we strapped on tanks and plunged in.

As I sank down, the rows of rocks appeared dramatically through my foggy mask, as if I was descending on ruins of a lost city.

I swam up to a group of ARMS, from which fist-sized bits of coral sprouted like branches of a bonsai tree. Box fish, lionfish, and even young parrotfish—named for their bird-like beaks—crowded around them. At one point, a stingray appeared out of the murky beyond and passed right in front of me, before vanishing again. I was struck at that moment by the realization that we’ve damaged our environment so badly that we literally have to rebuild ecosystems we depend on from scratch. At least in this case, that approach seems to be working.

Pyramid shape structures under water make artificial reefs.

Layered, limestone structures called ARMS, shown here, are used to seed the artificial reefs with life from a natural reef.Garth Cripps/Vox

“It’s doing its job,” said Little, a postdoctoral researcher at Harvard University and Scripps Institute of Oceanography, when we were back in the boat. “There’s a lot of life.”

Early surveys of the artificial reef have detected hundreds of animals across tens of species, including giant clams and cone snails, according to Aaron Hartmann, an ecologist at the US-based Perry Institute for Marine Science, who’s closely involved in the project.

Over the next several years, a team of local and foreign researchers will study the impact of the artificial reefs on marine life and the fishery here—and how that, in turn, affects the physical and mental health of people in nearby villages. The study is among the largest in the world to link ecosystem health to human health, according to Chris Golden, a nutrition and global health researcher at the Harvard TH Chan School of Public Health, who’s closely involved in the project.

The purpose of this study is “to understand whether or not stewarding natural resources in this way can simultaneously benefit the ecosystem and benefit human nutrition and food security and human health,” Golden said. “We want to quantify the way that interventions like this—an environmental intervention—could be viewed as a public health intervention.”

I can’t help but feel like it’s just nowhere near enough. If the scale of fishing continues—or increases, as the coastal population swells—a few artificial reefs won’t be able to rescue the fishery. Even scientists involved in the project understand the limitations. “Within the broader situation, it’s not going to work,” said Todinanahary, who works closely with Gibbons.

Truly sustaining the reef and the fishery means providing coastal communities with other sources of income, Todinanahary told me. That means investing in education so people can learn new skills, like climate-resilient farming, and building out other non-exploitative industries. The country needs enormous, systemic change for conservation to really work. That requires good governance, and right now Madagascar hardly has a government.

A man wearing a blue shirt, standing in thigh-deep water, inspects a rope.

Gildas Todinanahary, director of the University of Toliara’s marine research institute, IHSM.

But as Todinanahary points out, NGOs and aid groups have poured millions of dollars into Madagascar for environmental projects. What if those groups had, instead, put all of that money toward education or health care? Sometimes, effective conservation doesn’t look like conservation at all.

Ultimately, what I saw in the Bay of Ranobe was more bleak than I had imagined. At times, it felt like watching an environmental and human crisis unfold in real time. Nonetheless, people like Gibbons, Todinanahary, and a growing number of smart Malagasy scientists are still determined to restore the fishery—because the stakes are just so high. When you’re actually a part of these communities, you’re accountable to them. That makes the consequences of doing nothing hard to stomach.

And it’s far from futile. The reef, and the fishery it supports, could still recover. There’s still life.

After diving on the artificial reef, Little and I boated to a natural reef nearby, called Vatosoa. Several years ago, Reef Doctor built a smaller artificial reef close to Vatosoa for people to fish on, and in exchange, local fishermen agreed to avoid this one, Gibbons told me.

Orange curly coral underwater

Vatosoa has rose-like coral colonies that form an underwater bouquet.Garth Cripps/Vox

My expectations were still low, especially after diving reefs here that had no fish. But it was spectacular. The reef was formed by a species that grows thin, curved sheets of coral in layers around each other, like petals of a rose. And there were dozens of these living structures packed in together, so it felt like we were swimming over a bouquet.

My mask kept fogging up, a deeply irritating problem that can ruin a dive. I flooded it with seawater and cleared it with bubbles a handful of times. When I could finally see clearly again, I noticed something floating in front of my face. It looked like a piece of seaweed, though it was attached to the unmistakable body of a cuttlefish, a cephalopod with eight arms and two tentacles.

Famous for its camouflage, the animal seemed to be using its arms to mimic a piece of debris. As I swam toward it, the cuttlefish reversed slowly. Moments later, perhaps after realizing it was not fooling me, it changed colors and sped off.

“The potential for recovery is still there,” Gibbons told me one evening, as we walked the beach at sunset, careful to avoid stepping on discarded spiny shells. “There’s huge biodiversity within the fishery. It’s not going to be there forever, but it’s still, at this moment, there.”

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Mother Jones

From Texas to Tennessee, Even Trump Country Is Marching Against Trump

It’s been a week since an estimated 7 million people across 50 US states and the District of Columbia—and countless others all over the world—took part in the “No Kings” protests to speak up against the Trump administration’s policies and his leadership’sslide into authoritarianism. From Washington, DC, to Oakland, California, protesters proudly waved American flags and declared their love for the country. They spanned generations, and many were dressed in various inflatable costumes—ducks, SpongeBob Squarepants, dinosaurs, and more—borrowing from Portland’s example of defying the rhetoric from Republicans and the administration that vilified anyone who demonstrated as violent, Leftist, “haters” of America.

The peaceful October 18 pro-democracy protests, which naturally drew the ire of President Donald Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson, marked one of the largest single-day demonstrations in US history. Two million more people than the previous “No Kings” gatherings from June showed up across 2,700 events in big Blue cities and, notably, in reliably Republican towns.

“Even my small, conservative hometown of Brenham, Texas, held a ‘No Kings’ Rally with at least a hundred people in attendance,” wrote the ACLU Justice Division leader Ellen Flenniken in a post about the protests, “and it was far from being the only small town to show up for our rights and for each other.” In Pella, Iowa, “a town where Trump reigns as king,” as Slate’s Lyz Lenz writes, somewhere between 150 and 200 people showed up to chant, “No kings! No crowns!”

“The current protest movement has already reached deeper into Trump country than at almost any point during the first Trump administration.”

While these may appear to be random anecdotes, in fact, they reflect a meaningful trend described in the findings of a new study from Harvard’s Kennedy School, published just before October 18. Researchers responsible for the study, titled “The Resistance Reaches into Trump Country,” concluded through data analysis that “protest events now occur across a wider range of US counties than we have observed since January 2017.”

To conduct this analysis, theresearchers matched protest participation data to county-level 2024 presidential election data and county population data from the US Census. What they found is that, although there has been a steady climb in the “cumulative number” of counties hosting an event in recent years, 2025 likely has the “most geographically widespread” protests in US history. The current surge has pushed the “cumulative share of protest-hosting counties well above 60 percent,” surpassing the summer of 2020 Black Lives Matter demonstrations, when protests were recordedin almost 40 percent of counties across the country.

The recent protests appear to be expanding to parts of the country that hadvotedfor Trump. Between April and August of this year, the researchers noted, “the median protest county in the US sent more votes to Trump in 2024 than [Kamala] Harris.” As an example, the research cites the 2,000 people who joined the June round of “No Kings” protests in Kingsport, a city with a population of about 55,000 in Tennessee’s Sullivan County, where Trump won almost 77 percent of the vote. Last Saturday, Kingsport held a protest once again. “America was founded because we didn’t want a king,” Kristina Runciman, an organizer with East Tennessee Voices, told a local station, “and we don’t want a king now.”

During the second Trump administration, researchers have found, the “share of counties hosting at least one anti-Trump protest has risen markedly…surpassing the historic spikes observed during his first term. And the current protest movement has already reached deeper into Trump country than at almost any point during the first Trump administration.”

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Mother Jones

“Gringos, Go Home”: Latin America Reacts to Trump’s Expanding Military Campaign

On Friday, the Trump administration escalated its military presence in the Caribbean and South America by announcing the deployment of an aircraft carrier group to the region. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth gave the green light to send the USS Gerald R. Ford—described by the US Navy as “the most capable, adaptable, and lethal combat platform in the world”—to “bolster US capacity to detect, monitor, and disrupt illicit actors and activities,” according to the Pentagon’s chief spokesperson.

Also on Friday, Hegseth said the United States had carried out yet another military strike on a boat in the Caribbean Sea, killing six people on board. He alleged that the vessel was operated by the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, which the Trump administration has designated a terrorist organization alongside drug cartels. It has accused Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro of controlling the criminal group and enabling the smuggling ofdrugs into the United States. Since September, the administration has conducted at least 10 attacks against alleged drug boats, including in the Pacific Ocean. As many as 43 people have been killed so far.

The expanding campaign, which legal experts have warned violates international law and amounts to extrajudicial killings, has raised alarm in Latin America, worsening tensions between the Trump administration and leaders in the region, and reviving the specter of American meddling and intervention in other countries. Reacting to news of the deployment of the world’s largest aircraft carrier, Maduro charged the administration with “fabricating a new war.”

Speaking last month at the annual meeting of the UN General Assembly in New York, Colombia’s president Gustavo Petro condemned the attacks and called for an investigation into President DonaldTrump and other US officials involved in the strikes. “Launching missiles over two people in a small boat is a war crime,” Petro told CBS News this week.

In response, Trump described Petro as a “bad guy” and a “thug.” On Friday, the war of words escalated into action, as the administration imposed sanctions on the Colombian president and his family, claiming that he had allowed drug cartels to flourish. “What the US Treasury is doing is an arbitrariness typical of an oppressive regime,” Petro fired back on social media. The country’s interior minister, who was also targeted for sanctions, had strong words for the White House. “For the US, a nonviolent statement is the same as being a drug trafficker,” Armando Benedetti wrote on X. “Gringos, go home.”

“For the US, a nonviolent statement is the same as being a drug trafficker.”

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has also opposed the Trump administration’s strikes. “Obviously, we do not agree,” she said of the military campaign during a recent press conference. “There are international laws on how to operate when dealing with the alleged illegal transport of drugs or guns on international waters, and we have expressed this to the government of the United States and publicly.”

As the Trump administration escalates the military build-up in the region to become the largest in decades—ostensibly to fight trafficking and stop the flow of drugs to the United States—government officials have, internally, clarified the goal of the campaign: to force Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro out of power. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has accused Maduro of being the leader of a narco-terrorist organization and “responsible for trafficking drugs into the United States.”

In a recent interview with the AFP, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s adviser Celso Amorim expressed concerns about what a potential direct military intervention in Venezuela to topple Maduro could mean for the rest of the region. “We cannot accept an outside intervention because it will trigger immense resentment,” he said. “It could inflame South America and lead to radicalization of politics on the whole continent.”

President Lula, who is expected to meet with Trump in Malaysia over the weekend, indicated to reporters on Friday that he could bring up the issue in conversation with his American counterpart. “If this becomes a trend,” he said, “if each one thinks they can invade another’s territory to do whatever they want, where is the respect for the sovereignty of nations?”

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Mother Jones

As Winter Knocks, and the Shutdown Drags on, Poor Families May Have to Ration Heat

This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Millions of Americans face having to ration heating this winter as the US federal government shutdown and mass layoffs by the Trump administration cause unprecedented delays in getting energy assistance aid to low-income households, a group that helps people pay energy bills has warned.

Congress approved about $4 billion for the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP), after Trump’s proposal to cancel the life-saving heating and cooling scheme in this year’s budget was ultimately unsuccessful.

But with winter fast approaching, lawmakers have failed to reach a funding deal and appropriations remain stalled, which threaten to leave the most vulnerable families without critical energy aid as electricity and gas bills surge.

“No family should be forced to choose between heat and food because of a federal funding delay,” said Mark Wolfe, executive director of the National Energy Assistance Directors Association (NEADA), which represents the state directors of LIHEAP. “If the money isn’t released soon, it will cause real harm and people will suffer.”

LIHEAP is a chronically underfunded bipartisan program that helped almost 6 million households keep on top of energy bills last year, reaching only 17 percent of those eligible for assistance even before the current chaos.

Due to the seasonal nature of the program, previous administrations have typically allowed 90 percent of the LIHEAP funds to be distributed by the end of October—even while lawmakers wrangled over the annual appropriations bill.

This is year is different thanks to Trump’s “department of government efficiency” (DOGE). Even if the continuing resolution—or short-term spending fix—were to be agreed this week, states and tribes would probably not receive the funds until early December at the earliest due to unprecedented staff shortages.

Earlier this year, the entire staff running the decades-old bipartisan program was fired—as part of the Trump administration’s so-called “efficiency” drive which was overseen by the billionaire Republican donor Elon Musk.

This left no technical staff to apply the funding formula, which determines how much each state and tribe receives, and approve states’ plans on how the money will be allocated to households. The Guardian understands that the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) led by Robert F Kennedy Jr. had been using external paid consultants and staff from other programs, some of whom were fired earlier this month.

With no indication that the government shutdown will end any time soon, the NEADA is urging utilities to immediately suspend disconnections for overdue bills—until the federal chaos is resolved and LIHEAP funds are released. “Utilities must act in the public interest and pause shutoffs until federal aid is available again,” said Wolfe.

In the first eight months of this year, New York’s monopoly energy provider alone disconnected 111,000 households. The national total is expected to hit 4 million shutoffs in 2025—up from 3 million in 2023, according to analysis of utility-reported data.

Trump declared a national energy emergency on his first day back in office, pledging to ramp up fossil-fuel production and slash regulations to bring consumer energy bills down.

In the past year, electricity bills have risen more than 15 percent in 10 states plus the District of Columbia, with the highest jumps in Illinois (28 percent), Indiana (25 percent) and JD Vance’s home state of Ohio (23 percent). The price hike is mostly down to the rising cost of fossil gas, utilities passing on the cost of investment in transmission and distribution systems to consumers, and the rapid unchecked growth of datacenters, which is increasing demand for electricity.

According to NEADA research, the cost of home-heating this winter is expected to rise by an average of 7.6 percent, increasing from $907 last winter to an estimated $976 this year.

About 21 million households—one in six—are currently behind on their energy bills. Household energy arrears rose by more than 30 percent, from $17.5 billion in December 2023 to $23 billion by June 2025.

A health department spokesperson said in a statement: “The Democrat-led shutdown is preventing states from receiving new funds under the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP). The Trump Administration is committed to reopening the government for the American people.”

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Mother Jones

A Midnight Phone Call. A Missing Movie. Decades of Questions.

Here at the Center for Investigative Reporting, we excel at finding things: government documents, contact information, the misdeeds people have tried to hide. It’s serious work that we use for serious tasks—but that gave us an idea. What would happen if we used these skills for things that are less about accountability and more about joy? If we turned our energy toward meaningful, personal questions?

That was the spark for our first-ever hour examining our favorite inconsequential investigations. We turned our tried and true journalistic strategies on our own biggest questions to see where the trail led.

This week, we take up Mother Jones video reporter Garrison Hayes’ quest to find the first short film he ever made, even though it was lost to the early 2000s internet. Yowei Shaw of the podcast Proxy brings us along as she meets her doppelganger and discovers the truth behind how people see her. And Reveal producer Ashley Cleek untangles her own biggest unsolved mystery: Did reclusive rock star Jeff Mangum really call into her college radio show, asking her for a favor?

We plan to do more “inconsequential investigations” like this. So, if you have a personal mystery that needs looking into, please email Inconsequential@revealnews.org.

Listen in the player above, and check out our guide to finding lost Google Videos.

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Mother Jones

Big Tech Helped Bankroll the East Wing Destruction

Donald Trump is finishing what the British started. Despite promises that the White House would be unaffected by the addition of a $230 million ballroom, the historic East Wing has in fact been demolished. The images of the site are so jarring that the Treasury Department has reportedly ordered its employees to stop taking photos of it.

The president’s ambitions for the ballroom are not especially hard to parse: Trump wants to build something big that is undeniably his. “For more than 150 years,” he wrote on Truth Social on Monday, “every President has dreamt about having a Ballroom at the White House to accommodate people for grand parties.”

If the destruction of the East Wing is a shock, the money that’s paying for it might be even more of a scandal. The White House, eager to assure Americans that their tax dollars have not been diverted for a vanity project, has emphasized that the ballroom is being financed by individuals and major corporations. Instead of going through a process to obtain and disburse federal funds, Trump simply asked the companies his administration is supposed to be regulating to write checks. The list of donors released by the White House includes the usual deep-pocketed Republicans, such as casino magnate Miriam Adelson and private-equity mogul Stephen Schwarzman, but also a host of companies whose leaders have huge incentives to maintain good relations with an often vindictive head of state. They include telecom giants and the railroad giant Union-Pacific—which needs the Trump administration’s sign-off on a proposed $85 billion merger with Norfolk Southern. (Union-Pacific did not respond to a request for comment.) And then there’s the tech companies—Google, Apple, Microsoft, Amazon, and Meta.

If the destruction of the East Wing is a shock, the money that’s paying for it might be even more of a scandal.

The tech companies themselves have been awfully quiet about the project they’re helping to underwrite. Just to make sure they hadn’t missed it, I sent a photo of the demolished East Wing—and requests for comment—to representatives of all of these companies. A Microsoft spokesperson confirmed the company had made a contribution but offered no further comment. None of the others responded.

But Big Tech’s donations for Trump’s pet cause come at a time when the industry’s giants have a lot riding on their relationships with the White House. In a marked shift from Trump’s first term, tech leaders have spent most of the last 12 months singing the president’s praises as they navigate anti-trust cases, tariffs, and regulatory hurdles; fight for contracts; and push for policies that benefit their bottom lines. And one particular policy is rising above the others right now: All of these companies have staked their future to varying degrees on artificial intelligence. To accomplish what they want, they need to shore up supply chains, avoid new government restrictions, build a ton of stuff—power plants, transmission lines, data centers—and free up access to water and land. The Trump administration has made a big show of promising to help.

At a White House dinner earlier this year, a succession of tech company leaders took turns thanking Trump for his administration’s vow to cut “bureaucratic red tape” to “build, baby, build.” “Thank you so much for bringing us all together, and the policies that you have put in place for the United States to lead,” Microsoft’s Satya Nadella told Trump. “Thank you for setting the tone,” said Tim Cook, the CEO of Apple, another corporate ballroom contributor. (Apple’s build-out is by far the least capital-intensive of the bunch, but it is still both heavily invested in AI and very much not looking to pick a fight with the president, as evidenced by Cook’s recent gift to the president of a 24-karat gold plaque.) “Thanks for your leadership,” said Google CEO Sundar Pichai. Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg, who was also in attendance, gushed earlier this year that, “We now have a US administration that is proud of our leading companies, prioritizes American technology winning, and that will defend our values and interests abroad.”

Right now they’re on Trump’s good side—Trump has even extended his highest honor, praising the tech moguls for their own construction projects. But tech leaders don’t need a reminder of what happens to people on his bad side—they can just go back to the recent past, when he took several of them to court, and threatened to send Zuckerberg to prison. Meta already paid Trump $22 million, in the form of a donation to his presidential library, to settle a lawsuit earlier this year. In that context, is it so surprising that when the president asked them to cut checks for his pet project, they said yes?

These tech companies haven’t offered an explanation for their donations to the Trust for the National Mall, the non-profit serving as the conduit for ballroom donations, nor have they or the White House disclosed how much they chipped in. (With a notable exception: We do know that YouTube, a Google subsidiary, contributed $22 million as part of its settlement of a lawsuit Trump filed against the company in 2021.) Perhaps they share the president’s passion for large event spaces. Perhaps they simply disliked the symmetry of the old building.

But taste and decorum aren’t the only reasons why none of the other previous inhabitants of the White House have personally asked the companies they regulate to finance a home renovation. There’s no way to avoid the appearance of massive conflicts when the president of the United States asks the trillion-dollar corporations he’s threatened and cajoled for a favor.

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Mother Jones

Meet the New Pentagon Press Corps

Last week, dozens of reporters covering the Pentagon staged a historic walkout, handing in their press badges rather than submit to restrictive new media policies promulgated by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. This week, there are still news outlets—in a manner of speaking—covering the Pentagon precisely the way Hegseth and his underlings would like to be covered. The results, fawning, uninformative, and insipid though they may be, offer a valuable look at what the Trump administration has in mind when it comes to news coverage.

Right-wing media figures “jumped at the chance” to sign a coverage pledge.

The Pentagon’s new rules for the press—a 21-page list including an absurd stipulation that journalists sign a pledge they won’t publish material not authorized for public release—made reporters who had long worked in the building worry they could be prosecuted for doing their jobs. But at least eighteen right-wing outlets, according to the Washington Post, signed on, ranging from obscure Substacks to longtime conspiracy pusher Gateway Pundit, through to MyPillow tycoon Mike Lindell’s LindellTV and Frontlines, the media arm of Turning Point USA, co-founded by recently assassinated activist Charlie Kirk. Together, they essentially function as megaphones for the Trump administration, part of the new state media that’s come to define the president’s second term.

As proof, just consider how they covered news of the Pentagon press corps overhaul. As the Economist’s Shashank Joshi pointed out on X, one of the newly credentialed outlets, a Substack blog called the Washington Reporter, wasted no time in praising Hegseth‘s changes. In an editorial, it dismissed the “media freakout” over the policies as “another example of Trump Derangement Syndrome. Our only concern is that the Department of War has waited until October to implement these new changes.”

The blog, which describes itself as providing “right-of-center news and commentary to a D.C. audience,” added, “We support these guidelines as sound policy. We have signed them. And we are grateful for Secretary Pete Hegseth’s leadership and his remarkable track record of success.”

In its coverage of the rules, the Post Millennial, a Canadian outlet best known for publishing right-wing provocateur Andy Ngo, praised Hegseth for “his approach for high standards, military readiness, and a ‘warrior ethos.'”

The Daily Signal, which was founded as a project of the Heritage Foundation before becoming independent in 2024, wrote that it had decided to obtain Pentagon press credentials “after consulting legal advisers, trusted industry colleagues, and national security experts, plus Department of War staff who crafted the policy and explained how it would impact our work.” The outlet accused some journalists who objected to the policy of “deliberately misrepresenting” it, and promised, “Nothing in the Pentagon’s updated guidelines can or will alter our methods and reporting, both of which are of paramount importance for our news organization.”

What the outlet considers “reporting,” though, is telling: Their “news” coverage on Thursday consisted of one story quoting White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt dismissing concerns about Trump’s plan to import Argentine beef, and a so-called “exclusive” parrotting State Department talking points defending plans to accept white South Africans as refugees.

The ways some of the remaining outlets approached one of the biggest storiesof Hegseth’s tenure makes clear that there’s little journalistic integrity left in the Pentagon press corps. When the secretary accidentally shared classified battle plans with a journalist in group chat, the National Pulse claimed the security breach only “exposed” Hegseth and other administration officials as “professional and focused.” Gateway Pundit blasted the news as a “Deep State leak.” When it was rumored Hegseth might be forced out after the scandal, the Federalist, which also reportedly signed the new Pentagon rules, backed him, declaring that “If Hegseth’s tenure as defense secretary thus far is what ‘total chaos’ is supposed to look like, then by all means keep it coming.”

Other outlets that now help make up the official Pentagon press corps have been more honest in essentially admitting the Pentagon’s requirements are little barrier, since they don’t really cover news. “Should a major story unexpectedly come our way that conflicts with press policies, we will prioritize the public’s right to know and transparency,” Far-right podcaster Tim Pool wrote on Twitter, making a pledge to the tens of people who get their news from his Timcast platform. “However, as we are not investigative reporters, we do not anticipate frequently encountering such situations.”

In a discussion on the far-right streaming channel Real America’s Voice, Jack Posobiec, a Pizzagate promoter turned self-styled journalist and a senior editor at Human Events, said that he had “jumped at the chance” to get press credentials and praised the Pentagon for curbing an “inappropriate” level of access and working to avoid further “very bad political leaks.”

He added, not quite convincingly, that Human Events would exercise its First Amendment rights and continue covering the news: “No one ever tells us what to write.” It would seem that they don’t really have to.

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